WEBVTT - Supreme Court Clears Trump Immigrant Wealth Test

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump has long complained about judges who issue injunctions

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<v Speaker 1>that apply across the country. This includes activist judges who

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<v Speaker 1>have issued nationwide injunctions prohibiting US from enforcing the immigration

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<v Speaker 1>laws enacted even by Congress. Now, the Supreme Court has

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<v Speaker 1>backed him up, lifting a nationwide injunction and letting the

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<v Speaker 1>administration start enforcing its new immigrant wealth test that's designed

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<v Speaker 1>to screen out Green card applicants seen as being at

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<v Speaker 1>risk of becoming dependent on government benefits. Joining me is

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<v Speaker 1>Leon Fresco, a partnered Hollandon Knight and formerly head of

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<v Speaker 1>the Office of Immigration Litigation at the Department of Justice.

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<v Speaker 1>Describe what Trump's new immigrant wealth test is and how

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<v Speaker 1>it differs from the old tests. Sure, the test is

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<v Speaker 1>called the public charge test, and since the teen hundreds,

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<v Speaker 1>Congress actually has had a statute called the Public Charge Statute.

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<v Speaker 1>And what that statute has said is is that if

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<v Speaker 1>a person is coming to the United States from abroad,

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<v Speaker 1>they can be denied entry into the United States if

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<v Speaker 1>the person who's adjudicating their entry determines that they're likely

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<v Speaker 1>to be a public charge, And what public charge has

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<v Speaker 1>historically meant is that they will be reliant on the

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<v Speaker 1>government dole or fisk in order to survive in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, taxpayers will have to ensure that these individuals

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<v Speaker 1>eat and get support and housing, etcetera. Now, what the

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<v Speaker 1>Trump administration has done is it has in two thousand

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen decided to change the implementing regulations in order

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<v Speaker 1>to define much more broadly the types of people who

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<v Speaker 1>can be called public charges and thus to be able

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<v Speaker 1>to exclude more foreigners from entering the United States. So

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<v Speaker 1>are they determining in advance who might be a public charge?

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<v Speaker 1>How would they do that? So there's three ways in

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<v Speaker 1>which this gets implemented. The first way it gets implemented

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<v Speaker 1>is for individuals who are abroad who are applying for

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<v Speaker 1>visas to come into the United States. So, when someone

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<v Speaker 1>is abroad and they either want to come because they're

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<v Speaker 1>marrying a US citizen or they have a job, that's

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<v Speaker 1>petition for them to come on an employment based green card.

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<v Speaker 1>The counselor adjudicator when you go to pick up your

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<v Speaker 1>visa at a U. S consulate can make a determination

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<v Speaker 1>as to who is a public charge and if they

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<v Speaker 1>think that person is likely to become a public chart,

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<v Speaker 1>they can deny them the visa right there. The second

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<v Speaker 1>way is that someone is already here, but they're here

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<v Speaker 1>on what's called a non immigrant visa, meaning they came

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<v Speaker 1>as a visitor, or as a student, or as a

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<v Speaker 1>temporary worker, and now they want to apply for a

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<v Speaker 1>green card. Maybe they married a US citizen, or maybe

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<v Speaker 1>a company has asked for them to stay permanently. In

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<v Speaker 1>that situation, that determination can also be rejected if an

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<v Speaker 1>adjudicator here in the United States determined that that person

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<v Speaker 1>is going to become a public charge. And then the

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<v Speaker 1>third way is for individuals who are here on one

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<v Speaker 1>type of visa who wants to change to a second

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<v Speaker 1>type of visa, that application may be denied now if

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<v Speaker 1>the person is determined to be a public charge in

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<v Speaker 1>the future. Now, a New York federal judge blocked the

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<v Speaker 1>policy from going into effect just while the legal fight

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<v Speaker 1>goes forward. So how big a win is this for

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration for the Supreme Court to lift that

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<v Speaker 1>injunction and let the policy go forward. Well, by the

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<v Speaker 1>very terms of the arguments that Trump administration was making

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<v Speaker 1>to the New York Court of Appeals to the Second

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<v Speaker 1>Circuit Court of Appeals. They were saying that the harm

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<v Speaker 1>that they would suffer if this rule had been enjoined,

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<v Speaker 1>even for a few more months, was that they would

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<v Speaker 1>not be able to reach people from coming to the

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<v Speaker 1>United States that they would otherwise have wanted to reject.

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<v Speaker 1>And so this is a big win for them from

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<v Speaker 1>that perspective that they will now be able in these

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<v Speaker 1>interim months where the litigation is pending, to reject people

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<v Speaker 1>from the United States that would if otherwise, had to

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<v Speaker 1>have been accepted had this rule not been implemented. So

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<v Speaker 1>the Court as a whole gave no explanation for its order,

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<v Speaker 1>but Justice Neil Gorst, writing for himself, and Justice Clarence Thomas,

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<v Speaker 1>said the Court needs to curb the power of federal

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<v Speaker 1>trial judges to issue these nationwide orders that block a

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<v Speaker 1>government initiative. So is this decision by the Court more

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<v Speaker 1>about the wealth test itself or stopping these nationwide injunctions.

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<v Speaker 1>I think there's quite a mix of both there. And

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<v Speaker 1>I think what may have frustrated the five justices is

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<v Speaker 1>it be one thing if there was litigation about, for instance,

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<v Speaker 1>the applicability of the public charge doctrine two people who

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<v Speaker 1>didn't speak English, or the people with disabilities or the

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<v Speaker 1>people with low credit scores or something like that a

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<v Speaker 1>specific test. But what they express frustration about, at least

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<v Speaker 1>in the concurring opinion, is that the rule was enjoined

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<v Speaker 1>in its entirety as to every single individual, and they're

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<v Speaker 1>saying it cannot be the case that every single aspect

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<v Speaker 1>of this rule is in violation of the statute, and

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<v Speaker 1>because of that, that challenge that tries to make it

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<v Speaker 1>completely invalid should be stayed. This was a split decision

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<v Speaker 1>along ideological lines. Why along ideological lines in a case

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<v Speaker 1>like this are we expecting to see ideological splits in

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<v Speaker 1>the immigration cases going forward? Sure, I think that the

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<v Speaker 1>problem here and it just all comes down to sort

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<v Speaker 1>of what you think is good faith or not good faith.

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<v Speaker 1>If you think that this regulation was done in good faith,

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<v Speaker 1>then there would be no reason to enjoin it in

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<v Speaker 1>its entirety because you think, okay, well, this regulation is

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<v Speaker 1>only going to be applied in very narrow circumstances, and

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<v Speaker 1>even those narrow circumstances, it's applied incorrectly. People can go

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<v Speaker 1>to court and challenge it and that will be fine.

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<v Speaker 1>But the poor dissenters. I think that this was not

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<v Speaker 1>done in good faith, that this is not going to

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<v Speaker 1>be applied narrowly, and that this is going to mean

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<v Speaker 1>tens of thousands of people being excluded who would never

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<v Speaker 1>have been excluded in the past, and that when the

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<v Speaker 1>dust settled on this regulation, you're going to see a

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<v Speaker 1>great amount of human catastrophes in terms of people not

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<v Speaker 1>being able to come into the United States that usually

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<v Speaker 1>were able to come. The new policy is designed to

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<v Speaker 1>screen out Green card applicants seen as being at risk

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<v Speaker 1>of becoming dependent on government benefits. It expands the definition

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<v Speaker 1>of public charge and gives officials broad power to determine

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<v Speaker 1>that someone is at risk of falling into that category.

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<v Speaker 1>To make that determination, Department of Homeland Security officials can

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<v Speaker 1>consider a list of factors including age, health, education, English

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<v Speaker 1>language proficiency, family size, wealth, and credit scores. In a

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<v Speaker 1>five to four vote along ideological lines, the court blocked

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<v Speaker 1>to New York federal judges ruling that was keeping the

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<v Speaker 1>policy from taking effect. What a legal fight goes forward,

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<v Speaker 1>so Leon explained the argument of those states and immigrant

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<v Speaker 1>groups who are challenging the new Wealth test well, the

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<v Speaker 1>argument of the people challenging the immigration tests that they

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<v Speaker 1>say that many of the factors that were added were

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<v Speaker 1>not factors that Congress actually wanted added when it most

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<v Speaker 1>recently popying them as issue a public charge in nine

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<v Speaker 1>and so they're what they say is, look, a Congress

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<v Speaker 1>didn't want immigrants using certain benefits, they simply would have

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<v Speaker 1>excluded immigrants from using those benefits. You can't come in

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<v Speaker 1>after the fact in a regulation and play a gotcha

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<v Speaker 1>game where somebody used a benefit that the Congress allowed

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<v Speaker 1>them to use, that this would make them a public charge.

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<v Speaker 1>The idea being that the entire point of the public

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<v Speaker 1>charge is to be using things that the Congress didn't

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<v Speaker 1>want immigrants to use, but that if the Congress did

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<v Speaker 1>want immigrants to use these benefits, the whole point of

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<v Speaker 1>it being that they didn't consider that a bad thing.

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<v Speaker 1>And so from that perspective, that main argument, plus the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that they broughten the test out to include factors

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<v Speaker 1>like disability, English language knowledge, and credit scores, all things

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<v Speaker 1>that really uh disadvantage knew immigrants of the United States

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<v Speaker 1>who may not know English, but they have a skills

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<v Speaker 1>that certainly makes it very likely that they'll earn money

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<v Speaker 1>or credit score. Nobody comes in with a good credit score.

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<v Speaker 1>People come in with a zero credit score and they

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<v Speaker 1>have to earn it. Those kinds of things become quite

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<v Speaker 1>onerous if they're going to be applied literally and people

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<v Speaker 1>are going to get rejected for these things. So what

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<v Speaker 1>happens next in the litigation? So now the litigation works

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<v Speaker 1>its way through. The second circuit is kind of the

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<v Speaker 1>one that's most developed here, and they will make a

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<v Speaker 1>merits determination and assuming they maintain their merits determination that

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<v Speaker 1>the rule is invalid, then the stay still remains in

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<v Speaker 1>place unless the Supreme Court denied SIRT on the public

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<v Speaker 1>charge case, which is very unlikely, or until the final

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<v Speaker 1>decision of the Supreme Court, So most likely for about

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<v Speaker 1>a year a year and a half, the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>is allowing this public charge rule to take place, to

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<v Speaker 1>take into effect. Which will be interesting because at least

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<v Speaker 1>during this time period, we will have much more anecdotal

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<v Speaker 1>evidence that can be provided to the the Supreme Court on

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<v Speaker 1>the types of people that are being denied visas under

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<v Speaker 1>this that weren't being denied visas before. In within the injunction,

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<v Speaker 1>part of the test is whether they're likely to succeed

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<v Speaker 1>on the merits. So does this mean that those five

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<v Speaker 1>justices are most likely going to allow the Trump administration

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<v Speaker 1>to go forward with this inner wealth test when it

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<v Speaker 1>does come back to the court. I think that's a

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<v Speaker 1>very fair assumption to make here. I don't think they

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<v Speaker 1>would have stayed the rule if they thought there was

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<v Speaker 1>something wrong with the rule. But I think the complication

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<v Speaker 1>with this public charge case is that it is so

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<v Speaker 1>broad that I think the rule is so broad and

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<v Speaker 1>the application is so broad that I think what the

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<v Speaker 1>court really wants to do in a rule like this

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<v Speaker 1>is to say sub parts of this seemed perfectly reasonable.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, if somebody has been living in public housing

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<v Speaker 1>for the last thirty six months, why aren't they a

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<v Speaker 1>public charge when they apply for a green card? That

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<v Speaker 1>might be a very reasonable thing to ask, as opposed

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<v Speaker 1>to if somebody doesn't speak English, why does that make

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<v Speaker 1>them a public charge? And so what they're trying to

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<v Speaker 1>gear the litigants toward is make those kinds of claims,

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<v Speaker 1>the narrower kinds about specific classes of people being denied,

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<v Speaker 1>rather than the entirety of the rules. So I think

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<v Speaker 1>they will uphold the entirety of the rule. But that

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't speak to the sub classes that are likely to

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<v Speaker 1>form of of people being denied under this rule. So

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<v Speaker 1>we've discussed before Leon how the Supreme Court is also

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<v Speaker 1>allowing President Trump to build his wall with funds that

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<v Speaker 1>were diverted from the military until that case goes through

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<v Speaker 1>the courts. Now we have this, So does it seem

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<v Speaker 1>to you as if the Court is just willing to

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<v Speaker 1>let the Trump administration take these huge leaps in immigration?

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, I think it's become evident when you look

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<v Speaker 1>at the travel band case, the asylum case, the border

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<v Speaker 1>wall case, and now this public charge case that the

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<v Speaker 1>institutional litigation that is designed to stop the president from

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<v Speaker 1>at least implementing wholeheartedly reforms on immigration is not going

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<v Speaker 1>to be welcomed by the Supreme Court. The question is,

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<v Speaker 1>does the Supreme Court have the band with to cover

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<v Speaker 1>all of the alsos that are happening on all of

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<v Speaker 1>the different immigration thanks, because otherwise it's gonna end up

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<v Speaker 1>becoming the Supreme Court of Immigration. But when the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court is taking cases, it is saying we want the

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<v Speaker 1>Trump administration's immigration priorities to continue. And that is quite

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<v Speaker 1>a I think a set of events that perhaps was

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<v Speaker 1>not anticipated by the litigants making these cases, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>going to require at some point, especially if the president

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<v Speaker 1>is re elected, a sort of redetermination as to whether

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<v Speaker 1>litigation is the right thing to do in these broader cases,

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<v Speaker 1>because maybe you'll be creating bad president that will last

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<v Speaker 1>a lifetime that you'd rather not create in the situation.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, now that there are more conservative judges on

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<v Speaker 1>the circuit courts, a lot of the circuit court opinions

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<v Speaker 1>may now go against immigrants. Yeah, that's absolutely correct, and

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<v Speaker 1>that's why personally, when I've done these types of cases,

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<v Speaker 1>I've always tried to stick to the application of the

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<v Speaker 1>law to a certain specific individual, because it's much easier

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<v Speaker 1>to make those cases, and the court looks at those,

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<v Speaker 1>and even conservative judges will say, how could you possibly

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<v Speaker 1>have done that? It's much easier when you're going to

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<v Speaker 1>the court in those instances. When you're doing these broader

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<v Speaker 1>policy challenges. A lot of times both sides go into

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<v Speaker 1>their camps and the decision is just, you know, we

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<v Speaker 1>we decide the decision first and then we come up

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<v Speaker 1>with the law to figure that out later. And you're

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<v Speaker 1>starting to see some of that on both sides of

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<v Speaker 1>the equation here, because I wonder when you have a

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court that seems so willing to expand the power

0:13:44.440 --> 0:13:49.400
<v Speaker 1>of the executive over the judiciary, what is left as

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<v Speaker 1>a check on the executive. You know, if if Congress

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<v Speaker 1>can't do it with withholding funds, and if the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court won't do it, then there's no is there. Correct.

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<v Speaker 1>It becomes very complicated because there are these two views

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<v Speaker 1>of the world, and it's been an unresolved issue in

0:14:07.679 --> 0:14:11.400
<v Speaker 1>immigration for about fifty years. Is there are some people

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<v Speaker 1>and this I'm talking now uniquely immigration, not to other

0:14:14.280 --> 0:14:17.480
<v Speaker 1>issues where the president claims broad powers. I'm talking just

0:14:17.559 --> 0:14:20.840
<v Speaker 1>about immigration. There have been people on both sides of

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<v Speaker 1>the island. President Obama made these arguments when it was

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<v Speaker 1>time for Dhaka and Dappa that say, when the president

0:14:26.840 --> 0:14:30.360
<v Speaker 1>does something on immigration, it's broad power that cannot be

0:14:30.440 --> 0:14:34.240
<v Speaker 1>reviewed by the courts. And then there are others who say, no, no, no, no.

0:14:34.360 --> 0:14:38.560
<v Speaker 1>The courts have as much say, scrutinizing these immigration policies

0:14:38.840 --> 0:14:42.240
<v Speaker 1>as they do anything else. And if the president gets

0:14:42.280 --> 0:14:45.560
<v Speaker 1>made here that the president does have these broad power

0:14:45.600 --> 0:14:49.000
<v Speaker 1>as well, that's potentially fine for this president. But of

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<v Speaker 1>course then the court would say that that would happen

0:14:51.040 --> 0:14:55.360
<v Speaker 1>for a subsequent president they may not like. But then similarly,

0:14:55.960 --> 0:14:58.480
<v Speaker 1>you know, a president who puts in policies that will

0:14:58.560 --> 0:15:02.040
<v Speaker 1>exclude many, many, many people will while that person is

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<v Speaker 1>president be creating all kinds of upheaval and difficult times

0:15:07.600 --> 0:15:10.800
<v Speaker 1>for those individuals that immigration lawyers might not have wanted

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<v Speaker 1>and should shouldn't have brought those lawsuits if they knew

0:15:13.720 --> 0:15:15.960
<v Speaker 1>this was going to be the outcome. And so these

0:15:16.000 --> 0:15:19.240
<v Speaker 1>are the difficult balances. But yes, right now it seems

0:15:19.240 --> 0:15:22.320
<v Speaker 1>like the Supreme Court is leaning towards sayings that on immigration,

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<v Speaker 1>the president has extremely broad power that the Court is

0:15:26.280 --> 0:15:31.800
<v Speaker 1>not going to question unless there's some really adverse outcome

0:15:31.880 --> 0:15:35.720
<v Speaker 1>here that that's not being presented in the litigation. So

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<v Speaker 1>that seems to bode ill for the doctor decision that

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<v Speaker 1>we're expecting this term, right. I mean, the way I've

0:15:43.520 --> 0:15:46.120
<v Speaker 1>always thought this doctor decision will come down and we'll

0:15:46.120 --> 0:15:49.040
<v Speaker 1>will wait and see, is that the court will say, look,

0:15:49.160 --> 0:15:53.080
<v Speaker 1>President Obama had the power to make DOCTA and President

0:15:53.120 --> 0:15:56.800
<v Speaker 1>Trump thus has the power to extinguish DOCTA, and neither

0:15:56.960 --> 0:15:59.760
<v Speaker 1>is questioned by the courts. I think that's sort of

0:15:59.800 --> 0:16:02.280
<v Speaker 1>a a split decision in the sense that a new

0:16:02.280 --> 0:16:05.680
<v Speaker 1>president could reinstall data. What would be sort of the

0:16:05.800 --> 0:16:09.680
<v Speaker 1>overreach would be if the court said and President Obama

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<v Speaker 1>didn't have the authority to make data. I don't know

0:16:11.920 --> 0:16:14.160
<v Speaker 1>if they have to go all the way there, but

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<v Speaker 1>if they just leave it at the president has broad

0:16:17.360 --> 0:16:21.040
<v Speaker 1>power either way, then that that gets rid of data,

0:16:21.440 --> 0:16:25.000
<v Speaker 1>and then it provides the sort of large prerogative for

0:16:25.160 --> 0:16:30.120
<v Speaker 1>either president to have expensive immigration powers. Thanks for being

0:16:30.160 --> 0:16:33.600
<v Speaker 1>on Zoomberg long Leon, that's Leon Fresco, a partner's hand

0:16:33.640 --> 0:16:33.960
<v Speaker 1>and Knight