WEBVTT - The Strange Dissent of Samuel Alito

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>The legal fight over the abortion pill goes on. We

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<v Speaker 2>believe that we were prevailing the courts. We believe that

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<v Speaker 2>the law is on our side, and we're going to

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<v Speaker 2>continue to fight for millions of women across the country.

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<v Speaker 2>That's White House Press Secretary Kareem Jean Pierre.

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<v Speaker 3>As.

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<v Speaker 2>The controversial case over mifipristone returned to the Fifth Circuit

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<v Speaker 2>Court of Appeals after the Supreme Court last Friday blocked

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<v Speaker 2>to Texas judges restrictions from taking effect, keeping the drug

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<v Speaker 2>fully available while the legal fight moves forward. My guest

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<v Speaker 2>is constitutional law expert Stephen Vladik, a professor at the

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<v Speaker 2>University of Texas School of Law. Does the Supreme Court's

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<v Speaker 2>decision vindicate the Court's majority opinion in Dobbs, saying that

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<v Speaker 2>questions about abortion would be left to the political process. Although,

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<v Speaker 2>when we'll get to this in a moment, the justice

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<v Speaker 2>who wrote that opinion, Samuel Alito, dissented here. Strangely enough, I.

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<v Speaker 4>Don't really think that's a great framing. Is only because

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<v Speaker 4>I think it reads a lot more into this unsigned,

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<v Speaker 4>unexplained order than is reasonable under the circumstances. I think

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<v Speaker 4>it'll be easier to say that if the Court ultimately

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<v Speaker 4>ends up taking this case on the merits and ends

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<v Speaker 4>up reversing Judge Kasmerican siding with the federal government. All

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<v Speaker 4>that I m Friday's order really underscores is that there

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<v Speaker 4>was a majority of justices who bought sort of the

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<v Speaker 4>irreparable harm argument. Who bought that. You know, it really

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<v Speaker 4>would cause chaos and disruption if Judge Chasmerics order were

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<v Speaker 4>allowed to go into effect while the case works as

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<v Speaker 4>way through the court. In that respect, student actually strikes

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<v Speaker 4>me as something of an old school emergency intervention from

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<v Speaker 4>the justices, where it really is sort of purely about

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<v Speaker 4>the equities and not necessarily reflective of you on the merits.

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<v Speaker 2>So let's talk about that dissent by Alito. In your newsletter,

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<v Speaker 2>you discussed three claims Elito made in his descent. First,

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<v Speaker 2>his bitter rant about the shadow docket, where he cachede

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<v Speaker 2>on Justices Elena Kaig and Sonya Soto Mayor and Amy

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<v Speaker 2>Cony Barrett.

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<v Speaker 4>Justice Alito has been very sensitive to criticisms of the

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<v Speaker 4>shadow docket. This is not the first time he gave

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<v Speaker 4>a whole speech at Notre Dame Law School in September

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<v Speaker 4>of twenty twenty one, right in the middle of the

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<v Speaker 4>first big public backlash after the Court's ruling in the

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<v Speaker 4>Texas six week abortion ban case. You know, I think

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<v Speaker 4>he has this sense that those who criticize the Court's

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<v Speaker 4>increased use of emergency orders of unsigned, unexplained rulings in

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<v Speaker 4>recent years to change the status quo are really objected

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<v Speaker 4>to intervention as such, as opposed to a more nuanced

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<v Speaker 4>story about when the Court's intervening and why, and so

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<v Speaker 4>from his perspective, you know, when justices who have been

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<v Speaker 4>critical of prior intervention are nevertheless voting to intervene, as

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<v Speaker 4>the majority did on Friday night, you know, to him,

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<v Speaker 4>that's hypocrisy. I think that's ironic, and at least two respects. First,

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<v Speaker 4>he uses that hypocrisy to justify hypocrisy of his own.

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<v Speaker 4>I mean, he expressly says, you know, I didn't agree

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<v Speaker 4>with them then, but if they're going to do it,

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<v Speaker 4>then I'm going to do what they did. But the

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<v Speaker 4>second is I think that just really really sort of

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<v Speaker 4>marginalizes what the criticisms of the Shato docket have been,

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<v Speaker 4>which is not that the court is ever intervening, right.

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<v Speaker 4>I mean, any appellate court is going to have circumstances

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<v Speaker 4>where it has to intervene early in the case to

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<v Speaker 4>preserve the status quo pending appeal. That's not new, that's

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<v Speaker 4>not exceptional. Rather, the criticisms, at least from people like me,

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<v Speaker 4>have been that the way the Court has been using

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<v Speaker 4>this power in the last five or six years has

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<v Speaker 4>been in defiance of historical norms for when the court

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<v Speaker 4>should intervene, have been in defiance of the procedural and

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<v Speaker 4>jurisdictional rules governing when the court can should intervene, and

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<v Speaker 4>worst of all, have been inconsistent in when the Court

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<v Speaker 4>has intervened in ways that really don't map on to

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<v Speaker 4>any coherent, neutral legal principle so much as it maps

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<v Speaker 4>on to the partisan valance of the dispute. That's the criticism. Now,

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<v Speaker 4>folks may not agree with that criticism.

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<v Speaker 1>That's fine.

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<v Speaker 4>But I think what's frustrating about Alito's dissent is that

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<v Speaker 4>he's basically knocking down a straw man when he says,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, you guys have been opposed to intervention, and

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<v Speaker 4>yet you're doing it here like that's not what the

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<v Speaker 4>conversation has been.

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<v Speaker 2>He also says that the Biden administration has unclean hands,

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<v Speaker 2>which is a legal term.

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<v Speaker 4>Explain that sort of reinforcing I think the view of

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<v Speaker 4>Friday's intervention that this was really about the equities. When

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<v Speaker 4>a court is asked to intervene at an early stage

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<v Speaker 4>to either grant a stay or list to stay, what

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<v Speaker 4>is really supposed to do is balance the equities, which is,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, who would be harmed more by the two

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<v Speaker 4>competing rules we could hand down and by the two

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<v Speaker 4>competing sort of universes we could create while this case

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<v Speaker 4>makes its way through the courts, and as an exercise

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<v Speaker 4>of equitable power, it is by the idea that like

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<v Speaker 4>parties that are acting badly should not be entitled to release.

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<v Speaker 4>So one of his arguments for why the FDA should

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<v Speaker 4>not have been entitled to his day is because he

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<v Speaker 4>believes he maintains that the irreparable harm that the government

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<v Speaker 4>said was going to result from allowing Chasmerics ruling to

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<v Speaker 4>go into effects was at least to some degree created

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<v Speaker 4>by the government through its litigation behavior. In the other

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<v Speaker 4>myth Ofpristone case, the one that's pending in the Eastern

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<v Speaker 4>District of Washington and Spokane. And you know what's remarkable

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<v Speaker 4>about that claim, June is, First, I think there are

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<v Speaker 4>any number of ways in which Judge Chasmerics ruling would

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<v Speaker 4>have creative chaos all on his own, And he doesn't

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<v Speaker 4>dispute that. He just suggests that the government's argument was

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<v Speaker 4>about chaos as between the conflict between Chasmartics ruling and

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<v Speaker 4>the Spokane ruling. But second, the things he accuses the

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<v Speaker 4>government of doing are factually incorrect. He says the government

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<v Speaker 4>did not appeal the Spokane ruling. Well, that time hasn't

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<v Speaker 4>run yet. The government still has lots of time to appeal,

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<v Speaker 4>and I suspective will. He said the government opposed intervention

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<v Speaker 4>by seven read states in that case, implying that like

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<v Speaker 4>the government tries to prevent them from appealing that decision.

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<v Speaker 4>He doesn't tell the reader that actually the intervention request

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<v Speaker 4>had nothing to do with an appeal and actually came

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<v Speaker 4>even before the injunction was issued in that case. So

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<v Speaker 4>it's a remarkable series of claims, Dune, because it's not

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<v Speaker 4>just that they are in some respects hypocritical and inconsistent

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<v Speaker 4>with his own prior behavior, but he is based in

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<v Speaker 4>his arguments on students that are just not true, and

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<v Speaker 4>indeed on points that have plenty of receipts that can

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<v Speaker 4>be deployed to push back against them.

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<v Speaker 2>So what hit me the most when I read this,

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<v Speaker 2>What I found astonishing is this sentence. The government has

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<v Speaker 2>not dispelled legitimate doubts that it would even obey an

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<v Speaker 2>unfavorable order in these cases, much less that it would

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<v Speaker 2>choose to take enforcement actions to which it has strong objection.

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<v Speaker 2>I don't know where he got that idea that the

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<v Speaker 2>Biden administration was not going to obey a court order.

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<v Speaker 4>Well, I mean, I fear that he got that from

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<v Speaker 4>right wing media. But let's back up the second right.

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<v Speaker 4>I mean, so the unclean hands argument is why he

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<v Speaker 4>said the FBA was not enteled to emergency release. But

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<v Speaker 4>there was another party in this case, Danko Laboratories, one

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<v Speaker 4>of the two US sponsors or distributors of mister Pristone.

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<v Speaker 4>And Danko said, you know, hey, we're not the government.

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<v Speaker 4>We're just a company with the bottom line, and if

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<v Speaker 4>you allow Chasmeric's rule and to go into effect, our

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<v Speaker 4>bottom line is going to take a huge hit. And

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<v Speaker 4>Alito just sort of waves his hands and says, well,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, the Biden administration is not going to prosecute

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<v Speaker 4>you for basically for violating Judge Chasmeric's order. And you know, dude, first,

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<v Speaker 4>that's a remarkable position to take in the abstract that

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<v Speaker 4>you know, a company is not harmed because it might

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<v Speaker 4>not be prosecuted for breaking the law. Like, hey, company,

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<v Speaker 4>break the law, You'll be fine. Even if Danko were

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<v Speaker 4>inclined to take such a cavalier approach to the rule

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<v Speaker 4>of law. Danko has counter parties, Danko has insurers, Danko

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<v Speaker 4>has clients who might not be similarly disposed towards the law.

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<v Speaker 4>And so you know, even in the abstract, it's a

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<v Speaker 4>remarkable claim. But again, the factual basis for it is

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<v Speaker 4>just completely missing. So, you know, let's talk about who

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<v Speaker 4>has encouraged the Biden administration to ignore an adverse rule

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<v Speaker 4>in this case, Senator Wyden from Oregon, Congresswoman Ocasio Cortes

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<v Speaker 4>from New York, Congresswoman Nancy Mace, a Republican, we might add,

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<v Speaker 4>members of Congress. There is not only no one in

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<v Speaker 4>the executive branch who has even hinted that the Biden

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<v Speaker 4>administration would decline to comply. But in response to those

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<v Speaker 4>congressional statements, the White House Press secretary specifically said, we

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<v Speaker 4>are not listening to them. We are going to comply.

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<v Speaker 4>So when Justice Alito just says, you know, the government

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<v Speaker 4>has done nothing to dispel legitimate doubts, what else could

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<v Speaker 4>the government do and where are those doubts coming from?

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<v Speaker 4>And I think you know what's telling about that passage

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<v Speaker 4>in the opinion is that he doesn't cite any sources.

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<v Speaker 4>There's no authority provided in support of that statement. More fundamentally,

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<v Speaker 4>I mean, June, let's just be clear, it has been,

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<v Speaker 4>by almost anyone's reckoning, one hundred and sixty two years

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<v Speaker 4>since the last time a president the clients to comply

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<v Speaker 4>with a federal court order, and that was President Lincoln

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<v Speaker 4>in the middle of the Civil War as part of

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<v Speaker 4>the fight with Chief Justice Roger Brooks. Tawny, and I

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<v Speaker 4>think it's remarkable not only because it was a legally

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<v Speaker 4>irrelevant argument for Justice Alitos to make, but because the

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<v Speaker 4>only possible factual reason to make that claim is because

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<v Speaker 4>you are crediting conspiracy theorists in right wing media more

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<v Speaker 4>than your credit in the official spokesperson of the Executive Branch.

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<v Speaker 2>The Fifth Circuit is going to hear arguments on May seventeenth,

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<v Speaker 2>but it is the most conservative of the circuits, and

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<v Speaker 2>is it likely to change its opinion, which it expressed

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<v Speaker 2>pretty thoroughly in a forty two page decision.

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<v Speaker 4>I think it might. So let's be clear the panel

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<v Speaker 4>that only stayed part of the Judge Kasmaric ruler. First

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<v Speaker 4>it was divided two to one, and second June, that

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<v Speaker 4>won't be the same panel that here's the government and

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<v Speaker 4>Danko's appeals on May seventeenth, So you know, first it's

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<v Speaker 4>going to be different judges who are going to hear

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<v Speaker 4>this appeal. Second, these judges now have the benefit of

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<v Speaker 4>knowing that there's a majority of Supreme Court justices who

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<v Speaker 4>are not willing to let Judge Kasmeric's order, even as

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<v Speaker 4>modified by the Fifth Circuit, go into effect. And third,

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<v Speaker 4>as folks have had time to react to Judge Chasmeric's order,

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<v Speaker 4>I mean it was keep in mind, is even today

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<v Speaker 4>less than three weeks old, and as even conservative commentators

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<v Speaker 4>have chanced to weigh in, I think there's been a

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<v Speaker 4>developing consensus that there are serious problems with the plaintiffs

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<v Speaker 4>in this case is standing. So that whatever folks think

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<v Speaker 4>of mifipristone or the FDA or any of the administrative

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<v Speaker 4>law arguments that Judge Chasmeric relied upon in his order.

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<v Speaker 4>You know, this case has an enormous obstacle in the

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<v Speaker 4>form of the planet's lack of stand in. So I

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<v Speaker 4>don't think it is by any means a foregone conclusion

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<v Speaker 4>that the Fifth Circuit is going to ultimate affirmed Judge Kasmeric.

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<v Speaker 4>And if it does, I think all that will do

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<v Speaker 4>is kee this up to go back to the Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 4>But if it doesn't, if you get a panel on

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<v Speaker 4>the Fifth Circus that said, actually, we don't think these

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<v Speaker 4>planets have stand in and so we reverse du Kasmeric

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<v Speaker 4>and we dismissed this case. I'm sure the planeffs will

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<v Speaker 4>go to the Supreme Court and ask the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 4>to review that decision. I'm not sure the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 4>will agree, and that I think Stuon is where we

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<v Speaker 4>might see, you know, more of the point you made

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<v Speaker 4>at the top, more of the Court recommitted to the

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<v Speaker 4>idea that it really wants to leave the question of

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<v Speaker 4>abortion access to the democratic process.

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<v Speaker 2>Steve, I want to turn now to another topic. Senator

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<v Speaker 2>Dick Durbin, the chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, had

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<v Speaker 2>invited Chief Justice John Roberts to testify before the committee

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<v Speaker 2>regarding Supreme Court ethics. That's in light of recent revelations

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<v Speaker 2>that Justice Clarence Thomas had gone on luxury vacations paid

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<v Speaker 2>for by a billionaire Republican donor for decades, and also

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<v Speaker 2>that money changed hands between the two in this sale

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<v Speaker 2>of property. The Chief Justice declined the invitation. It was

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<v Speaker 2>no surprise that Roberts refused to testify, and he cited

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<v Speaker 2>separation of powers concerns and the importance of preserving judicial independence.

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<v Speaker 2>Do you think that was the only move for him?

0:12:17.960 --> 0:12:21.480
<v Speaker 4>Yes, If I'm Chief Justice Roberts, I am not voluntarily

0:12:21.520 --> 0:12:24.800
<v Speaker 4>agreeing to set a precedent wherein the Chief Justice can

0:12:24.840 --> 0:12:28.880
<v Speaker 4>be called before Congress anytime you know enough members of

0:12:28.960 --> 0:12:32.120
<v Speaker 4>Congress think that a particular justice has acted inappropriately on

0:12:32.160 --> 0:12:34.880
<v Speaker 4>the foot side, Right, a sort of an invitation to

0:12:34.960 --> 0:12:38.760
<v Speaker 4>testify is about the most milk toast bin that Congress

0:12:38.760 --> 0:12:41.720
<v Speaker 4>could have done. Right, there are far more aggressive things

0:12:41.800 --> 0:12:44.960
<v Speaker 4>Congress could do going forward, where maybe the Chief Justice

0:12:44.960 --> 0:12:47.600
<v Speaker 4>couldn't just politely decline, And I think this is where

0:12:47.679 --> 0:12:50.240
<v Speaker 4>I think the story really goes next, which is, you know,

0:12:50.440 --> 0:12:54.480
<v Speaker 4>we're not all going to agree on which rules should

0:12:54.480 --> 0:12:57.680
<v Speaker 4>bind the Supreme Court's justices. We're not even all going

0:12:57.720 --> 0:13:01.880
<v Speaker 4>to agree on whether particular behavior by particular justices violates

0:13:01.920 --> 0:13:04.360
<v Speaker 4>those rules. But we all ought to at least have

0:13:04.480 --> 0:13:07.439
<v Speaker 4>common cause on the point that there should be some

0:13:07.600 --> 0:13:11.000
<v Speaker 4>rules that bind the Supreme Court and that bind the justices,

0:13:11.440 --> 0:13:14.559
<v Speaker 4>and that those rules ought to have some meaningful peace

0:13:14.720 --> 0:13:16.640
<v Speaker 4>behind them. And this is where I think, you know,

0:13:16.720 --> 0:13:19.040
<v Speaker 4>the conversation ought to go next, which is, how do

0:13:19.120 --> 0:13:25.000
<v Speaker 4>we create a mechanism where the justices are impelled through

0:13:25.160 --> 0:13:29.400
<v Speaker 4>political pressure, through public pressure, through other mechanisms to comply

0:13:29.559 --> 0:13:31.320
<v Speaker 4>with the rules as they exist, and not just to

0:13:31.360 --> 0:13:33.560
<v Speaker 4>take such applause they approach And to me, I mean,

0:13:33.559 --> 0:13:36.160
<v Speaker 4>there's a bill that was introduced this week by Maine

0:13:36.280 --> 0:13:39.160
<v Speaker 4>Senator and Gus Kingdon by Alaska Center, at least in Murkowski,

0:13:39.520 --> 0:13:41.520
<v Speaker 4>I think this is a pretty good job of actually

0:13:41.520 --> 0:13:44.320
<v Speaker 4>splitting the difference. It doesn't dictate a code of conduct.

0:13:44.320 --> 0:13:47.440
<v Speaker 4>It says, hey, Supreme Court, you must adopt a formal

0:13:47.480 --> 0:13:51.840
<v Speaker 4>code of conduct, and you must create some mechanism for

0:13:52.240 --> 0:13:56.319
<v Speaker 4>overseeing compliance with that code of conduct, and whenever there

0:13:56.400 --> 0:14:00.200
<v Speaker 4>is a dispute over compliance, you must report back to

0:14:00.320 --> 0:14:02.839
<v Speaker 4>us on what the dispute was. That seems to me

0:14:03.040 --> 0:14:06.040
<v Speaker 4>not remotely inconsistent with the separation of powers. You know,

0:14:06.120 --> 0:14:07.959
<v Speaker 4>Congress can say, hey, we're going to give you ten

0:14:08.000 --> 0:14:10.080
<v Speaker 4>million dollars, but we're going to tell you what's spend

0:14:10.080 --> 0:14:11.520
<v Speaker 4>it on, and you've got to report back to us

0:14:11.520 --> 0:14:14.280
<v Speaker 4>on how you spent it. That's how the budget works.

0:14:14.320 --> 0:14:16.800
<v Speaker 4>And then jun then we have the real conversation, which

0:14:16.800 --> 0:14:18.960
<v Speaker 4>is whether any of these cases rise to the level

0:14:19.640 --> 0:14:23.680
<v Speaker 4>of allowing Congress to exercise the clear constitutional authority it

0:14:23.760 --> 0:14:26.680
<v Speaker 4>has to act against justices who misbehave, which is the

0:14:26.680 --> 0:14:29.520
<v Speaker 4>impeachment powers. I don't think we're there, but I think

0:14:29.560 --> 0:14:32.120
<v Speaker 4>we also ought to be willing to accept that for

0:14:32.240 --> 0:14:34.920
<v Speaker 4>the impeachment power to be meaningful, for Congress to have

0:14:34.960 --> 0:14:38.280
<v Speaker 4>any real opportunity to wield it as a check on

0:14:38.320 --> 0:14:41.920
<v Speaker 4>the justices, there has to be some mechanism by which

0:14:42.400 --> 0:14:45.600
<v Speaker 4>Congress can be made aware of violations of whatever the

0:14:45.640 --> 0:14:46.080
<v Speaker 4>rules are.

0:14:46.480 --> 0:14:50.920
<v Speaker 2>I didn't find Robert's refusal so surprising. What I did

0:14:50.960 --> 0:14:54.880
<v Speaker 2>find a little surprising was this statement signed by all

0:14:55.000 --> 0:14:59.960
<v Speaker 2>nine Justices vowing to follow foundational ethics, principles and practice,

0:15:00.160 --> 0:15:04.360
<v Speaker 2>is because it suggests that everything's fine. They don't have

0:15:04.520 --> 0:15:07.680
<v Speaker 2>any need for a formal code of conduct, despite what

0:15:07.720 --> 0:15:09.560
<v Speaker 2>we've been hearing about for weeks.

0:15:09.920 --> 0:15:11.760
<v Speaker 4>And I think what this goes back to is, I

0:15:11.760 --> 0:15:13.600
<v Speaker 4>mean something we talk about a lot in law schools,

0:15:13.600 --> 0:15:17.280
<v Speaker 4>the difference between having rules and having an effective means

0:15:17.280 --> 0:15:20.440
<v Speaker 4>of enforcing them. Right, you can have the finest rules

0:15:20.440 --> 0:15:23.560
<v Speaker 4>that any two humans could devise, and they would be

0:15:23.560 --> 0:15:26.480
<v Speaker 4>pretty pointless if nothing happened when they were violated. And

0:15:26.520 --> 0:15:28.960
<v Speaker 4>so I think the question is not whether the Supreme

0:15:28.960 --> 0:15:31.120
<v Speaker 4>Court should have a code of conduct. Clearly the answer

0:15:31.160 --> 0:15:33.640
<v Speaker 4>is yes. The Justices themselves even seem willing to bind

0:15:33.640 --> 0:15:37.000
<v Speaker 4>themselves to at least these loose principles that achieve justice,

0:15:37.040 --> 0:15:39.680
<v Speaker 4>Roberts attached to his letter. The question is what's going

0:15:39.760 --> 0:15:42.560
<v Speaker 4>to happen if and when those principles are violated? And

0:15:42.720 --> 0:15:44.600
<v Speaker 4>you know, I think the answer has to be for

0:15:44.680 --> 0:15:47.760
<v Speaker 4>the sake of the separation of powers more than nothing.

0:15:48.720 --> 0:15:51.960
<v Speaker 4>And I'm on the side that thinks that there would

0:15:52.000 --> 0:15:55.760
<v Speaker 4>be separation of powers problems if Congress claims for itself

0:15:56.280 --> 0:15:59.800
<v Speaker 4>the power to discipline justices who violate the rules, or

0:16:00.120 --> 0:16:03.720
<v Speaker 4>Congress gave someone other than the Supreme Court the power

0:16:03.720 --> 0:16:07.280
<v Speaker 4>to oversee compliance with these rules. At the same time,

0:16:07.920 --> 0:16:11.160
<v Speaker 4>the Constitution gives Congress the power to impeach judges and

0:16:11.320 --> 0:16:14.720
<v Speaker 4>justices entirely for those cases in which those judges and

0:16:14.840 --> 0:16:18.160
<v Speaker 4>justices are not engaging in what Article three calls quote

0:16:18.160 --> 0:16:22.120
<v Speaker 4>good behavior unquotes, and so it seems like it vindicates

0:16:22.160 --> 0:16:25.840
<v Speaker 4>the separation of powers rather than interfering with them, for

0:16:25.960 --> 0:16:29.920
<v Speaker 4>Congress to create a mechanism whereby the Court will police itself,

0:16:30.240 --> 0:16:33.000
<v Speaker 4>but it will also report to Congress on its efforts.

0:16:33.440 --> 0:16:39.680
<v Speaker 2>The Chief Justice also declined to investigate Clarence Thomas's ethical challenges,

0:16:39.720 --> 0:16:43.160
<v Speaker 2>shall we say, but he referred to Congress's request for

0:16:43.200 --> 0:16:47.360
<v Speaker 2>the investigation to the Judicial Conference of the United States.

0:16:48.160 --> 0:16:50.960
<v Speaker 2>Do they do investigations or do they make policy?

0:16:51.960 --> 0:16:53.360
<v Speaker 4>I mean a little bit of both. So the Judicial

0:16:53.360 --> 0:16:57.440
<v Speaker 4>Conference has at least some authority under a sort of

0:16:57.440 --> 0:17:00.680
<v Speaker 4>a nineteen sixties era federal statute, to engage in some

0:17:00.800 --> 0:17:04.840
<v Speaker 4>investigative functions, but that's almost always been understood to be

0:17:04.920 --> 0:17:07.560
<v Speaker 4>focused at the lower courts that you know, the Judicial

0:17:07.600 --> 0:17:10.600
<v Speaker 4>Conference comes in when there's some investigation needed of a

0:17:10.680 --> 0:17:13.680
<v Speaker 4>legend misconduct by lower court judges. We're about to see

0:17:13.680 --> 0:17:15.640
<v Speaker 4>this in the context of the effort by the Chief

0:17:15.720 --> 0:17:19.200
<v Speaker 4>Judge of the Federal Circuit to remove one of her colleagues.

0:17:19.520 --> 0:17:21.919
<v Speaker 4>The Judicial Conference is not set up at all to

0:17:22.000 --> 0:17:25.119
<v Speaker 4>handle investigations of the court, and that I think is

0:17:25.160 --> 0:17:29.040
<v Speaker 4>why the King Murkowski Bill is probably a much better

0:17:29.040 --> 0:17:32.399
<v Speaker 4>alternative to what Chief Judge Roberts is proposing, Because the

0:17:32.480 --> 0:17:35.440
<v Speaker 4>King Murkowski Bill says, hey, Supreme Court, you know you

0:17:36.800 --> 0:17:39.760
<v Speaker 4>you tell us what your rules are, and you create

0:17:39.760 --> 0:17:44.240
<v Speaker 4>a mechanism for supervising internally whether your rules are being followed,

0:17:44.720 --> 0:17:48.159
<v Speaker 4>and you report to us when they're not right. That,

0:17:48.320 --> 0:17:50.280
<v Speaker 4>to me is exactly how you split the difference. So

0:17:50.359 --> 0:17:53.280
<v Speaker 4>that in those cases where the rules are not being followed,

0:17:53.760 --> 0:17:56.240
<v Speaker 4>we don't expect the courts that discipline itself, but we

0:17:56.320 --> 0:17:59.200
<v Speaker 4>do expect the courts to at least identify the problems

0:17:59.400 --> 0:18:02.359
<v Speaker 4>so that if Congress, the body that has the conscertorsmal

0:18:02.400 --> 0:18:06.240
<v Speaker 4>authority to remove justices who fail to engage in good behavior,

0:18:06.760 --> 0:18:08.840
<v Speaker 4>wants to emphacize that power, it has been means to

0:18:08.880 --> 0:18:09.200
<v Speaker 4>do so.

0:18:09.520 --> 0:18:11.520
<v Speaker 2>It's always so great to have you on the show, Steve,

0:18:11.600 --> 0:18:14.879
<v Speaker 2>thanks so much. That's Professor Steven Vladika the University of

0:18:14.920 --> 0:18:19.960
<v Speaker 2>Texas School of Law. The Supreme Court justices seemed torn

0:18:20.000 --> 0:18:23.920
<v Speaker 2>about whether Congress intended to allow individuals to sue American

0:18:23.960 --> 0:18:27.960
<v Speaker 2>Indian tribes in bankruptcy disputes. The Court has long applied

0:18:28.000 --> 0:18:31.720
<v Speaker 2>a clear statement rule when Congress means to waive tribal

0:18:31.800 --> 0:18:35.800
<v Speaker 2>sovereign immunity. Chief Justice John Roberts noted that Congress has

0:18:35.880 --> 0:18:40.360
<v Speaker 2>never waived sovereign immunity without expressly using the term tribe.

0:18:41.280 --> 0:18:43.679
<v Speaker 3>Well, but I mean, the biggest hurdle I think you

0:18:43.720 --> 0:18:46.000
<v Speaker 3>have to get over is that they everywhere else they

0:18:46.080 --> 0:18:49.040
<v Speaker 3>use the word tribe and they didn't hear and they've

0:18:49.080 --> 0:18:53.600
<v Speaker 3>got a long list of other type of governmental agencies.

0:18:54.080 --> 0:18:56.080
<v Speaker 3>I mean, you don't have to be in the Big

0:18:56.119 --> 0:18:59.000
<v Speaker 3>four or Big five because they're I don't know. You

0:18:59.040 --> 0:19:01.960
<v Speaker 3>must accounted them like at least a dozen and surely

0:19:02.000 --> 0:19:05.120
<v Speaker 3>they're in the top dozen. So this is the only

0:19:05.240 --> 0:19:08.720
<v Speaker 3>instance where they haven't used the word tribe or Indian

0:19:08.720 --> 0:19:09.840
<v Speaker 3>when they meant to include them.

0:19:09.880 --> 0:19:13.840
<v Speaker 2>Right, But the Court has also emphasized that lawmakers don't

0:19:13.880 --> 0:19:17.440
<v Speaker 2>have to use specific or magic words to waive tribal

0:19:17.520 --> 0:19:22.000
<v Speaker 2>sovereign immunity. Here are Justices Elena Kagan and Amy Cony Barrett,

0:19:22.680 --> 0:19:26.639
<v Speaker 2>and I think that the difficulty for you is, aren't

0:19:26.640 --> 0:19:29.280
<v Speaker 2>you really making it into a magic or its requirement.

0:19:30.760 --> 0:19:32.159
<v Speaker 4>It's hard for me to say how that would be

0:19:32.240 --> 0:19:34.520
<v Speaker 4>a hard question for the United States or for a state.

0:19:34.600 --> 0:19:36.560
<v Speaker 2>So it sounds to me like you're carving out an

0:19:36.600 --> 0:19:40.960
<v Speaker 2>extra special, super super clear weg My guest is Ezra Rasser,

0:19:41.200 --> 0:19:44.800
<v Speaker 2>a professor at the American University Washington College of Law.

0:19:45.119 --> 0:19:47.840
<v Speaker 2>Ezra tell us about the facts in this case, why

0:19:47.920 --> 0:19:49.600
<v Speaker 2>it came to the Supreme Court.

0:19:50.040 --> 0:19:54.159
<v Speaker 1>I mean, there's been a series of cases where people

0:19:54.280 --> 0:20:00.440
<v Speaker 1>challenging the power of tribes want to undercut tribal sovereign unity.

0:20:00.640 --> 0:20:05.080
<v Speaker 1>So this is just another in the theories. I think

0:20:05.160 --> 0:20:08.399
<v Speaker 1>the thing that's unique, of course, on this one is

0:20:08.440 --> 0:20:12.320
<v Speaker 1>that it got taken preserved, and it got taken so

0:20:12.640 --> 0:20:16.560
<v Speaker 1>quickly after the Court had reaffirmed in Bay Mills that

0:20:17.000 --> 0:20:21.720
<v Speaker 1>sovereign immunity still exists. And so I think it's less

0:20:21.840 --> 0:20:24.679
<v Speaker 1>about the particulars of this case and more about the

0:20:24.680 --> 0:20:27.920
<v Speaker 1>fact that the Court continues to take these cases and

0:20:28.000 --> 0:20:29.800
<v Speaker 1>threaten to get rid of sovereign immunity.

0:20:30.119 --> 0:20:32.400
<v Speaker 2>Do the facts here make the Indian tribe look bad

0:20:32.440 --> 0:20:35.800
<v Speaker 2>because it involves payday loans and a man who tried

0:20:35.840 --> 0:20:38.520
<v Speaker 2>to commit suicide because he was being pressured.

0:20:38.840 --> 0:20:41.520
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, I mean the facts are terrible for sure, and

0:20:41.760 --> 0:20:44.439
<v Speaker 1>the way in which tribes have jumped into some of

0:20:44.480 --> 0:20:47.760
<v Speaker 1>these what can only be thought of as bad businesses

0:20:48.240 --> 0:20:52.359
<v Speaker 1>do look terrible. But as the oral argument made clear,

0:20:52.520 --> 0:20:55.800
<v Speaker 1>that isn't the real issue in the case. So, yes,

0:20:55.880 --> 0:20:59.000
<v Speaker 1>they're bad facts, but the question is whether there's been

0:20:59.080 --> 0:21:01.160
<v Speaker 1>abrogation of tribal sovereign immunity.

0:21:01.760 --> 0:21:05.800
<v Speaker 2>Explain what exactly is tribal sovereign immunity.

0:21:06.320 --> 0:21:08.800
<v Speaker 1>So the basic idea here is that they're a sovereign

0:21:09.040 --> 0:21:12.200
<v Speaker 1>and you can't just sue the sovereign, meaning the government,

0:21:12.320 --> 0:21:14.879
<v Speaker 1>unless the government gives you permission to it, and this

0:21:15.000 --> 0:21:17.200
<v Speaker 1>is true for all types of government. For a very

0:21:17.200 --> 0:21:19.399
<v Speaker 1>long time, the United States government made it hard for

0:21:19.480 --> 0:21:22.520
<v Speaker 1>people that were harmed by the United States that sue them,

0:21:22.560 --> 0:21:25.080
<v Speaker 1>and so people would do petitions to Congress to get

0:21:25.160 --> 0:21:28.400
<v Speaker 1>recourse if the government had harmed them or they'd suffered

0:21:28.440 --> 0:21:32.320
<v Speaker 1>some loss, and so tribes have that sovereign immunity as well.

0:21:32.359 --> 0:21:35.879
<v Speaker 1>And the question is if Congress, you know, in passing

0:21:35.960 --> 0:21:40.520
<v Speaker 1>the Bankruptcy Act, did they abrogate sovereign immunity with regard

0:21:40.560 --> 0:21:43.520
<v Speaker 1>to that area of law practice, right, But it is

0:21:43.600 --> 0:21:46.000
<v Speaker 1>a standard part of what being a government means is

0:21:46.040 --> 0:21:47.080
<v Speaker 1>you have this immunity.

0:21:47.600 --> 0:21:50.280
<v Speaker 2>I read that this case is one of the simplest

0:21:50.520 --> 0:21:54.399
<v Speaker 2>the justices here this year because it involves no constitutional

0:21:54.480 --> 0:21:58.320
<v Speaker 2>questions and the interpretation of a single phrase of a

0:21:58.320 --> 0:22:01.840
<v Speaker 2>single statutory provision. It didn't sound that simple.

0:22:02.359 --> 0:22:04.920
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, I think the challenge I would actually agree that

0:22:04.960 --> 0:22:07.959
<v Speaker 1>it's simple, but for a different reason. So the simple

0:22:08.040 --> 0:22:10.959
<v Speaker 1>part about it is that many times the Court has

0:22:11.000 --> 0:22:14.399
<v Speaker 1>been asked what counts as waiver of sovereign immunity, and

0:22:14.440 --> 0:22:19.200
<v Speaker 1>the answer has always consistently been when Congress is clear,

0:22:19.480 --> 0:22:24.000
<v Speaker 1>if there's an express abrogation, then yes, the rights are lost.

0:22:24.040 --> 0:22:28.160
<v Speaker 1>But if there's not express abrogation of a tribal sovereign right,

0:22:28.359 --> 0:22:33.200
<v Speaker 1>then it continues. And so here there's been no express abrogation,

0:22:33.560 --> 0:22:37.840
<v Speaker 1>meaning Congress has not said we are taking away tribes' rights.

0:22:38.080 --> 0:22:40.800
<v Speaker 1>Therefore the rights should still exist. So as far as

0:22:40.840 --> 0:22:43.199
<v Speaker 1>what the Court has done in the past. It is

0:22:43.240 --> 0:22:46.600
<v Speaker 1>a very simple case that should come out very easily

0:22:46.640 --> 0:22:49.080
<v Speaker 1>on the pro tribal side, but the fact that they

0:22:49.080 --> 0:22:51.720
<v Speaker 1>took certain suggests that it's not going to be that clean.

0:22:52.200 --> 0:22:55.760
<v Speaker 2>Also, I mean, some of the justices Amy Cony Barrett

0:22:55.800 --> 0:22:59.439
<v Speaker 2>said it seemed that Congress intended to cast a wide

0:22:59.480 --> 0:23:04.040
<v Speaker 2>net when described being government and dey susceptible to suits.

0:23:04.440 --> 0:23:06.720
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, well, definitely, that's what she said in the oral argument,

0:23:06.760 --> 0:23:10.760
<v Speaker 1>and I think for sure that's the argument against the

0:23:10.840 --> 0:23:13.760
<v Speaker 1>tribes on this The problem with that argument is that

0:23:13.760 --> 0:23:16.399
<v Speaker 1>that argument has been made in many cases in the past,

0:23:16.600 --> 0:23:19.680
<v Speaker 1>and consistently the Court has said, no, we mean it

0:23:19.720 --> 0:23:22.480
<v Speaker 1>that tribes are sovereign. And I think one of the

0:23:22.480 --> 0:23:25.600
<v Speaker 1>things that should be understood by everyone, at least under

0:23:26.280 --> 0:23:29.960
<v Speaker 1>federal Indian law that if Congress wants to get rid

0:23:29.960 --> 0:23:32.080
<v Speaker 1>of this power of tribes, all they have to do

0:23:32.160 --> 0:23:34.399
<v Speaker 1>is pass an act that says tribes don't have it.

0:23:35.000 --> 0:23:37.280
<v Speaker 1>But you can't do it by implication. You can't just

0:23:37.320 --> 0:23:40.199
<v Speaker 1>sort of infer that they meant to include tribes. And

0:23:40.280 --> 0:23:44.359
<v Speaker 1>this case really is about, well, if they use some

0:23:44.560 --> 0:23:47.439
<v Speaker 1>words that were not tribes, do those words count? And

0:23:47.520 --> 0:23:51.040
<v Speaker 1>traditionally the answer has been easy. No, the fact that

0:23:51.080 --> 0:23:53.120
<v Speaker 1>they took certain means that maybe we're going to open

0:23:53.119 --> 0:23:56.200
<v Speaker 1>it up to more light abrogation of tribal sovereignty.

0:23:56.800 --> 0:24:01.240
<v Speaker 2>Well, just as Elena Kagan said to the tribes attorney,

0:24:01.320 --> 0:24:03.960
<v Speaker 2>I think the difficulty for you is, aren't you really

0:24:04.000 --> 0:24:07.440
<v Speaker 2>making it into a magic words requirement? And that sort

0:24:07.480 --> 0:24:10.119
<v Speaker 2>of went along with what Barrett said. She said it

0:24:10.160 --> 0:24:13.360
<v Speaker 2>seemed like the tribe was asking for an extra special,

0:24:13.640 --> 0:24:16.240
<v Speaker 2>super super clear rule for Indian tribes.

0:24:16.680 --> 0:24:18.880
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, And I had two thoughts when I heard that part,

0:24:18.960 --> 0:24:22.159
<v Speaker 1>which one is I don't see what would be wrong

0:24:22.280 --> 0:24:28.120
<v Speaker 1>with requiring Congress to actually explicitly be clear that they

0:24:28.240 --> 0:24:31.119
<v Speaker 1>want to get rid of this area of sovereignty for tribes. So,

0:24:31.920 --> 0:24:37.000
<v Speaker 1>tribes are sovereign entities whose sovereignty pre existed the United States,

0:24:37.040 --> 0:24:40.719
<v Speaker 1>and we, meaning the federal government and the United States,

0:24:40.760 --> 0:24:43.800
<v Speaker 1>asserts a superior sovereignty over them. We say that we

0:24:43.840 --> 0:24:46.399
<v Speaker 1>have plenary power, we can do what we want. But

0:24:46.680 --> 0:24:48.719
<v Speaker 1>if we're going to say that we have such power,

0:24:48.760 --> 0:24:51.239
<v Speaker 1>we should at least be clear when we exercise it.

0:24:51.280 --> 0:24:54.320
<v Speaker 1>And so in that oral argument, I almost wanted them

0:24:54.320 --> 0:24:58.040
<v Speaker 1>to agree that yes, that's the point is that if

0:24:58.080 --> 0:25:00.720
<v Speaker 1>you're going to take away something, take it away and

0:25:00.760 --> 0:25:03.600
<v Speaker 1>be clear you're taking it away. Don't make a general

0:25:03.640 --> 0:25:06.359
<v Speaker 1>thing and then later ask the courts to make it larger.

0:25:07.200 --> 0:25:09.840
<v Speaker 2>I mean, did you see a split among the justices,

0:25:10.119 --> 0:25:12.880
<v Speaker 2>Which did you think were on which side?

0:25:13.040 --> 0:25:13.240
<v Speaker 1>Yeah?

0:25:13.280 --> 0:25:13.520
<v Speaker 4>I mean.

0:25:13.760 --> 0:25:16.119
<v Speaker 1>So the problem is, and this goes back to the

0:25:16.160 --> 0:25:19.920
<v Speaker 1>bay Mills case that was the sort of prior case

0:25:20.040 --> 0:25:23.679
<v Speaker 1>on the same topic, is that we might have thought

0:25:23.960 --> 0:25:27.679
<v Speaker 1>earlier that this case hadn't been dealt with through Bay Mills,

0:25:27.760 --> 0:25:30.600
<v Speaker 1>which was decided in twenty fourteen. And in bay Mills,

0:25:30.640 --> 0:25:33.959
<v Speaker 1>the court had a similar opportunity to get rid of

0:25:34.200 --> 0:25:38.920
<v Speaker 1>sovereign immunity or really weaken it. And despite guesswork that

0:25:38.960 --> 0:25:41.159
<v Speaker 1>they would do that, they actually came out on the

0:25:41.160 --> 0:25:43.280
<v Speaker 1>tribal side. And so I think this is a very

0:25:43.320 --> 0:25:47.680
<v Speaker 1>hard one to predict, because on the one hand, all

0:25:47.800 --> 0:25:53.520
<v Speaker 1>the presidents says federal Indian law requires express abrogation, the

0:25:53.560 --> 0:25:57.360
<v Speaker 1>tribe should win. On the other hand, you do have parties,

0:25:57.359 --> 0:25:58.920
<v Speaker 1>and we saw this at the very beginning of the

0:25:59.040 --> 0:26:03.320
<v Speaker 1>oral argument. You have justices who are concerned about Indians

0:26:03.400 --> 0:26:07.520
<v Speaker 1>acting in the larger economic space of the country and

0:26:07.640 --> 0:26:10.240
<v Speaker 1>are very nervous about sovereign immunity. Now they were in

0:26:10.280 --> 0:26:13.080
<v Speaker 1>the descent in prior cases, but the fact that they

0:26:13.119 --> 0:26:15.680
<v Speaker 1>keep taking cert suggests some of them think that eventually

0:26:15.720 --> 0:26:16.840
<v Speaker 1>they'll win justice.

0:26:16.880 --> 0:26:22.320
<v Speaker 2>Neil Gorsuch is often sympathetic to the Indians' rights in

0:26:22.359 --> 0:26:23.080
<v Speaker 2>these cases.

0:26:23.119 --> 0:26:27.080
<v Speaker 1>Where was he, I don't know, and I think we

0:26:27.119 --> 0:26:30.600
<v Speaker 1>have very clear the only one that I was like,

0:26:30.720 --> 0:26:33.159
<v Speaker 1>oh my gosh, this is clear where there's two. So

0:26:33.240 --> 0:26:37.280
<v Speaker 1>the really clear ones were Thomas I thought at the beginning,

0:26:37.320 --> 0:26:41.280
<v Speaker 1>and even the attorney for the tribes that we do

0:26:41.400 --> 0:26:44.400
<v Speaker 1>understand that some of the justices are not in agreement

0:26:44.440 --> 0:26:47.080
<v Speaker 1>with this right now the acknowledgement of that, and then

0:26:47.320 --> 0:26:50.720
<v Speaker 1>Amy Kobi Berrett, I think also was pretty clear that

0:26:50.800 --> 0:26:53.879
<v Speaker 1>she saw this, you know, big language used in the

0:26:54.119 --> 0:26:57.960
<v Speaker 1>Bankruptcy Act would incorporate all governments on that part. Though

0:26:58.359 --> 0:27:01.120
<v Speaker 1>there too, I thought this is weird because not only

0:27:01.160 --> 0:27:04.960
<v Speaker 1>have we had precedent on sovereign immunity Kiowa and Bay Mills,

0:27:05.119 --> 0:27:10.560
<v Speaker 1>we also have precedents saying tribes are not states, nor

0:27:10.600 --> 0:27:13.360
<v Speaker 1>are they foreign governments. And since that's what's listed in

0:27:13.400 --> 0:27:16.760
<v Speaker 1>the Bankruptcy Act, there seems to be pretty clear. This

0:27:16.880 --> 0:27:21.440
<v Speaker 1>was the first of the Cherokee cases. Pretty clear statements

0:27:21.480 --> 0:27:24.200
<v Speaker 1>from the Court when it first considered what Indians were.

0:27:24.520 --> 0:27:26.639
<v Speaker 1>They were very clear they are not foreign nations and

0:27:26.640 --> 0:27:28.800
<v Speaker 1>they are not states, which would seem to be what

0:27:28.880 --> 0:27:31.280
<v Speaker 1>the categories discussed in the statue were.

0:27:31.720 --> 0:27:34.199
<v Speaker 2>Tell us about the split in the circuit courts on

0:27:34.240 --> 0:27:35.040
<v Speaker 2>this issue.

0:27:35.640 --> 0:27:38.080
<v Speaker 1>So to me, that makes sent So one of the

0:27:38.119 --> 0:27:40.720
<v Speaker 1>things is that I think that the precedent on this

0:27:40.880 --> 0:27:47.159
<v Speaker 1>case is pretty easy. But the ask from tribes to

0:27:47.359 --> 0:27:51.720
<v Speaker 1>not Indians who are not familiar with tribal sovereignty, that

0:27:51.880 --> 0:27:55.879
<v Speaker 1>are nervous about tribes acting in the larger economy is.

0:27:55.880 --> 0:27:56.400
<v Speaker 4>A big one.

0:27:56.640 --> 0:27:59.360
<v Speaker 1>And anytime that there's a big ask, and the big

0:27:59.400 --> 0:28:03.680
<v Speaker 1>ask here is recognize our sovereignty and when push comes

0:28:03.680 --> 0:28:06.719
<v Speaker 1>to sup we can rely on that to protect us

0:28:06.720 --> 0:28:10.080
<v Speaker 1>against suit. That's a hard ask to make. And so

0:28:10.760 --> 0:28:13.360
<v Speaker 1>the fact that courts are coming out different ways is

0:28:13.640 --> 0:28:15.760
<v Speaker 1>somewhat natural. It's not surprising.

0:28:16.240 --> 0:28:20.640
<v Speaker 2>So in this case, the first circuit ruled against the

0:28:20.640 --> 0:28:25.240
<v Speaker 2>Indian tribes. So isn't it normally that the Supreme Court

0:28:25.280 --> 0:28:29.040
<v Speaker 2>takes a case because they want to reverse the lower court.

0:28:30.200 --> 0:28:32.640
<v Speaker 1>I think this is one of those that it could

0:28:32.720 --> 0:28:34.040
<v Speaker 1>be that way. I just don't know it. This isn't

0:28:34.080 --> 0:28:36.280
<v Speaker 1>might be very nervous, and I don't know how to

0:28:36.280 --> 0:28:39.520
<v Speaker 1>predict it all. When bay Mills came up, that was

0:28:39.560 --> 0:28:41.440
<v Speaker 1>the case that I followed more. And when bay Mills

0:28:41.520 --> 0:28:44.720
<v Speaker 1>came up, I, like many of us, were very pessimistic

0:28:44.760 --> 0:28:46.240
<v Speaker 1>about what the court was going to do there, and

0:28:46.280 --> 0:28:49.000
<v Speaker 1>they didn't go that way. You know, they almost were

0:28:49.040 --> 0:28:52.680
<v Speaker 1>apologetic in saying, like, we're doing this because the president

0:28:52.760 --> 0:28:56.440
<v Speaker 1>is such that we have no choice. This one seems

0:28:56.640 --> 0:28:59.040
<v Speaker 1>so in line with that. And it's not been that

0:28:59.240 --> 0:29:03.320
<v Speaker 1>long since they so I don't understand why they would

0:29:03.360 --> 0:29:05.320
<v Speaker 1>feel the need except to get rid of it. But

0:29:06.080 --> 0:29:06.800
<v Speaker 1>I could be wrong.

0:29:07.000 --> 0:29:08.920
<v Speaker 2>You hope you're wrong, right, Yeah, I.

0:29:08.840 --> 0:29:11.920
<v Speaker 1>Hope I'm wrong. I mean, clearly, the challenge on this

0:29:12.080 --> 0:29:16.680
<v Speaker 1>is that there's got to be a solution to people

0:29:16.680 --> 0:29:19.760
<v Speaker 1>that are harmed by what a tribe's doing. But it

0:29:19.800 --> 0:29:22.200
<v Speaker 1>doesn't have to be done or it shouldn't be done

0:29:22.240 --> 0:29:25.080
<v Speaker 1>by the courts imposing it in the absence of a

0:29:25.120 --> 0:29:29.000
<v Speaker 1>clear statement by Congress, and in many ways, tribes themselves

0:29:29.040 --> 0:29:31.960
<v Speaker 1>are likely to come up with solutions that would be

0:29:32.000 --> 0:29:35.360
<v Speaker 1>all to respect their sovereignty and respect the need for recourse,

0:29:35.440 --> 0:29:38.640
<v Speaker 1>like by people harmed by tribal enterprises. So I think

0:29:38.680 --> 0:29:42.040
<v Speaker 1>the question is do we impose that downward on tribes

0:29:42.280 --> 0:29:43.560
<v Speaker 1>without a clear statement or not.

0:29:43.720 --> 0:29:46.560
<v Speaker 2>Thanks so much, Ezra. That's Professor Ezra Rosser of the

0:29:46.640 --> 0:29:50.760
<v Speaker 2>American University Washington College of Law. I'm June Grosso, and

0:29:50.800 --> 0:29:52.160
<v Speaker 2>you're listening to Bloomberg.