WEBVTT - Trump Beats Another Emoluments Lawsuit

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you inside an analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple podcast, SoundCloud

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. President Trump got

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<v Speaker 1>the emoluments case against him claiming he had illegally profited

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<v Speaker 1>from his Washington hotel dismissed by a federal appeals court,

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<v Speaker 1>But similar emoluments cases are pending before appeals courts in

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<v Speaker 1>DC and New York. Could the result in those places

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<v Speaker 1>be different? Joining me is Steve Sanders, a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>the Mars School of lat Indiana University. Steve, this was

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<v Speaker 1>a procedural ruling based on the standing of the plaintiffs

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<v Speaker 1>Maryland and d C to bring the lawsuit. Tell us

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<v Speaker 1>what the Fourth Circuit decided? Sure, John, that's exactly right.

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<v Speaker 1>This is a threshold issue. The Fourth Circuit didn't reach

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<v Speaker 1>the merits of the argument of whether or whether or

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<v Speaker 1>not President Trump has violent that the emoluments clause or

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<v Speaker 1>what the emoluments clause means today. It's something that really

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<v Speaker 1>has never been interpreted by a court. Um what the

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<v Speaker 1>Fourth Circuit decided is that the District of Columbia and

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<v Speaker 1>the State of Maryland didn't have what's called standing. A

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<v Speaker 1>basic requirement of bringing a lawsuit in a federal court

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<v Speaker 1>is that you have to have standing. What that means

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<v Speaker 1>is you have to show you have an actual or

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<v Speaker 1>imminent injury. The requirement is intended to prevent people from

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<v Speaker 1>just coming into court and seeking a judgment based on

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<v Speaker 1>what they think the law is or what the constitution means.

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<v Speaker 1>They may just have a generalized grievance. The standing requirement

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<v Speaker 1>assures that you have some skin in the game, that

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<v Speaker 1>you actually have something at risk, that this is a

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<v Speaker 1>true legal case or controversy. Now, the argument that Maryland

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<v Speaker 1>and the District of Columbia made was their injury was

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<v Speaker 1>lost business. President Trump gets a lot of business at

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<v Speaker 1>his hotel in Washington. They said that both domestic and

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<v Speaker 1>foreign clients steer their business to the Trump hotel in

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<v Speaker 1>order to curry favor with the president, and that likely

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<v Speaker 1>hurts business at convention centers and other facilities that Maryland

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<v Speaker 1>and d C operate. What the Fourth Circuit said was

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<v Speaker 1>that is simply too speculative that for standing purposes, your

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<v Speaker 1>injury can't be that much a matter of guesswork. They

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't prove that they had actually lost any business for

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump Hotel. And so with fourth circuit set is

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<v Speaker 1>because you don't really have any evidence, you're just speculating

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<v Speaker 1>here that you might have lost business that might have

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<v Speaker 1>come to you instead of going to Trump. Sorry for

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional purposes, you don't have the required injury. So another

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<v Speaker 1>emoluments lawsuit filed by congressional Democrats with a different twist

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<v Speaker 1>from this suit, is before the U. S. Court of

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<v Speaker 1>Appeals in d C. Might they have better luck with

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<v Speaker 1>the standing issue? It's possible. There aren't a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>clear answers about the standing of elected officials to bring

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<v Speaker 1>a suit when they say, hey, our prerogatives are at

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<v Speaker 1>stake here, our constitutional responsibilities are being trampled on, and

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<v Speaker 1>d s the Trump administration or President Trump is also

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<v Speaker 1>relying on the argument that this suit must be dismissed

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<v Speaker 1>because it's a distraction from his official responsibilities. One thing

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<v Speaker 1>about the so called standing doctrine is that I think

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<v Speaker 1>most law professors and law students who learn about it

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<v Speaker 1>realize it's extraordinarily malleable. And that is sometimes courts and

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<v Speaker 1>judges will use standing and the absence of standing or

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<v Speaker 1>the presence of standing to get rid of a case

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<v Speaker 1>that they think they don't want to deal with, or

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<v Speaker 1>to signal what they really think about the merits. You

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<v Speaker 1>know that there have been cases I teach my students

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<v Speaker 1>where say, a state has said the federal government's failure

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<v Speaker 1>to regulate c O. Two was contributing to the laws

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<v Speaker 1>of each land. Is that really more attenuated or more

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<v Speaker 1>speculative than what the state attorneys general we're arguing here.

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<v Speaker 1>We'll see there is another body of doctrine about elected officials,

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<v Speaker 1>members of Congress, and they're standing to sue the executive branch.

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<v Speaker 1>We'll see what the DC sergeant says about that. So, Steve,

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<v Speaker 1>you have these emoluments clauses in the Constitution. So the

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<v Speaker 1>framers thought it was an important concept. Who gets to

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<v Speaker 1>enforce them? If neither Congress can enforce them, if a

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<v Speaker 1>state can enforce them, who will enforce them? Well, this

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<v Speaker 1>is a very interesting and legitimate question, and it is

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<v Speaker 1>not really limited to a molument. So emoluments is interesting

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<v Speaker 1>because it has never really been the subject of authoritative

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<v Speaker 1>interpretation by the modern Supreme Court. What exactly it means

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<v Speaker 1>to violate emoluments. But you know that is a dilemma

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<v Speaker 1>in much constitutional law that just because I as a

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<v Speaker 1>citizen and convinced that the government is violating the constitut Susan,

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<v Speaker 1>I can't just bring a lawsuit. I have to show

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<v Speaker 1>I'm injured, and sometimes that kind of injury is difficult

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<v Speaker 1>to prove. And so in this situation, who is injured

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<v Speaker 1>by the president illegally profiting allegedly from his businesses? So far,

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<v Speaker 1>all the people who say they've had injuries from that

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<v Speaker 1>are striking out. In the Federal court, this case was

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<v Speaker 1>decided by a panel of three judges, all appointed by

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<v Speaker 1>Republican presidents. The plaintiffs could ask for an on bank

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<v Speaker 1>hearing before the full Court, which is not as conservative

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<v Speaker 1>as these three judges are. They could ask to go

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<v Speaker 1>to the Supreme Court. What do you think they should do? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I think they should probably pursue both of those courses.

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<v Speaker 1>It is typical when you believe that a panel of

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<v Speaker 1>the Court of Appeals has aired, to ask the full court,

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<v Speaker 1>all the judges, the on bunk court to reconsider the decision.

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<v Speaker 1>If you do that, you're not forfeiting your right to

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<v Speaker 1>eventually go to the Supreme Court. If the Fourth Circuit

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<v Speaker 1>were to rule as them as well, I think they

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<v Speaker 1>should pursue all of their options here. Again, standing is

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<v Speaker 1>one of those doctrines that's malleable, and sometimes the injuries

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<v Speaker 1>in the eye beholder and larger factors and courts attitudes

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<v Speaker 1>towards the merits will sometimes influence whether they think that

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<v Speaker 1>again should be allowed to gain the courthouse door or not.

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<v Speaker 1>And Trump and his attorneys are succeeding in that none

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<v Speaker 1>of these cases has gone into discovery, and so there's

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<v Speaker 1>no attorneys or Democrats looking into his finances to see

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<v Speaker 1>whether he did violate the emoluments clause. That's correct. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>presumably Congress could hold hearings about this. Congress can can

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<v Speaker 1>pursue this a different way. Congress can investigate and make

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<v Speaker 1>conclusions about whether it thinks the president is violated the clause.

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<v Speaker 1>Those don't have the force of law. But of course

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<v Speaker 1>we see this administration frankly stonewalling efforts by Congress to

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<v Speaker 1>conduct inquiries as well. There are even more subpoenas being issued.

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<v Speaker 1>Is it likely that as we get higher and up

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<v Speaker 1>in the federal courts that Democrats will have more problems

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<v Speaker 1>with appellate courts on these issues. Yeah, I don't think

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<v Speaker 1>we can necessarily see that. I think many of us

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<v Speaker 1>in legal academias are brown on this idea that we've

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<v Speaker 1>decided what the outcome of court decisions is going to

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<v Speaker 1>be by the partisan membership of the judges. I think

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<v Speaker 1>we can hope that won't be the case. But there

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<v Speaker 1>are good judges out there who will try as hard

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<v Speaker 1>as they can to to adjudicate these cases fairly and

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<v Speaker 1>to explain their reasons persuasively in opinions. All right, well,

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<v Speaker 1>you explained very persuasively the reasons here. Thank you so much, Steve.

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<v Speaker 1>As always, that's Steve Sanders. He's a professor at the

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<v Speaker 1>Marrow School of Law at Indiana University. Thanks for listening

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<v Speaker 1>to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can subscribe and listen

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<v Speaker 1>to the show on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud, and on Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>dot com Slash podcasts. I'm June Ball, So this is

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg m HM.