WEBVTT - How Amy Coney Barrett Could Change the Law

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>After four days of Supreme Court hearings, Judge Amy Coney

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<v Speaker 1>Barrett is on her way to becoming the next justice

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<v Speaker 1>on the Supreme Court. Barrett is an originalist like her

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<v Speaker 1>mentor conservative icon Justice antonin Scalia, and she explained what

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<v Speaker 1>that means. I interpret the Constitution as a law, that

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<v Speaker 1>I interpret its texts as text, and I understand it

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<v Speaker 1>to have the meaning that it had at the time

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<v Speaker 1>people ratified it, so that meaning doesn't change over time,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's not up to me to update it or

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<v Speaker 1>infuse my own policy views into it. As has become

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<v Speaker 1>the Norman Supreme Court nomination hearings, Barrett refused to answer

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<v Speaker 1>questions about her views on abortion rights, voting rights, same

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<v Speaker 1>sex marriage, gun rights, and even on some very basic

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<v Speaker 1>legal principles. For example, does the prows and then have

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<v Speaker 1>the authority to deny a person the right to vote

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<v Speaker 1>based on their race. There was a lot of questioning

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<v Speaker 1>about super precedents, generally meaning a case that's so well

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<v Speaker 1>settled it can't be overruled. Judge Barrett defined several landmark

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court cases as super president, such as Brown v.

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<v Speaker 1>Board of Education, which struck down school segregation, Marlbury versus. Madison,

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<v Speaker 1>which established the principle of judicial review, and Loving the Virginia,

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<v Speaker 1>which invalidated prohibitions against interracial marriage. But she said Roe v.

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<v Speaker 1>Wade was not a super precedent. Cases that are so

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<v Speaker 1>well settled that no political actors and no people seriously

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<v Speaker 1>pushed for their overruling. And I'm answering a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>questions about Row, which I think indicates that wrote hasn't

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<v Speaker 1>fall in that category. My guest is constitutional law professor

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<v Speaker 1>Leah Littmann of the University of Michigan Law School. What's

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<v Speaker 1>your general impression of her testimony. I think her testimony

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<v Speaker 1>has been reviewing in small ways for people who know

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<v Speaker 1>what to core. But she has studiously avoid saying anything

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<v Speaker 1>about views or issues, and she's already expressed views. It's

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<v Speaker 1>become typical for Supreme Court nominees. But Barrett refused to

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<v Speaker 1>answer questions on a host of issues, even some she's

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<v Speaker 1>expressed personal opinions on the past, such as abortion rights.

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<v Speaker 1>Did she go further in avoidance than other nominees. I

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<v Speaker 1>think she went further in the sense that unlike other nominees,

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<v Speaker 1>she actually has expressed definitive views about whether Row is

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<v Speaker 1>wrong and whether Row should be overruled, and so she

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't have the ability to say I don't have views

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<v Speaker 1>on that question, or you know, at the judge, I

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<v Speaker 1>can't express views on them, given that her views are

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<v Speaker 1>already out there. And so it's this odd disconnect between

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<v Speaker 1>her views being out there, Republicans assisting she doesn't have

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<v Speaker 1>any views, and Democrat being unable or unwilling to question

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<v Speaker 1>her about this she has already expressed. Let's discuss this

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<v Speaker 1>theory of super precedents. Is there a generally legally accepted

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<v Speaker 1>principle of what constitutes a super precedent that shouldn't be

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<v Speaker 1>reversed by the Supreme Court. I think what people do

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<v Speaker 1>accept is that there are certain cases that the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court should not overrule. I think the court current legal

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<v Speaker 1>test for what cases shouldn't be overruled involves considerations such

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<v Speaker 1>as whether people have relied on that decision, whether they

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<v Speaker 1>have shaped their lives around assuming that decision will continue

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<v Speaker 1>to exist. The idea that precedents are not subject to

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<v Speaker 1>being overruled merely because people don't disagree with them is

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<v Speaker 1>something new. She has used that idea to deflect question

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<v Speaker 1>about decisions about decisions such as a burg A Fell

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<v Speaker 1>versus Hodges on marriage equality or Griswald versus Connecticut on

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<v Speaker 1>access to conteception. She said there's just no chance that

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<v Speaker 1>anyone would really frontily challenge those decisions today. But when

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<v Speaker 1>she doesn't say the same about Row and Casey, she

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<v Speaker 1>is making clear that in her view, on her understanding

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<v Speaker 1>about what super precedent is, rowan Casey can be overruled,

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<v Speaker 1>and she has explicitly called for their over ruling in

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<v Speaker 1>earlier writings and appearances. I believe that even Justice Kavanaugh

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<v Speaker 1>called Rowe precedent on precedent. Yes, that's correct. So he

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<v Speaker 1>referred to the Supreme Court decision and planned Parenthood versus Stacy.

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<v Speaker 1>That was a decision in which the Supreme Court said

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<v Speaker 1>they will not over rule roversus Wade. He called that

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<v Speaker 1>decision precedent on precedent. That's the decision that described when

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<v Speaker 1>precedents shouldn't be overruled. It is precedent on when other

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<v Speaker 1>precedents should be respected. She, however, has a view on

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<v Speaker 1>precedent that does not track the Supreme Court precedent on

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<v Speaker 1>precedent In Casey, her view seems to be that cases

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<v Speaker 1>can be overruled as long as there are some people,

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<v Speaker 1>or perhaps certain people, disagreeing with those decisions. I looked

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<v Speaker 1>at her Law review article and she said there. In

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<v Speaker 1>my view, however, super precedents do not illustrate a super

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<v Speaker 1>strong effect of starry decisive at all. So is that

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<v Speaker 1>an indication that even super precedents are reversible according to her?

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<v Speaker 1>I think that's right. In her legal writings as an academic,

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<v Speaker 1>she indicated that court's refusal to overturn certain decisions were

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<v Speaker 1>incorrectly decided could itself violate the Constitution. So she doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>think the mere fact that his decision isn't currently being

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<v Speaker 1>questioned means that course shouldn't or couldn't overrule them. Far

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<v Speaker 1>from this, she is instead using the concept of super

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<v Speaker 1>precedent to deflect questions about certain areas of law. So

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<v Speaker 1>from what she said and hasn't said about Row, can

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<v Speaker 1>we conclude that she might vote to reverse Row. I

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<v Speaker 1>think that that is a fair inference to draw from

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<v Speaker 1>all of her prior writings and statements. Again, she has

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<v Speaker 1>signed newspaper as calling for Row to be overturned. In

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<v Speaker 1>her academic writing, she has made clear that she thinks

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<v Speaker 1>the decision is Row was wrongly decided and equally important.

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<v Speaker 1>As a judge on the Court of Appeals for the

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<v Speaker 1>Seventh Circuits, she has embraced rulings that really fly in

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<v Speaker 1>the face of existing Supreme Court precedents on abortion. She

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<v Speaker 1>would have revisited a decision of the U. S. Court

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<v Speaker 1>of Appeals that struck down an Indiana statute that required

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<v Speaker 1>minors to obtain their parents to spent for obtaining abortions,

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<v Speaker 1>and that statute did not contain what is called a

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<v Speaker 1>judicial bypass provision, which allows minors to get a court

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<v Speaker 1>determination that says you are able to make the decision

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<v Speaker 1>about whether to have an abortion yourself and not notify

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<v Speaker 1>your parents. Existing Supreme Court precedent says parental notification requirements

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<v Speaker 1>are constitutional only if they contain a judicial bypass pervision,

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<v Speaker 1>and yet Judge Barrett was willing to say this Indiana

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<v Speaker 1>statute might be constitutional even though it does not have

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<v Speaker 1>a judicial bypass provision. So, based on her decisions about

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<v Speaker 1>respect for Supreme Court president on abortion, as well as

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<v Speaker 1>her democt writings and advocacy, I think yes. All of

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<v Speaker 1>the signs indicate she would overrule grow and other decisions

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<v Speaker 1>protecting the right to an abortion. The Democrats focused on

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<v Speaker 1>Obamacare throughout the hearings, and Barrett tried to distance herself

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<v Speaker 1>from her past criticism of Chief Justice Robert's reasoning in

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<v Speaker 1>the A c. A opinion. Did she succeed in explaining

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<v Speaker 1>or showing that the case before the court now involves

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<v Speaker 1>severability and so her past criticism is not relevant. I

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<v Speaker 1>think she succeeded in some respects and failed in others.

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<v Speaker 1>One thing she said is that the current challenge to

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<v Speaker 1>the Affordable Care Act does not actually involve the protection

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<v Speaker 1>for pre existing conditions. That's incorrect. The current case before

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court asks the Court to invalidate the entire

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<v Speaker 1>Affordable Care Act, including its protection for pre existing conditions. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>what she did say is that the legal question of sevorability,

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<v Speaker 1>that is, whether the Court should invalidate the entire Affordable

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<v Speaker 1>Care As if it concludes that the minimum coverage provision

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<v Speaker 1>is unconstitutional. So that question is different from the part

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<v Speaker 1>of the Chief Justice's opinion she was criticizing. But what

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<v Speaker 1>she omitted is that the very first question in this

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<v Speaker 1>Affordable Care Act case that the Supreme Court is going

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<v Speaker 1>to hear in November is the same question that she

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<v Speaker 1>criticized the Chief Justice for answering back in two thousand twelve.

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<v Speaker 1>The question is whether the minimum coverage provision in the

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<v Speaker 1>Affordable Care Act is constitutional? The Chief Justice that it was,

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<v Speaker 1>and she criticized him for reaching that position. And that's

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<v Speaker 1>the issue that the Court will take up in November.

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<v Speaker 1>You said that if you know what to look for,

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<v Speaker 1>you've got some hints. Are there other areas where you

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<v Speaker 1>got some hints? About her philosophy? She called sexual orientation

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<v Speaker 1>a sexual preference UM, even after editor Corono informed her

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<v Speaker 1>about how that language is the meaning of LGBT couples.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that UM and LGBT individuals. I think that

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<v Speaker 1>that is revealing in her approach to LGBT rights. I

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<v Speaker 1>think her at answers on issues of law of democracy

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<v Speaker 1>were also revealing. So she refused to say whether the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution or federal laws just the president the authority to

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<v Speaker 1>unilaterally delay a presidential election. She also refused to say

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<v Speaker 1>whether voter intimidation is illegal. She refused to answer Senator

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<v Speaker 1>Clobuchar's question about voting rights in the pandemic, and whether

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<v Speaker 1>it was a threat to access to voting rights to

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<v Speaker 1>force people to vote in person during the pandemic. And

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<v Speaker 1>I think all of those answers, as well as some

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<v Speaker 1>of her answers on other matters of reproductive justice, such

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<v Speaker 1>as refusing to say whether in vitro fertilization was manslat

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<v Speaker 1>or um, we're revealing to the kind of judge and

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<v Speaker 1>justice that she is going to be. Barrett has embraced

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<v Speaker 1>the judicial philosophy of a originalism and textualism of Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Antonin Scalia, whom she clerked for. What does that tell

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<v Speaker 1>us about her philosophy as a judge. I think her

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<v Speaker 1>commitment to identifying herself with Justice Scalia tells us a

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<v Speaker 1>lot about how she will vote on matters of reproductive justice.

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<v Speaker 1>Jice Scalia, of course, called for Roe versus Way to

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<v Speaker 1>be overruled. He likened the decision to the Supreme Court's

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<v Speaker 1>Information decision and dread Scott forsus Stanford that held that

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution did not allow Congress to do anything about

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<v Speaker 1>the institution of slavery um. It also brings her back

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<v Speaker 1>to the Affordable Care Act, because, of course, Justice Scalia

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<v Speaker 1>would have invalidated the entire Affordable Care Act in two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand twelve, and so her identifying herself with Jfice Scalia's

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<v Speaker 1>dresprudence calls to mind both of those key areas of law.

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<v Speaker 1>Senator John Cornyn said, predicting how you might rule in

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<v Speaker 1>a particular case, is that even possible? And she replied

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<v Speaker 1>it's not possible. Are there ways to predict how justices

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<v Speaker 1>will rule in a particular case or are we surprised

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<v Speaker 1>enough that there aren't those ways. I think on some

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<v Speaker 1>cases it might be difficult to predict exactly how justices

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<v Speaker 1>will reach the results they do, and perhaps another case

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<v Speaker 1>is difficult to predict how they will vote. But the

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<v Speaker 1>reality is that in most of the high profile ideological

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<v Speaker 1>cases that these confirmation hearings are focused on, the political

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<v Speaker 1>party of the president who appoints a justice is extremely

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<v Speaker 1>predictive about how a justice will vote. In fact, the

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<v Speaker 1>Republican Party promised in its platform to only appoint justice

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<v Speaker 1>who would overturn ro versus Wade and who would not

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<v Speaker 1>vote to a foldy affordable care at if the chief

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<v Speaker 1>Justice is and who would also question of burg offal

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<v Speaker 1>versus conjects on marriage equality and they seem to think,

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<v Speaker 1>the Republican Party, that is, that they can so le

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<v Speaker 1>justices who will do those things they have promised to do.

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<v Speaker 1>That Senator Josh Holly that he would not vote to

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<v Speaker 1>confirm any nominee who he was not confident would not

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<v Speaker 1>overturn Roe versus Ways, and he is confident in voting

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<v Speaker 1>to confirm Justice Sit to the Supreme Court. So I

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<v Speaker 1>think that Senator Cornin statement is out of death with

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<v Speaker 1>the Republican Party understanding about how the selection of justices

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<v Speaker 1>works and the reality about how the justices have voted

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<v Speaker 1>in high profile and theological cases. So, when you have

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<v Speaker 1>a nominee like this, who is very bright and has

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<v Speaker 1>judicial experience, she's been a law school professor for decades,

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<v Speaker 1>she is qualified? Is she not? She is qualified for

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<v Speaker 1>the court? Is it harder to attack her because she

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<v Speaker 1>is seemingly qualified for the court? Well, she's qualified in

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<v Speaker 1>the sense that her credentials make her eligible to sir

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<v Speaker 1>on the Supreme Court. But I think it's also safe

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<v Speaker 1>to say that she has expressed views that are out

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<v Speaker 1>of death with a majority of the United States. And also,

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<v Speaker 1>and equally importantly, that her appointment itself is happening in

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<v Speaker 1>a very unusual process, and so I think that the

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<v Speaker 1>Democrats would be on strong ground pointing out that the

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<v Speaker 1>appointment of a justice to the Sistreme Court as an

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<v Speaker 1>election is underway after the Republican Party a Republican Senate

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<v Speaker 1>has said justice should not be confirmed in an election

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<v Speaker 1>year and blocked President Obama's not me during an election year.

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<v Speaker 1>Those are very valid basis for opposing a nominee whose

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<v Speaker 1>views on the law of democracy and reproductive justice are

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<v Speaker 1>but very well known and also out of step with

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<v Speaker 1>where a majority of Americans are today. This question, too

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<v Speaker 1>is how much can you get from a judge writing

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<v Speaker 1>a dissent. She wrote a dissent in a case where

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<v Speaker 1>the court ruled that a felon did not have the

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<v Speaker 1>right to get a gun in she her discent was

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<v Speaker 1>he should have the right. So tell us about that

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<v Speaker 1>descent and whether you can really read so much into

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<v Speaker 1>a judge's descent. I think that descent is important for

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<v Speaker 1>two reasons. First is it does make somewhat plain that

0:15:18.440 --> 0:15:22.800
<v Speaker 1>her approach to the Second Amendment is more conservative than

0:15:23.320 --> 0:15:26.520
<v Speaker 1>the majority of the Supreme Court. In the Supreme Court's

0:15:26.520 --> 0:15:30.000
<v Speaker 1>decision in District of Columbia versus Power. Portions of the

0:15:30.040 --> 0:15:33.680
<v Speaker 1>opinion indicated that the federal government and state governments could

0:15:33.720 --> 0:15:37.520
<v Speaker 1>restrict the possession of firearms by persons with felony convictions.

0:15:37.560 --> 0:15:41.000
<v Speaker 1>They noted that those prohibitions were long standing and likely constitutional.

0:15:41.360 --> 0:15:45.760
<v Speaker 1>Judge Barrett, however, disagree. Equally important is what Judge Barrett

0:15:45.840 --> 0:15:48.800
<v Speaker 1>said in that decision about voting rights. She went out

0:15:48.800 --> 0:15:51.280
<v Speaker 1>of her way to note that the Second Amendment is

0:15:51.280 --> 0:15:54.680
<v Speaker 1>an individual right and different from the right to vote.

0:15:55.120 --> 0:15:58.880
<v Speaker 1>That is, she said the federal government couldn't prohibit all

0:15:58.920 --> 0:16:01.920
<v Speaker 1>persons of felony can actions and owning firearms, but it

0:16:01.960 --> 0:16:05.960
<v Speaker 1>could prevent persons of felony connections from voting. She called

0:16:06.240 --> 0:16:09.240
<v Speaker 1>the right to vote not an individual right but diyok

0:16:09.320 --> 0:16:14.360
<v Speaker 1>right limited to virtuous citizens. And that is revealing not

0:16:14.440 --> 0:16:17.360
<v Speaker 1>only about her views on voting rights, but also about

0:16:17.360 --> 0:16:21.680
<v Speaker 1>her willingness to go and decide issues that aren't directly

0:16:21.840 --> 0:16:24.360
<v Speaker 1>before the court. She didn't have to weigh in on

0:16:24.840 --> 0:16:26.960
<v Speaker 1>the scope of voting rights and a decision about the

0:16:26.960 --> 0:16:32.240
<v Speaker 1>constitutionality of restrictions on firearm possession. Thanks for being the

0:16:32.240 --> 0:16:35.320
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Lawn Show, Leah. That's Professor Leah Littman of the

0:16:35.400 --> 0:16:41.800
<v Speaker 1>University of Michigan Law School, Microsoft and Wales Targo pledged

0:16:41.840 --> 0:16:44.960
<v Speaker 1>to double their ranks of black leaders within five years.

0:16:45.520 --> 0:16:48.800
<v Speaker 1>In response, they received letters from the US Labor Department

0:16:48.880 --> 0:16:52.480
<v Speaker 1>asking how they would meet that commitment without discriminating on

0:16:52.520 --> 0:16:56.800
<v Speaker 1>the basis of race. My guest is Samuel Baginstas a

0:16:56.880 --> 0:17:00.000
<v Speaker 1>professor at the University of Michigan Law School. He served

0:17:00.120 --> 0:17:03.640
<v Speaker 1>in the Jealics Departments Civil Rights Division. So what's the

0:17:03.680 --> 0:17:09.520
<v Speaker 1>difference between affirmative action and discrimination in hiring. The phrase

0:17:09.560 --> 0:17:13.959
<v Speaker 1>affirmative action really covers a whole lot of ground and

0:17:14.320 --> 0:17:17.960
<v Speaker 1>sometimes a little bit confusing and misleading to to hear

0:17:18.000 --> 0:17:20.840
<v Speaker 1>the phrase affirmative action. And it's core what it is

0:17:20.840 --> 0:17:24.480
<v Speaker 1>is the idea that you want to make sure if

0:17:24.480 --> 0:17:27.479
<v Speaker 1>you're running a business or a school, if you're an

0:17:27.480 --> 0:17:30.800
<v Speaker 1>employer or whatever, you want to make sure that you're

0:17:30.840 --> 0:17:34.960
<v Speaker 1>taking actions that don't unnecessarily exclude people based on their

0:17:35.040 --> 0:17:39.040
<v Speaker 1>race or their sex, etcetera. And so you're taking steps

0:17:39.080 --> 0:17:43.359
<v Speaker 1>to see the results of the actions you're taking and

0:17:43.480 --> 0:17:48.040
<v Speaker 1>try to ensure that you get a sufficient representational qualified

0:17:48.080 --> 0:17:52.480
<v Speaker 1>people in various positions. And so where this comes from,

0:17:53.000 --> 0:17:57.320
<v Speaker 1>particularly in the employment setting UM is actually an executive

0:17:57.400 --> 0:18:01.400
<v Speaker 1>order that Lyndon Johnson's side in nineteen five that explicitly

0:18:01.440 --> 0:18:06.000
<v Speaker 1>ties affirmative action to non discrimination. Says employers have to

0:18:06.080 --> 0:18:11.520
<v Speaker 1>take affirmative action to ensure that applicants and employees are

0:18:11.520 --> 0:18:14.920
<v Speaker 1>treated without discrimination. So it shows if firma of action

0:18:15.000 --> 0:18:18.639
<v Speaker 1>doesn't mean quotas. It doesn't mean, you know, putting a

0:18:18.680 --> 0:18:21.440
<v Speaker 1>thumb on the scale for unqualified people. What it means

0:18:21.560 --> 0:18:24.959
<v Speaker 1>is just making sure that you're not discriminating, and you know,

0:18:25.000 --> 0:18:29.400
<v Speaker 1>consulting the results of your actions to check whether you're

0:18:29.440 --> 0:18:35.240
<v Speaker 1>DISCRIMINATET So, Microsoft and Wells Fargo pledged to double the

0:18:35.359 --> 0:18:39.439
<v Speaker 1>ranks of black leaders in their companies within five years.

0:18:39.520 --> 0:18:42.720
<v Speaker 1>That was a target. Was there anything that you see

0:18:42.760 --> 0:18:46.600
<v Speaker 1>that was wrong with them saying that? You know, if

0:18:46.640 --> 0:18:51.000
<v Speaker 1>what they were doing is saying, no matter who applies,

0:18:51.200 --> 0:18:54.920
<v Speaker 1>no matter what our pool is, you know, we are

0:18:55.480 --> 0:18:58.760
<v Speaker 1>going to get to a certain number or certain percentage

0:18:59.160 --> 0:19:04.560
<v Speaker 1>of African American managers. You know, that would very likely

0:19:04.600 --> 0:19:07.640
<v Speaker 1>be a violation of the law. But that doesn't at

0:19:07.640 --> 0:19:10.160
<v Speaker 1>all look like what they're doing. UM. What they're doing

0:19:10.200 --> 0:19:13.720
<v Speaker 1>instead is saying, look, this is a goal we have.

0:19:14.040 --> 0:19:17.000
<v Speaker 1>We have a goal of doubling our our percentage of

0:19:17.280 --> 0:19:22.320
<v Speaker 1>African American managers UM. And those kinds of goals are

0:19:23.160 --> 0:19:26.320
<v Speaker 1>really well entrenched in the law UM. And if you

0:19:26.359 --> 0:19:30.280
<v Speaker 1>look at the programs that that Microsoft and Wales Fargo

0:19:30.359 --> 0:19:33.879
<v Speaker 1>are adopting to make those goals real, you know, what

0:19:33.880 --> 0:19:36.679
<v Speaker 1>they're doing is very very much in the realm of

0:19:36.720 --> 0:19:41.680
<v Speaker 1>non discriminatory stuff. You know, they're working to expand their recruitment,

0:19:41.760 --> 0:19:45.320
<v Speaker 1>to expand their pool. Uh, you know, exactly the kind

0:19:45.359 --> 0:19:47.840
<v Speaker 1>of thing that we would want them to do to

0:19:47.880 --> 0:19:52.919
<v Speaker 1>avoid discrimination. I think, you know, one interesting aspect of

0:19:52.960 --> 0:19:58.240
<v Speaker 1>both Wells Fargo and Microsoft is that the very agency

0:19:58.280 --> 0:20:01.840
<v Speaker 1>of the Department of Labor that has just sent them

0:20:01.920 --> 0:20:05.879
<v Speaker 1>letters suggesting that they might be violating the law by

0:20:06.040 --> 0:20:10.439
<v Speaker 1>setting a goal of improving minority representation and management. Just

0:20:10.600 --> 0:20:14.560
<v Speaker 1>a couple of months ago, that same agency found each

0:20:14.800 --> 0:20:21.880
<v Speaker 1>of these companies libel um for discriminating against African Americans

0:20:22.200 --> 0:20:25.359
<v Speaker 1>in different ways. And so, you know, we have a

0:20:26.280 --> 0:20:31.320
<v Speaker 1>pattern of past discrimination by each of these two companies

0:20:31.520 --> 0:20:34.520
<v Speaker 1>that they're trying to overcome down. I think that's you know,

0:20:34.640 --> 0:20:38.280
<v Speaker 1>something that they should get credit for, UM. But instead

0:20:38.720 --> 0:20:41.840
<v Speaker 1>the Department of Labor is, you know, is acting in

0:20:41.880 --> 0:20:46.159
<v Speaker 1>a sort of maddeningly inconsistent way, first whacking them for

0:20:46.280 --> 0:20:49.960
<v Speaker 1>discriminating against African Americans and then threatening to whack them

0:20:50.040 --> 0:20:53.480
<v Speaker 1>for trying to do something about in that the settlements,

0:20:53.480 --> 0:20:57.640
<v Speaker 1>which were recent Microsoft paid three million dollars, Wells Fargo

0:20:57.760 --> 0:21:01.199
<v Speaker 1>paid seven point eight millions. They did not admit that

0:21:01.240 --> 0:21:04.840
<v Speaker 1>they had discriminated. Was it the Labor Department in the

0:21:04.840 --> 0:21:11.440
<v Speaker 1>Trump administration that initiated that investigation into Microsoft and Wells Fargo?

0:21:11.680 --> 0:21:14.080
<v Speaker 1>So it was it was the Trump administration that worked

0:21:14.080 --> 0:21:17.720
<v Speaker 1>out the settlements. Um, but I believe the investigations were

0:21:17.760 --> 0:21:20.840
<v Speaker 1>going on before the Trump administration. But you know, I

0:21:20.880 --> 0:21:24.640
<v Speaker 1>think that just highlights, uh that what's going on here

0:21:24.880 --> 0:21:28.040
<v Speaker 1>is as much about Trump as it is about just

0:21:28.160 --> 0:21:30.880
<v Speaker 1>kind of straightforward enforcement of the law. I mean, it's

0:21:30.920 --> 0:21:35.280
<v Speaker 1>not surprising that less than a month before the election,

0:21:35.520 --> 0:21:40.320
<v Speaker 1>where the Trump administration is trying to gin up culture

0:21:40.320 --> 0:21:44.080
<v Speaker 1>war issues, particularly around race. You know, you see this

0:21:44.240 --> 0:21:48.440
<v Speaker 1>shot across the bow at two very large corporations. At

0:21:48.440 --> 0:21:52.120
<v Speaker 1>the same time roughly that you see the you see

0:21:52.119 --> 0:21:56.560
<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration suing Yale for its affirmative Action program

0:21:56.560 --> 0:21:59.760
<v Speaker 1>and admissions. At the same time roughly that you see

0:21:59.760 --> 0:22:04.040
<v Speaker 1>this new executive order from UH from President Trump that

0:22:04.400 --> 0:22:08.960
<v Speaker 1>forbids federal contractors from doing certain kinds of diversity training

0:22:09.080 --> 0:22:13.440
<v Speaker 1>that allegedly scapegoat or stereotype white people. Um, right, all

0:22:13.480 --> 0:22:16.520
<v Speaker 1>of this is of a piece. It's it's all really

0:22:16.600 --> 0:22:20.080
<v Speaker 1>political much more than it is about law enforcement. How

0:22:20.119 --> 0:22:23.359
<v Speaker 1>odd is it that the Department of Labor sent out

0:22:23.400 --> 0:22:27.840
<v Speaker 1>this letter to these two companies. It's odd that the

0:22:27.880 --> 0:22:33.359
<v Speaker 1>Department of Labor is UH is asking these companies to

0:22:33.520 --> 0:22:38.080
<v Speaker 1>justify actions that are very much the kind of actions

0:22:38.119 --> 0:22:42.280
<v Speaker 1>that the Department of Labor's Office of Federal Contract Compliance

0:22:42.320 --> 0:22:47.000
<v Speaker 1>Programs was set up to encourage companies to do. I

0:22:47.000 --> 0:22:49.240
<v Speaker 1>mean the office of the Department of Labor that sent

0:22:49.320 --> 0:22:53.760
<v Speaker 1>this letter. Their job is to encourage federal contractors to

0:22:53.840 --> 0:22:59.960
<v Speaker 1>adopt affirmative action programs very much like the ones that Microsoft,

0:23:00.000 --> 0:23:02.920
<v Speaker 1>often Wales, Fargo have adopted. And the idea that they're

0:23:02.920 --> 0:23:05.360
<v Speaker 1>going to turn around now and say, oh, but once

0:23:05.440 --> 0:23:09.080
<v Speaker 1>you've done that, that raises suspicions that you're violating the law.

0:23:09.600 --> 0:23:13.879
<v Speaker 1>You know, it's just perverse and so so that's odd,

0:23:14.000 --> 0:23:16.600
<v Speaker 1>and it's not odd that they send an investigated letter

0:23:16.640 --> 0:23:18.879
<v Speaker 1>in general, that's how they open an investigation. But the

0:23:18.920 --> 0:23:23.800
<v Speaker 1>substance of this investigation is very odd. Um, can the

0:23:23.880 --> 0:23:28.520
<v Speaker 1>government just demand this information from federal contractors when there's

0:23:28.600 --> 0:23:31.600
<v Speaker 1>no formal complaint. Well, you know, there have been a

0:23:31.680 --> 0:23:37.399
<v Speaker 1>lot of fights recently over the Department of Labor's authority

0:23:37.800 --> 0:23:42.600
<v Speaker 1>UM with regard to investigations uh in in in this

0:23:42.720 --> 0:23:47.440
<v Speaker 1>precise area, and I think there's some lack of clarity.

0:23:47.480 --> 0:23:49.960
<v Speaker 1>I think, you know, from the perspective of the Department

0:23:49.960 --> 0:23:53.000
<v Speaker 1>of Labor, they've taken the position for a long time

0:23:53.080 --> 0:23:56.520
<v Speaker 1>that they don't need a complaint uh to demand information,

0:23:57.119 --> 0:24:00.320
<v Speaker 1>that this is part of their role in making sure

0:24:00.400 --> 0:24:05.720
<v Speaker 1>that federal contractors are complying with the terms of the

0:24:05.800 --> 0:24:09.560
<v Speaker 1>federal contract that require them not to discriminate and in

0:24:09.600 --> 0:24:13.040
<v Speaker 1>fact to provide affirmative action. Again, you know, I think

0:24:13.359 --> 0:24:18.720
<v Speaker 1>what's what's weird here is much more the substance of

0:24:18.760 --> 0:24:22.199
<v Speaker 1>what they're asking about than the process and tell us

0:24:22.240 --> 0:24:27.040
<v Speaker 1>about the Trump executive Order. So, a couple of weeks ago,

0:24:27.280 --> 0:24:32.680
<v Speaker 1>President Trump signed an executive order which has this very

0:24:32.720 --> 0:24:37.840
<v Speaker 1>innocuous title combating race and sex stereotyping. But what the

0:24:37.920 --> 0:24:44.120
<v Speaker 1>executive order does is it forbids federal contractors from conducting

0:24:44.400 --> 0:24:50.480
<v Speaker 1>workplace diversity and inclusion trainings that either promote race or

0:24:50.520 --> 0:24:55.160
<v Speaker 1>sex stereotyping or promote race or sex scapegoating. And these

0:24:55.320 --> 0:24:59.600
<v Speaker 1>terms race or sex stereotyping and racor sex scapegoating are

0:24:59.680 --> 0:25:03.600
<v Speaker 1>defined on in the Executive Order in such a way

0:25:03.720 --> 0:25:09.040
<v Speaker 1>that any training that teaches about the concept of white privilege,

0:25:09.160 --> 0:25:12.399
<v Speaker 1>for example, would violate the terms of the order. Any

0:25:12.440 --> 0:25:16.600
<v Speaker 1>training that teaches that people of particular races might have

0:25:16.840 --> 0:25:21.560
<v Speaker 1>more unconscious or implicit or even explicit bias um with

0:25:21.600 --> 0:25:24.680
<v Speaker 1>regard to other races might be in violation of the order.

0:25:24.800 --> 0:25:31.679
<v Speaker 1>So it's really designed to stop this whole apparatus of

0:25:31.800 --> 0:25:35.600
<v Speaker 1>workplace diversity and inclusion trainings UM. And again it's one

0:25:35.640 --> 0:25:39.000
<v Speaker 1>of these culture war issues that President Trump, I think

0:25:39.040 --> 0:25:42.840
<v Speaker 1>sees as a way of kind of promoting his re

0:25:43.000 --> 0:25:47.120
<v Speaker 1>election among his base. Labor Department created telephone and email

0:25:47.200 --> 0:25:51.480
<v Speaker 1>hotlines to report what you said offensive and anti American

0:25:51.640 --> 0:25:56.399
<v Speaker 1>race and sex stereotyping scapegoating. Is that unusual for the

0:25:56.520 --> 0:26:00.359
<v Speaker 1>for the Labor Department of hotlines like that, Well, you know,

0:26:00.440 --> 0:26:04.040
<v Speaker 1>I think the Labor Department, like other federal enforcement agencies,

0:26:04.080 --> 0:26:07.840
<v Speaker 1>will create hotlines when they when they're placing a very

0:26:07.920 --> 0:26:10.560
<v Speaker 1>high priority on an enforcement issue, you know. And so

0:26:10.600 --> 0:26:14.160
<v Speaker 1>I think it's just a sign that they are putting

0:26:14.160 --> 0:26:17.600
<v Speaker 1>a priority on this. And and look, if they were

0:26:17.640 --> 0:26:21.199
<v Speaker 1>to wait for written complaints, uh, they probably wouldn't be

0:26:21.240 --> 0:26:24.600
<v Speaker 1>able to issue any press releases before the election about

0:26:25.119 --> 0:26:28.080
<v Speaker 1>you know, diversity trainings they've taken down or threatened to

0:26:28.119 --> 0:26:32.000
<v Speaker 1>take down. And so you know, if this is significantly

0:26:32.280 --> 0:26:36.040
<v Speaker 1>about the election, much more than law enforcement in general,

0:26:36.480 --> 0:26:39.680
<v Speaker 1>then you would expect them to have a hotline like this. Uh.

0:26:39.720 --> 0:26:41.959
<v Speaker 1>You know. So again I think I think it's really

0:26:42.240 --> 0:26:45.199
<v Speaker 1>something you have to look at in the context in

0:26:45.200 --> 0:26:48.160
<v Speaker 1>which the Trump administration is acting. This is not just

0:26:48.320 --> 0:26:52.760
<v Speaker 1>a technocratic law enforcement action. This is really about three

0:26:52.760 --> 0:26:56.600
<v Speaker 1>weeks before the election and the Trump administration is taking

0:26:56.640 --> 0:26:59.119
<v Speaker 1>a bunch of steps to try to do what it

0:26:59.160 --> 0:27:03.760
<v Speaker 1>thinks will motivate its base. But what happens if Joe

0:27:03.760 --> 0:27:10.000
<v Speaker 1>Biden wins the election. Can these executive orders and the

0:27:10.160 --> 0:27:16.040
<v Speaker 1>various enforcement efforts by the Labor Department be turned around quickly? Yes,

0:27:16.280 --> 0:27:19.000
<v Speaker 1>they could be turned around very quickly. So, I mean

0:27:19.040 --> 0:27:23.000
<v Speaker 1>the executive order could be eliminated with the stroke of

0:27:23.000 --> 0:27:27.440
<v Speaker 1>a pen. It's just another executive order to rescind the

0:27:27.480 --> 0:27:30.800
<v Speaker 1>Trump executive order. That's all that would be necessary. Uh,

0:27:30.840 --> 0:27:35.400
<v Speaker 1>these investigations of Microsoft and Wells Fargo and any other

0:27:35.440 --> 0:27:39.159
<v Speaker 1>companies that are out there. Uh, you know, all it

0:27:39.200 --> 0:27:42.440
<v Speaker 1>would take is new leadership in the Labor Department taking

0:27:42.520 --> 0:27:45.240
<v Speaker 1>a look at the facts and saying, you know, on

0:27:45.359 --> 0:27:47.800
<v Speaker 1>the facts, we don't really think there's a violation here.

0:27:47.840 --> 0:27:51.800
<v Speaker 1>And now I think a responsible new administration that came

0:27:51.840 --> 0:27:55.800
<v Speaker 1>in would look at the facts and and make a

0:27:55.840 --> 0:27:59.640
<v Speaker 1>decision based on that rather than just sort of reflectively

0:27:59.680 --> 0:28:03.320
<v Speaker 1>saying anything Trump did was bad. So so we're reversing

0:28:03.359 --> 0:28:06.320
<v Speaker 1>everything Trump did. But you know, from the looks of it,

0:28:06.680 --> 0:28:10.760
<v Speaker 1>the facts suggest that there's not really a violation here,

0:28:10.760 --> 0:28:13.440
<v Speaker 1>and what's really going on here is politics. And if

0:28:13.480 --> 0:28:16.760
<v Speaker 1>that proves to be true, and the new administration finds that,

0:28:16.920 --> 0:28:20.879
<v Speaker 1>they could end the investigations very quickly. Has the Labor

0:28:20.960 --> 0:28:29.520
<v Speaker 1>Department in its outlook or enforcement changed under Eugene Scalia? Well,

0:28:29.560 --> 0:28:32.560
<v Speaker 1>I think you know what we've seen under Eugene Scalia

0:28:32.880 --> 0:28:38.640
<v Speaker 1>is uh much more centralization. Uh in the Secretary's office.

0:28:38.720 --> 0:28:41.560
<v Speaker 1>Send in people close to the Secretary's office at the

0:28:41.600 --> 0:28:44.480
<v Speaker 1>Labor Department. You know, he's been a very strong Secretary

0:28:44.480 --> 0:28:48.040
<v Speaker 1>of Labor, uh in the sense that he really takes

0:28:48.080 --> 0:28:52.239
<v Speaker 1>responsibility for running all of the department. Um. You know,

0:28:52.360 --> 0:28:56.240
<v Speaker 1>and so I think there had been some concern under

0:28:56.280 --> 0:28:59.360
<v Speaker 1>the prior secretary by folks in the Trump White House

0:28:59.480 --> 0:29:03.280
<v Speaker 1>that may be the agenda of the Trump administration wasn't

0:29:03.320 --> 0:29:08.960
<v Speaker 1>being effectively implemented, uh, in part because maybe Secretary Acosta

0:29:09.080 --> 0:29:11.600
<v Speaker 1>wasn't as fully on board with the Trump agenda, and

0:29:11.640 --> 0:29:14.840
<v Speaker 1>maybe in part because he wasn't as strong in terms

0:29:14.960 --> 0:29:20.280
<v Speaker 1>of managing from a centralized management perspective. But Eugene Scalia

0:29:20.360 --> 0:29:22.200
<v Speaker 1>has shown that he's a true member of the Trump

0:29:22.240 --> 0:29:25.040
<v Speaker 1>team and that he is a very effective manager to

0:29:25.280 --> 0:29:28.680
<v Speaker 1>implement the Trump agenda throughout the Lated Department. Do you

0:29:28.760 --> 0:29:33.720
<v Speaker 1>think it's wiser for CEOs of these big companies not

0:29:33.920 --> 0:29:38.760
<v Speaker 1>to announce targets for hiring, Well, I think that's what

0:29:39.160 --> 0:29:44.480
<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration is trying to suggest with these actions, UM.

0:29:44.600 --> 0:29:48.120
<v Speaker 1>And I think that would be a real shame, because,

0:29:49.200 --> 0:29:53.880
<v Speaker 1>you know, it certainly looks like from the Trump administration's perspective,

0:29:53.920 --> 0:29:58.280
<v Speaker 1>if you announce that you have a diversity goal at

0:29:58.320 --> 0:30:01.800
<v Speaker 1>some point in the future that that it's going to

0:30:01.840 --> 0:30:04.600
<v Speaker 1>create a target of a different type is to effectively

0:30:04.640 --> 0:30:07.560
<v Speaker 1>paying a target on the back of the company um

0:30:07.880 --> 0:30:12.760
<v Speaker 1>in a Department of Labor administrative investigation. And what that

0:30:12.760 --> 0:30:17.320
<v Speaker 1>would do then is discourage employers from taking the actions

0:30:17.400 --> 0:30:20.320
<v Speaker 1>they need to take to make sure that they're not

0:30:21.160 --> 0:30:25.320
<v Speaker 1>unnecessarily excluded and qualified people based on their race, you know.

0:30:25.320 --> 0:30:29.080
<v Speaker 1>And that's you know, from the beginning of the Affirmative

0:30:29.080 --> 0:30:32.560
<v Speaker 1>Action Executive Order in nineteen sixty five. The whole point

0:30:32.800 --> 0:30:35.800
<v Speaker 1>of this order and of this agency within the Department

0:30:35.800 --> 0:30:39.120
<v Speaker 1>of Labor was to encourage employers to take a hard

0:30:39.160 --> 0:30:43.040
<v Speaker 1>look at themselves and see whether what they were doing

0:30:43.320 --> 0:30:48.040
<v Speaker 1>was excluding qualified people based on race. And and the

0:30:48.080 --> 0:30:51.960
<v Speaker 1>goals are a core part of that. They're not quotas,

0:30:52.120 --> 0:30:55.360
<v Speaker 1>They're just a way of, you know, seeing how far

0:30:56.400 --> 0:31:00.400
<v Speaker 1>how far a company is from where it would be

0:31:00.440 --> 0:31:03.200
<v Speaker 1>if it were acting fairly, and a spur to taking

0:31:03.240 --> 0:31:07.160
<v Speaker 1>actions to remove unnecessary barriers. And that seems to be

0:31:07.240 --> 0:31:12.280
<v Speaker 1>again what Microsoft and Wells Fargo are doing here. And

0:31:12.720 --> 0:31:15.320
<v Speaker 1>I think the signal of the Trump administration is sending

0:31:15.760 --> 0:31:18.200
<v Speaker 1>is a scary one because what it would do is

0:31:18.680 --> 0:31:23.400
<v Speaker 1>discourage efforts to integrate American workplaces and to integrate the

0:31:23.480 --> 0:31:26.920
<v Speaker 1>management ranks of American workplaces, because remember that's really what

0:31:27.560 --> 0:31:31.240
<v Speaker 1>these investigations are about. We have companies who said, you know,

0:31:31.480 --> 0:31:34.200
<v Speaker 1>three percent of our managers, six percent of our managers

0:31:34.200 --> 0:31:38.680
<v Speaker 1>are African American, thirteen percent of Americans are African American.

0:31:38.760 --> 0:31:41.920
<v Speaker 1>Looks like there's something wrong here. Let's see what we

0:31:42.000 --> 0:31:44.840
<v Speaker 1>can do. What what are we doing that's stopping people

0:31:44.920 --> 0:31:47.640
<v Speaker 1>from being hired and advancing and employment to get to

0:31:47.720 --> 0:31:51.480
<v Speaker 1>that point. If we're committed to equal opportunity, that's something

0:31:51.520 --> 0:31:54.360
<v Speaker 1>we should want employers to do. Thanks for being on

0:31:54.400 --> 0:31:58.640
<v Speaker 1>the Bloomberg Law Show. That's Samuel bag Installs, a professor

0:31:58.640 --> 0:32:01.680
<v Speaker 1>at the University of Michigan Law School. And that's it

0:32:01.760 --> 0:32:04.280
<v Speaker 1>for the edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you

0:32:04.320 --> 0:32:06.320
<v Speaker 1>can always get the latest legal news by going to

0:32:06.360 --> 0:32:10.360
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can find them on iTunes, SoundCloud,

0:32:10.520 --> 0:32:14.560
<v Speaker 1>or at Bloomberg dot com slash podcast Slash Law. I'm

0:32:14.640 --> 0:32:17.840
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso. Thanks so much for listening, and remember to

0:32:17.840 --> 0:32:20.239
<v Speaker 1>tune to The Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight at ten

0:32:20.320 --> 0:32:22.760
<v Speaker 1>pm Eastern right here on Bloomberg Radio.