WEBVTT - What Were Jim Crow Laws?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to brain Stuff, a production of iHeart Radio. Hey

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<v Speaker 1>brain Stuff. Lauren Vogelbaum here. Today's episode speaks frankly but

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<v Speaker 1>non graphically about racial violence. For the better part of

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<v Speaker 1>a century, American people of color lived under the burden

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<v Speaker 1>of what are now known as Jim Crow Laws. This

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<v Speaker 1>racist system of segregation, mainly of black people from white people,

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<v Speaker 1>affected virtually every sector of American life and reached far

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<v Speaker 1>beyond the South, where it was best known and most

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<v Speaker 1>harshly practiced. Jim Crow Laws and the deep wounds that

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<v Speaker 1>they inflicted on American society are not relegated to the

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<v Speaker 1>past tense. Their legacy is still felt in many ways today.

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<v Speaker 1>We spoke with Stephen Barry, a professor of American culture

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of Michigan and the author of the

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<v Speaker 1>Jim Crow Routine, Everyday Performances of Race, civil Rights, and

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<v Speaker 1>Segregation in Mississippi. He said Jim Crow was about so

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<v Speaker 1>much more than laws. It really was an all encompass

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<v Speaker 1>system that involved political practices, economic practices, social practices, cultural practices.

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<v Speaker 1>Some of that was about legal things, but some of

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<v Speaker 1>it wasn't. One of the challenges why Jim Crow often

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<v Speaker 1>seems like it's in the past. People tend to think that, oh,

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<v Speaker 1>it was a few laws, and we got rid of

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<v Speaker 1>segregation laws and we got the Voting Rights Act, so

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<v Speaker 1>that must have taken care of it. It didn't. These

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<v Speaker 1>laws weren't named after a real life person. Jim Crow

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<v Speaker 1>was a fictional character in a minstrel show representation of

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<v Speaker 1>a black man and exaggerated, stereotyped and racist representation, played

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<v Speaker 1>by a white man on stage in black face in

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<v Speaker 1>the early eighteen hundreds. This character was a hit with

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<v Speaker 1>many audiences, and by ninety eight the term Jim Crow

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<v Speaker 1>had become a racial epithet. Estates began passing laws to

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<v Speaker 1>restrict the rights of slaves freed at the end of

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<v Speaker 1>the Civil War. The laws came to be known as

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<v Speaker 1>Jim Crow laws. The Emancipation Proclamation of eighteen sixty three

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<v Speaker 1>freed all slaves from states that had ceded from the Union,

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<v Speaker 1>and in the following years three amendments to the U.

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<v Speaker 1>S Constitution gave former slaves rights. Thirteenth in eighteen sixty

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<v Speaker 1>five abolished slavery, the fourteenth in eighteen sixty eight guaranteed

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<v Speaker 1>equal protection to all citizens, and the fifteenth in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy guaranteed the right to vote regardless of race, color,

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<v Speaker 1>or previous condition of servitude. The South, coping with its

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<v Speaker 1>loss in the Civil War and what it felt was

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<v Speaker 1>punishment meeted out by the U S government, responded by

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<v Speaker 1>enacting a series of laws over several years to severely

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<v Speaker 1>restrict the rights that had been granted to black people.

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<v Speaker 1>These laws were said to be enacted for many reasons,

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<v Speaker 1>but the simplest explanation is this they aimed to maintain

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<v Speaker 1>white people's claim to first class status in American society

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<v Speaker 1>and to keep black people a second class citizens. Here

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<v Speaker 1>are a few early examples of these laws. In eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>sixty six, the Tennessee legislature passed a bill requiring separate

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<v Speaker 1>schools for black and white people. Between eighteen sixty six

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<v Speaker 1>and nineteen fifty five, Tennessee passed twenty Jim Crow laws,

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<v Speaker 1>including ones that outlawed misagenation and required segregation in public accommodations.

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<v Speaker 1>In eighteen seventy seven, the new constitution of the State

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<v Speaker 1>of Georgia included requirements the primary schools be segregated, and

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<v Speaker 1>it established a separate university for black people. It also

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<v Speaker 1>instituted a poll tax, which disproportionately affected poor black people,

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<v Speaker 1>effectively stripping them of the right to vote. Laws like

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<v Speaker 1>these kept black people from voting and thereby from having

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<v Speaker 1>a say in governance. It barred them from holding public office,

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<v Speaker 1>thus slanting the justice system against them. It restricted them socially,

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<v Speaker 1>requiring Black people to use different phone booths, drinking fountains, restrooms,

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<v Speaker 1>and so on. It's stymied them economically, and in all

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<v Speaker 1>prohibited them from gaining equal footing with white citizens by themselves.

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<v Speaker 1>The Jim Crow laws were devastating, but as Barry points out,

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<v Speaker 1>the legal aspect of Jim Crow was only part of

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<v Speaker 1>the problem. Black people were also subjected to widespread violence

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<v Speaker 1>and murder, implicitly condoned by much of white society and

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<v Speaker 1>rarely prosecuted, that continued well into the twentieth century. The

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<v Speaker 1>Ku Klux Klan, originally a club for Confederate veterans, was

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<v Speaker 1>born in the aftermath of the Civil War and has

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<v Speaker 1>terrorized black people for decades. In the Equal Justice Initiative

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<v Speaker 1>released a report called Lynching in America, confronting the legacy

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<v Speaker 1>of racial terror. It documented in the period between eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy seven and nineteen fifty, almost four thousand lynchings. From

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<v Speaker 1>that report quote racial terror. Lynching was a tool used

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<v Speaker 1>to enforce Jim Crow laws and racial segregation, a tactic

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<v Speaker 1>for maintaining racial control by victimizing the entire African American community,

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<v Speaker 1>not merely punishment of an alleged perpetrator for a crime.

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<v Speaker 1>Barry explained that the fears, frustrations, and injustices created by

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<v Speaker 1>these laws and this violence seeped into everyday life. He said,

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<v Speaker 1>there's this tendency to think of both Jim Crow specifically

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<v Speaker 1>and racism more broadly as being this overt form that

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<v Speaker 1>looks like the KKK, that looks like a cross burning,

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<v Speaker 1>that looks like dramatic acts of violence. Sometimes it is that,

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<v Speaker 1>but often it's much more subtle. It's in the air

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<v Speaker 1>that we breathe and the water that we drink. Up

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<v Speaker 1>until eight Jim Crow laws were limited to state and

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<v Speaker 1>local regulations, but in a landmark case that year, the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court codified the laws nationally. In Plus e versus Ferguson,

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<v Speaker 1>the court upheld the Louisiana Separate Car Act. Of this act,

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<v Speaker 1>also known as the Louisiana Railways Accommodation Act required railways

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<v Speaker 1>to quote provide equal but separate accommodations for white people

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<v Speaker 1>and people of color. Unsuccessful challenges to this law brought

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<v Speaker 1>it to the Supreme Court in Plessy versus Ferguson, and

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<v Speaker 1>in their decision, the Court held up the constitutionality of

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<v Speaker 1>states segregation laws, which opened the door for even more

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<v Speaker 1>restrictive Jim Crow laws in the coming years across the country.

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<v Speaker 1>These included one that passed in Arkansas in three stating

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<v Speaker 1>that it was unlawful for white prisoners to be handcuffed

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<v Speaker 1>or chained to black prisoners, and one from nineteen eleven

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<v Speaker 1>in Nebraska which stated that marriages would be void if

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<v Speaker 1>one person was white and one was one eighth or

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<v Speaker 1>more black, Japanese or Chinese, and one from nineteen twenty

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<v Speaker 1>six in Atlanta that stated the black barbers couldn't serve

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<v Speaker 1>white women or girls. In Californian ninety four, the state's

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<v Speaker 1>constitution was amended to strip voting rights from anyone quote

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<v Speaker 1>who shall not be able to read the Constitution in

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<v Speaker 1>the English language and write his name. Remember that under

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<v Speaker 1>these laws, even basic schooling wasn't necessarily available to people

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<v Speaker 1>of color and On top of all of this violence

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<v Speaker 1>and lynchings, continued pockets of resistance to Jim Crow formed

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<v Speaker 1>from time to time, Barry says, especially after Black soldiers

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<v Speaker 1>returned home from World War One and World War Two

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<v Speaker 1>and pressed for equal treatment, but the system of oppression

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<v Speaker 1>remained strong. According to the Equal Justice Initiative, a white

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<v Speaker 1>mob and Blakely Georgia lynched William Little in nineteen nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>for refusing to take off his uniform after returning home

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<v Speaker 1>from World War One. Barry said African Americans always challenged

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<v Speaker 1>the system. They always pushed back. Sometimes it came just

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<v Speaker 1>in terms of teaching your children how you survive this system.

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<v Speaker 1>Not only we want you to know these rules so

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<v Speaker 1>that you're safe, but we also want you to know

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<v Speaker 1>that you're just pretending. The poet Lawrence Dunbar referred to

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<v Speaker 1>this as we wear the mask. The idea was, you're

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<v Speaker 1>wearing this mask and pretending to go through the rules,

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<v Speaker 1>but you're learning that that's not who you really are,

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<v Speaker 1>that you're not really inferior, even though you're following those

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<v Speaker 1>rules that are meant to tell you that. Three years

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<v Speaker 1>after the end of World War Two, on July, President

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<v Speaker 1>Harry s. Truman desegregated the military, which was perhaps one

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<v Speaker 1>of the first real steps towards the downfall of Jim

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<v Speaker 1>Crow Laws. It wasn't until nineteen fifty four Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>decision in Brown versus the Board of Education, though, which

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<v Speaker 1>ruled that separating school children on the basis of race

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<v Speaker 1>was unconstitutional, thus overturning the idea of separate but equal

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<v Speaker 1>expressed in the Plessy decision about sixty years earlier. The

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<v Speaker 1>Jim Crow Laws were dealt a fatal blow. Barry explained,

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<v Speaker 1>World War Two was a huge turning point. People are

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<v Speaker 1>always pushing back and fighting. There's this constant struggle, but

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<v Speaker 1>it became more visible then, and you do get this

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<v Speaker 1>mobilization in the mid nineteen fifties. The struggle to free

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<v Speaker 1>black Americans from Jim Crow had more setbacks to come.

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<v Speaker 1>The Cold War was a hard time for anyone to

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<v Speaker 1>question American values for fear of being branded a communist.

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<v Speaker 1>But the turbulent nineteen sixties, with the full throated protests

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<v Speaker 1>of the Freedom Rides of nineteen sixty one and the

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<v Speaker 1>passage of the Civil Rights Act in nineteen sixty eight,

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<v Speaker 1>helped solidify the idea that Jim Crow laws were a

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<v Speaker 1>thing of the past, and that segregation had no place

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<v Speaker 1>in American society of the Gerald M. Packard in American Nightmare,

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<v Speaker 1>The History of Jim Crow wrote that quote Jim Crow

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<v Speaker 1>was a disease that once permeated every fissure and fold

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<v Speaker 1>of American society. Yet in the past few years voter

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<v Speaker 1>suppression measures have been introduced by the hundreds. Black people

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<v Speaker 1>in America today are incarcerated at a rate of more

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<v Speaker 1>than five times that of white people, and as of

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<v Speaker 1>investigative journalism by The Guardian found the black citizens and

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<v Speaker 1>black men ages fifteen to thirty four years in particular,

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<v Speaker 1>are disproportionately the victims of deadly forced by police officers.

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<v Speaker 1>Young black men made up just two percent of the

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<v Speaker 1>population but accounted for fifteen percent of deaths perpetrated by

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<v Speaker 1>the police. And we're nine times more likely to die

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<v Speaker 1>in police instance than any other demographic. Jim Crow Laws

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<v Speaker 1>may be dead, Jim Crow, though, is not. Today's episode

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<v Speaker 1>was written by John Donovan and produced by Tyler Klang.

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<v Speaker 1>For more on listen lots of other topics, visit how

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