WEBVTT - Supreme Court Takes on Partisan Gerrymandering Case (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>It's a case that could have profound ramifications on American elections. Today,

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court announced that it will consider whether judges

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<v Speaker 1>can throw out election maps for being so partisan they

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<v Speaker 1>violate the Constitution. The Court has never found a plan

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<v Speaker 1>unconstitutional because of partisan gerrymandering. Our guests are Rick Hassan,

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<v Speaker 1>professor at U c Irvan and founder of the Election

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<v Speaker 1>Law Blog, and Josh Douglas, professor at the University of

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<v Speaker 1>Kentucky Law School. Rick, will you start by describing the

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<v Speaker 1>case from Wisconsin that the justices will be considering. This

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<v Speaker 1>is one of a number of cases involving partisan gerrymandering

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<v Speaker 1>that has been working his way up the courts. The

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<v Speaker 1>claim here is that Wisconsin is basically a fifty fifty

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<v Speaker 1>state between Democrats and Republicans, but the Republican state legislature

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<v Speaker 1>drew the lines for their General Assembly in such a

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<v Speaker 1>skewed way to help Republicans that Republicans are able to

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<v Speaker 1>capture many more seats than would be done if it

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<v Speaker 1>were a fairly drawn district. Josh, the last time the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme weren't really dealt with this issue was back in

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<v Speaker 1>twenty four. Can you describe where the Court left us

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<v Speaker 1>after that case. Yeah, well, the Court didn't answer questions

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<v Speaker 1>as much as provided more of them. Uh. For justices

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<v Speaker 1>Uh said that there was no standard by which to

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<v Speaker 1>test a partisan jmander. That is, courts basically shouldn't be

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<v Speaker 1>involved in resolving these kinds of cases because it was

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<v Speaker 1>not of a judicial nature and estead as a political question.

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<v Speaker 1>The four other justices, four so called liberal justice each

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<v Speaker 1>came up with a standard. Uh. They said, here's a

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<v Speaker 1>good standard for courts to use, and we think it's acceptable.

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<v Speaker 1>And Justice Kennedy was in the middle and he said,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't like any of the standards that anyone has

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<v Speaker 1>proposed so far, but I'm not going to close the

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<v Speaker 1>door to any future standard emerging. So you had with

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<v Speaker 1>kind of a four one four decision in which Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Kennedy holds all the keys to power. If he likes

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<v Speaker 1>the standards, then maybe we'll have the ability to police

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<v Speaker 1>partisan jerrymandering. If he doesn't, then there'll be no way

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<v Speaker 1>for course to do so. So Rick, the Court has

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<v Speaker 1>been reluctant to take up partisan jerrymandering since that case.

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<v Speaker 1>Why did they take up this case? Well, there was

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<v Speaker 1>a there was one other case where the Court looked

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<v Speaker 1>at Parson Jerremanry since then involving mid decade redistricting in Texas.

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<v Speaker 1>But you're right that this is the first one. And

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<v Speaker 1>I think the reason, or one reason the Court may

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<v Speaker 1>have taken the case is that it came up in

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<v Speaker 1>an unusual way. Most cases come up they go to

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<v Speaker 1>a district court, then they go to a three judge

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<v Speaker 1>appeals court, and eventually worked their up to the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court on what's called a certain petition. This case came

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<v Speaker 1>up directly from a three judge appeals court. I thought,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm sorry at three judge district court directly on appeal

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<v Speaker 1>to the Supreme Court. And when case has come up

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<v Speaker 1>in this unusual way, when the Supreme Court decides not

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<v Speaker 1>to hear that case, it means the lower court got

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<v Speaker 1>the ruling right. And so this was a rare case

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<v Speaker 1>where a lower court said, yes, this is a partisan gerrymander.

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<v Speaker 1>And so if the Court decided not to hear that case,

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<v Speaker 1>it would have at the signal that yes, courts are

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<v Speaker 1>in the business of policing these things, but we're not

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<v Speaker 1>going to tell you what the standard is, how you're

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to do it. Because this ruling would just mean

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<v Speaker 1>the lower court got it right, not necessarily that it's

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<v Speaker 1>reasoning was correct, and so it would have left so

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<v Speaker 1>many questions if the Court didn't hear the case. I

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<v Speaker 1>really would have been shocked if the Court didn't take

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<v Speaker 1>it to clarify this. So I wouldn't necessarily take it

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<v Speaker 1>as the fact that the Court agreed to hear this

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<v Speaker 1>case as meaning the Court is really ready to start

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<v Speaker 1>policing these things. It really is going to come down

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<v Speaker 1>to Justice Kennedy and the fact that the Court an

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<v Speaker 1>hour after issuing it's order that will hear the case,

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<v Speaker 1>issued another order that it would not stay a lower

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<v Speaker 1>court order to redistrict in the meantime, means that there

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<v Speaker 1>is maybe some skepticism about what the lower court did, Josh,

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<v Speaker 1>As you suggested earlier back in Justice Kennedy said, I

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<v Speaker 1>haven't seen any standards that would let us judge what

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<v Speaker 1>is an unconstitutional partisan jerrymandering. How did the lower court

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<v Speaker 1>in this case deal with that? What was the standard

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<v Speaker 1>that it it suggested? Well, this is a new standard

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<v Speaker 1>that was created by low professor Nick Stephanopolis and a

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<v Speaker 1>political scientist Eric McGee called the efficiency gap and was

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<v Speaker 1>getting without getting two technical into the details of it.

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<v Speaker 1>The basic gist is that it's a mathematical way to

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<v Speaker 1>look at the maps performance UH and see if it's

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<v Speaker 1>skewed towards one board party or another and the lower

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<v Speaker 1>record UH. You recognize that just Kennedy had left the

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<v Speaker 1>door open to a standard and it was a two

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<v Speaker 1>to one decision, agreed with the efficiency gap standard, modified

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<v Speaker 1>it a little bit and came up with a test

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<v Speaker 1>that it thought was judicially manageable and that would pass

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kennedy's UH test or hope for meaningful standard to emerge.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think one of the key points here is

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<v Speaker 1>that it's a fairly preciser technical standard UH that in

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<v Speaker 1>theory should be easy to apply, and that's one thing

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<v Speaker 1>that T. Kennedy was looking for. We're talking about this

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<v Speaker 1>Preme Court deciding today to take up a case on

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<v Speaker 1>partisan gerrymandering. We're talking with Rick Hassion and professor at

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<v Speaker 1>U c Irvine and founder of the Election Law Blog,

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<v Speaker 1>and Josh Douglas, professor at the University of Kentucky Law School. Rick,

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<v Speaker 1>can you talk about the politics of jerrymandering and whether

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<v Speaker 1>this case has the potential to have a profound effect

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<v Speaker 1>on that and the American election system just you know

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<v Speaker 1>a small question there, right. So I think that the uh,

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<v Speaker 1>the willingness of political uh parties to jerrymander is is

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<v Speaker 1>well established. And um, the reason this has become more

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<v Speaker 1>of a partisan issue with Democrats um being warenched in

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<v Speaker 1>reigning this in the Republicans is that Republicans control more

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<v Speaker 1>state legislatures and therefore they engage in this process more uh.

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<v Speaker 1>And so so I think it does become a kind

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<v Speaker 1>of uh partisan issue. Uh. And if the Court actually

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<v Speaker 1>reigned in partisan gerrymaner, I think we would see would

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<v Speaker 1>be more Democratic seats overall. That wouldn't be true in

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<v Speaker 1>every state, but across the board, and this also would

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<v Speaker 1>affect Congress. I think a state legislature is generally the

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<v Speaker 1>ones that draw districts for Congress, and they'll they'll engage

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<v Speaker 1>in partison gerry managering there too. That said, uh, it's

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<v Speaker 1>not clear that the Court's agreeing to police parton gerrymandering

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<v Speaker 1>is going to have a huge effect on the number

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<v Speaker 1>of seats that are Republican or Democrat, in part because

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<v Speaker 1>Democrats tend to cluster in cities and so there's kind

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<v Speaker 1>of a natural benefit to Republicans as districts are drawn,

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<v Speaker 1>and a natural disadvantage to Democrats. So it's not really

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<v Speaker 1>clear that would have that effect. It's also not clear whether,

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<v Speaker 1>as some people claim, reigning in partsonerry managering would produce

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<v Speaker 1>more moderate candidates as Um, you know, a way to

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<v Speaker 1>try to cure the polarization in our Congress and in

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<v Speaker 1>our state legislatures, Joshua. While it may be unusual for

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<v Speaker 1>the court to directly consider partisan jerry managering, we've had

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<v Speaker 1>an awful lot of racial jerrymandering cases at the Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 1>Can you connect the two forests? What's the intersection between

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<v Speaker 1>racial jerrymandering cases in the Court's decisions there and this

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<v Speaker 1>partisan jerrymandering issue. Well, I think there's there's two connections,

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<v Speaker 1>and and Rick has a new paper out that fleshes

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<v Speaker 1>is out quite nicely. Um. And the connections here are one.

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<v Speaker 1>Race and party now have become so intertwined. That is

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<v Speaker 1>to say that racial minorities tend to vote democratic, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>and white majorities tend to vote more Republican. Of course

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<v Speaker 1>that's not universal, but I feel like because the numbers

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<v Speaker 1>of those are the trend especially for racial minorities. And

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<v Speaker 1>so you have a link between Toronto trying to draw

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<v Speaker 1>lines on the basis of politics and doing so on

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<v Speaker 1>the basis of race. And in fact, some states have

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<v Speaker 1>defended their their maps on racial jerrymandering challenges by saying, no,

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<v Speaker 1>we're not drawing lines based on race, only concerned about politics.

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<v Speaker 1>So so their linked. And then the second thing I'd

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<v Speaker 1>say is that some plaintiffs have used the racial jerrymandering

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<v Speaker 1>doctrine to attack what are really partisan jerrymanders because of

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<v Speaker 1>that linkage. And so if the court were to adopt

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<v Speaker 1>the standard now for partisan jerreymandering, that would cut out

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<v Speaker 1>the argument that, well, we were really trying to do

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<v Speaker 1>this for politics and not for a race. So I

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<v Speaker 1>think they are very much intertwined. Um, But there's been

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<v Speaker 1>no standard to police partisan jerrymandering as of yet. If

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<v Speaker 1>the court agrees with this standard, then there'll be another

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<v Speaker 1>line of attack. You wouldn't have to go after a

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<v Speaker 1>partisan jerrymander under the guys or racial jerrymander. You should

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<v Speaker 1>go after the partisan gerrymander directly. So Rick in this

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<v Speaker 1>Wisconsin case, the plaintiffs pushed a plan called the Efficiency gap,

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<v Speaker 1>and the lower court didn't endorse it completely. What is

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<v Speaker 1>that plan and what's your opinion of it? Right, So

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<v Speaker 1>the task in in all of these partisan gerrymandering cases

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<v Speaker 1>is fixing out when consideration of political party information is

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<v Speaker 1>too much. Uh. There's a legitimate reason to consider political

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<v Speaker 1>party information when you're drawing districts, because you want to

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<v Speaker 1>put people who have similar ideas together in the same district.

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<v Speaker 1>That way a representative can best represent to that district.

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<v Speaker 1>It would be uh, kind of a strange situation if

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<v Speaker 1>if districts kept changing, if they were saying half Democrats

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<v Speaker 1>and have Republicans, and they kept shifting every couple of years, Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>that might not be great for representation. So all the

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<v Speaker 1>jice agree that okay to look at some party information,

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<v Speaker 1>and the question is how much is too much. In

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<v Speaker 1>the VF case, which was mentioned earlier, the two thousand

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<v Speaker 1>four case, there were I think at least six different

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<v Speaker 1>standards that were put forward before Justice Kennedy, and each

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<v Speaker 1>one of them he rejected as not sufficiently manageable as

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<v Speaker 1>a standard. And so what's been happening since VIFS the

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<v Speaker 1>planets have tried to come up with other standards and

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<v Speaker 1>the standard that the Planets latched onto in the Wisconsin

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<v Speaker 1>case is as you mentioned earlier, called the efficiency gap,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's basically looking at how many votes are wasted

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<v Speaker 1>in each district. So, for example, if you stick a

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<v Speaker 1>whole bunch of Democrats into a district, so a district

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<v Speaker 1>that's electing a Democrat has Democratic voters and Republicans to

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<v Speaker 1>keep the example very simple, then those extra thirty percent

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<v Speaker 1>of Democratic voters, those votes are kind of wasted. They

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<v Speaker 1>could have been put into other districts. And so if

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<v Speaker 1>you see much more of this happening on the on

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<v Speaker 1>the two Democrats and Republicans, you have this kind of asymmetry,

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<v Speaker 1>then that shows you, um, that there could be a

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<v Speaker 1>partisan Gerrymager Plane put that standard out there. The Court

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<v Speaker 1>partially adopted it, and it's going to be one of

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<v Speaker 1>the many standards that are going to be put before

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kennedy as the case gets considered next term. About

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<v Speaker 1>thirty seconds left of Josh, do you agree that Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Kennedy will be the swing vote in this Yeah, He's

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<v Speaker 1>absolutely the swing vote because he's uh, he said in

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<v Speaker 1>that two thousand and four case. Um, I don't like

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<v Speaker 1>any of the standards out there, but I'm open to

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<v Speaker 1>a standard emerging uh if if if someone who's really

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<v Speaker 1>smart can come up with it, and so he apparently

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<v Speaker 1>is still actively looking and so he's the old ball game.

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<v Speaker 1>Thank you both for being on Bloomberg Law. That's Josh Douglas,

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<v Speaker 1>professor at the University of Kentucky School of Law, and

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<v Speaker 1>Rick hass And, professor at U c Irvine, also founder

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<v Speaker 1>of the Election Law Blog, which we all follow.