WEBVTT - What's the Difference Between Redistricting and Gerrymandering?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to brain Stuff, a production of iHeart Radio, Hey

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<v Speaker 1>brain Stuff, Lauren Boba bam here. A representative democracy can

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<v Speaker 1>be a beautiful thing, but the process of drawing the

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<v Speaker 1>lines for congressional and state legislative districts can get ugly.

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<v Speaker 1>The Constitution is vague on how voting districts should be drawn,

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<v Speaker 1>saying only that they should be updated every ten years

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<v Speaker 1>and be roughly equal in population. Over the centuries. Since

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<v Speaker 1>the constitution's writing, American politicians have seized on the once

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<v Speaker 1>a decade redistricting process to redraw voting maps to their advantage.

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<v Speaker 1>While partisan redistricting is an accepted, if bemoaned practice, the

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<v Speaker 1>courts have found it unacceptable to redraw voting districts for

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<v Speaker 1>the express purpose of suppressing the voting power of black

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<v Speaker 1>voters and other minority groups. Gerrymandering is defined as the

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<v Speaker 1>manipulation of voting districts for hyperpartist in or racist reasons,

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<v Speaker 1>but the line between legit redistricting and unethical jerrymandering is

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<v Speaker 1>blurry at best. It's ultimately up to judges to decide

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<v Speaker 1>whether a redistricting plan is kosher or not. Every ten years,

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<v Speaker 1>the United States conducts a census. The constitutional purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>the census is apportionment, that is, the process of determining

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<v Speaker 1>how many seats each state should have in the House

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<v Speaker 1>of Representatives. While the Constitution automatically a lots to senators

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<v Speaker 1>for every state, the apportionment of representatives in the four

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and thirty five seat House is based on population,

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<v Speaker 1>with populous states like California getting fifty two representatives as

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<v Speaker 1>of the census and sparsely populated states like Wyoming and

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<v Speaker 1>South Dakota only getting one seat. Each. Members of the

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<v Speaker 1>House are voted into office by the voters in their

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<v Speaker 1>congressional district back home, and according to the Constitution, those

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<v Speaker 1>districts should be approximately the same size, meaning that each

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<v Speaker 1>of the four thirty five House members represent roughly the

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<v Speaker 1>same number of people. The average congressional district now holds

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<v Speaker 1>a little over seven d s people. But who draws

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<v Speaker 1>the district maps. A handful of states appoint independent commissions

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<v Speaker 1>who draw their district lines, but those are the outliers

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<v Speaker 1>right now. State legislatures in thirty nine states draw their

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<v Speaker 1>own congressional districts, though that includes the six states that

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<v Speaker 1>only have one congressional district. If the state legislature is

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<v Speaker 1>firmly in the hands of one political party or the other,

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<v Speaker 1>as it is in more than half of all states,

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<v Speaker 1>then that party exercises a lot of control over the

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<v Speaker 1>redistricting process. By tweaking the size and shape of voting districts,

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<v Speaker 1>they can boost the voting power of their party and

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<v Speaker 1>increase the odds of winning congressional seats. The district drawings

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<v Speaker 1>and power struggles in each individual states legislature works similarly,

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<v Speaker 1>but we're concentrating on the national government today. Okay, So

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<v Speaker 1>when does partisan redistricting cross the line and become illegal gerrymandering.

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<v Speaker 1>When state legislators sit down to redraw their voting district maps,

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<v Speaker 1>even in solidly Republican or democratic states, they're expected to

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<v Speaker 1>play by some basic rules. Districts have to be of

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<v Speaker 1>roughly equal population, though a deviation of a few percentage

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<v Speaker 1>points is okay. Districts have to be contiguous, meaning they

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<v Speaker 1>have to be contained by one boundary. And districts should

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<v Speaker 1>be compact, not long and snakelike. Of those three characteristics,

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<v Speaker 1>the compactness or non compactness of a district is usually

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<v Speaker 1>the one that triggers accusations of gerrymandering. For the article

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<v Speaker 1>this episode is based on, Has to Work, spoke with

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<v Speaker 1>Doug Spencer, a law professor and election law scholar at

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Colorado, Boulder. He explained, if you see

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<v Speaker 1>a bizarrely shaped district that raises your intent a that

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<v Speaker 1>it may not have been drawn neutral ly, but in

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<v Speaker 1>a way that favors some group, political group, a racial group,

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<v Speaker 1>or something else. After all, it was the freakest shape

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<v Speaker 1>of a Massachusetts congressional district that helped coin the term

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<v Speaker 1>Jerrymander in eighteen twelve. The long and snaking district was

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<v Speaker 1>approved by Governor Elbridge Jerry and delivered a powerful electoral

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<v Speaker 1>advantage to his party, the Democratic Republicans. A newspaper cartoonist

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<v Speaker 1>noted the alamander like shape of the district and labeled

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<v Speaker 1>it the Jerrymander after its partisan creator. According to Spencer,

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<v Speaker 1>the courts have recognized that partisanship and the redistricting process

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<v Speaker 1>is an accepted outcome of state elections. If voters put

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<v Speaker 1>control of the state legislature in the hands of one party,

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<v Speaker 1>then there's an expectation that party officials will make redistricting

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<v Speaker 1>decisions that benefit their party. Spencer said, the question becomes

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<v Speaker 1>how much partisanship is too much. That's the line that's

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<v Speaker 1>hard to distinguish. Some state legislatures are blatantly honest, but

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<v Speaker 1>what they're trying to accomplish. In North Carolina, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>the Republican chair of the state's redistricting committee said in sixteen,

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<v Speaker 1>I propose we draw the maps to give an advantage

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<v Speaker 1>to ten Republicans and three Democrats, because I do not

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<v Speaker 1>believe it's possible to draw a map with eleven Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>and two Democrats. And in Maryland, the Democratic governor testified

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<v Speaker 1>that a new district was drawn to quote create a

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<v Speaker 1>district where the people would be more likely to elect

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<v Speaker 1>a Democrat than Republican. Yes, this was clearly my intent.

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<v Speaker 1>But do such statements go too far? For its part,

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court is keeping out of the controversy. In

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<v Speaker 1>twenty nineteen, the justices ruled five to four that the

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<v Speaker 1>nation's highest court would not get involved in challenges to

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<v Speaker 1>state plans on strictly political grounds. They left those challenges

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<v Speaker 1>to state lawmakers and state courts. Racially motivated jerrymandering is

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<v Speaker 1>unconstitutional under the Fourteenth Amendment guarantee of equal protection under

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<v Speaker 1>the law. But before the nineteen sixty four Voting Rights

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<v Speaker 1>Act was passed, state legislatures a special in the Jim

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<v Speaker 1>Crow era South used a pair of gerrymandering tactics to

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<v Speaker 1>strip black voters of equal electoral power. They're called packing

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<v Speaker 1>and cracking. If black voters were concentrated in a certain

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<v Speaker 1>geographic area of a state, then the legislators would pack

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<v Speaker 1>them into one or two districts. Even if that created

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<v Speaker 1>strong black voting blocks in those districts, their vote would

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<v Speaker 1>be outweighed by all of the majority white districts. If

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<v Speaker 1>black voters were more geographically dispersed, then the districts were

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<v Speaker 1>drawn in order to crack or dilute the black vote

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<v Speaker 1>by assigning small numbers of black voters to several different districts,

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<v Speaker 1>and that way their voices were still guaranteed to be

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<v Speaker 1>drowned out by the white majority. This was supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>change with the Voting Rights Act, which included a provision

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<v Speaker 1>that six Southern states had to receive federal approval for

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<v Speaker 1>their districting plans. Those six states, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi,

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<v Speaker 1>South Carolina, and Virginia were flagged for this extra scrutiny

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<v Speaker 1>because of a story of race based jerrymandering. In the

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen sixties, three more states were added, Alaska, Arizona, and Texas,

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<v Speaker 1>but in a landmark case, the Supreme Court bailed out

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<v Speaker 1>those nine states from having to seek congressional pre approval

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<v Speaker 1>for their plans, and stoking fears of a new wave

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<v Speaker 1>of racially motivated jerrymandering, mainly in Republican controlled Southern legislatures.

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<v Speaker 1>The reality is that racial jerrymandering is still unlawful and

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<v Speaker 1>can be challenged in both state and federal courts. A

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<v Speaker 1>lawsuit intended to block a state's redistricting plan on racial

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<v Speaker 1>grounds must be filed by a voter living in the district,

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<v Speaker 1>says Spencer, not an outside political organization. It's then up

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<v Speaker 1>to a judge or judges to determine if there's enough evidence,

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<v Speaker 1>like testimony or emails or texts between lawmakers to conclude

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<v Speaker 1>that the district lines were in fact drawn to disenfranchise

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<v Speaker 1>minority voters. And these challenges do happen. Two high profile

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court cases within the past gade effectively blocked districting

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<v Speaker 1>plans in North Carolina and Virginia on grounds of racial jerrymandering.

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<v Speaker 1>A part of what makes the line between redistricting and

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<v Speaker 1>jerrymandering so blurry is that the electorate has become increasingly

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<v Speaker 1>polarized along racial lines. In presidential election, for example, of

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<v Speaker 1>black voters shows the Democratic candidate Joe Biden. Meanwhile, white

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<v Speaker 1>voters continued to skew Republican particularly non college educated white

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<v Speaker 1>voters of whom voted for Donald Trump. What that means

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<v Speaker 1>for Republican held legislatures, especially in the South, is that

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<v Speaker 1>any attempt to crack or pack districts to prevent the

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<v Speaker 1>election of Democrats risks targeting black voters and running a

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<v Speaker 1>foul of the law. Today's episode is based on the

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<v Speaker 1>article what's the difference between redistricting and jerrymandering? On House

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<v Speaker 1>to works dot com, written by Dave Rouse. Brain Stuff

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<v Speaker 1>stuff works dot Com, and it's produced by Tyler Clang.

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