WEBVTT - Tiananmen Remastered, Part 2

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<v Speaker 1>Call Zone Media. Welcome toek it happened here. I'm your host,

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<v Speaker 1>Miya Wong. When we last left the story of Tieneman one,

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<v Speaker 1>Vladimir Ilios Lenin had, in theory, crushed the last remnants

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<v Speaker 1>of the faction of the worker's movement that actually wanted

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<v Speaker 1>democracy to extend into the factories. Unfortunately for the Leninists,

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<v Speaker 1>no matter how many workers they killed, the demand for

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<v Speaker 1>democracy in the factory simply refused to die for over

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred years. The development of the mass factory system

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<v Speaker 1>and the logistical infrastructure necessary to support it, perhaps most importantly,

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<v Speaker 1>coal mines and the railroads used to transport that coal,

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<v Speaker 1>generated an especially militant working class that saw democratic control

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<v Speaker 1>over the workplace as a fundamental aspect of its liberation. Ideologically,

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<v Speaker 1>as the Journal and Notes pointed out, this man infested

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<v Speaker 1>in a series of interlocking beliefs about the nature of

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<v Speaker 1>the working class and class society, all of which were

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<v Speaker 1>necessary for the instinctive formation of workers councils to manifest

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<v Speaker 1>themselves in moments of revolutionary crisis. In the midst of

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<v Speaker 1>the rapid technological expansions of the Second and Third Industrial revolutions,

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<v Speaker 1>workers came to see themselves as the creators of the

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<v Speaker 1>new world. This produced the second belief that drove the

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<v Speaker 1>classical workers movement. The producers of this new world should

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<v Speaker 1>also be its inheritors. Thus, the goal of the worker's

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<v Speaker 1>movement was to take control of production in itself and

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<v Speaker 1>manage it for the common benefit of workers themselves. These

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<v Speaker 1>two beliefs in and of themselves were not unique to

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<v Speaker 1>the democratic wing of the workers movement. They broadly comprised

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<v Speaker 1>the ideology of the movement as a whole, and by

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<v Speaker 1>this point the workers movement was extremely broad, stretching from

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<v Speaker 1>social democratic trade unionists the intellectual heads of the laf

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<v Speaker 1>Leninist vanguard parties. What made the democratic wing unique was

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<v Speaker 1>its concern with the fundamental alienation of factory life, with

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<v Speaker 1>the condition of being reduced to an object by bosses

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<v Speaker 1>who simply used workers as human tools. For the Leninists

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<v Speaker 1>and social Democrats, alienation was simply a product of ownership

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<v Speaker 1>or distribution. The liberation of the working class would be

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<v Speaker 1>found in its productive capacity, not in its innate humanity

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<v Speaker 1>and creativity. Before the democratic wing of the Workers movement,

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<v Speaker 1>this solved nothing as long as the fundamental reduction from

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<v Speaker 1>human to object that characterized one man rule in the

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<v Speaker 1>factory persisted. Changes in owners of structure and health benefits

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<v Speaker 1>missed the entire point that degradation could only be solved

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<v Speaker 1>by returning agency and autonomy to the working class, by

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<v Speaker 1>giving it the class itself control over the production process

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<v Speaker 1>that for so long had controlled them. In nineteen thirty six,

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish workers decided to take matters into their own hands

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<v Speaker 1>and seized control over their workplace's end mass. The Spanish Revolution,

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<v Speaker 1>as it later became known, would become the largest and

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<v Speaker 1>most extensive experiment in democratic worker self management before or since.

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<v Speaker 1>Everything from public utilities to bakeries, to hospitals to shoe

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<v Speaker 1>factories fell under the control of the direct democratic unions,

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<v Speaker 1>and once their former bosses had been chased from the premises,

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<v Speaker 1>the workers set about transforming the entirety of Spanish society

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<v Speaker 1>along democratic lines, pulling their resources collectively and allocating them

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<v Speaker 1>democratically for the benefits of everyone. For a brief moment,

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<v Speaker 1>the triumphant experiments in democratic self management delivered on its promises.

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<v Speaker 1>Output increased dramatically, social services were expanded, and the workers

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<v Speaker 1>of Spain, by their own self organization developed a universal

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<v Speaker 1>health care system that radically expanded service into rural areas

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<v Speaker 1>where KERR was previously inaccessible. But the revolution had begun

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<v Speaker 1>amidst the Violet Civil War in Spain and under the

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<v Speaker 1>guise of an anti fascist alliance, Liberal socialist and stoutist

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<v Speaker 1>forces brutally stamped out any attempt at democratic self management

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<v Speaker 1>and returned the factories to their owners before losing the

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<v Speaker 1>war to the fascist armies of Francisco Franco. Undeterred by

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<v Speaker 1>the mounting casualty tolls of pro managerial massacres, revolutionary workers

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<v Speaker 1>formed workers' councils and mass factory assemblies once again in

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<v Speaker 1>Hungary in nineteen fifty six, and then again in Italy,

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<v Speaker 1>France and Czechoslovakia in nineteen sixty eight. Hungary in particular

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<v Speaker 1>is an interesting revolution because over the years it has

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<v Speaker 1>been subjected to so much of the same liberal mythologization

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<v Speaker 1>you get with gienemen, but this time even worse. The

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<v Speaker 1>Hungarian Revolution is remembered as a liberal democratic revolution. We

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<v Speaker 1>talked to the actual people who did the revolution. They

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<v Speaker 1>were saying things like, and this is a direct quote

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<v Speaker 1>from a member of a Hungarian workers council quote, the

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<v Speaker 1>time when the boss decided our fate is over. In reality,

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<v Speaker 1>far from simply instituting liberal democratic democracy, Hungarian workers seized

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<v Speaker 1>control of their factories and workplaces, forward workers' councils, and

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<v Speaker 1>overthrew the governments before Russian tanks slaughtered them. This was

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<v Speaker 1>not a liberal democratic revolution at all. Almost identical revolts

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<v Speaker 1>broke out across the capitalist world as well, in Italy,

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<v Speaker 1>in France and Chile, communes broke out and colonized Vietnam.

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<v Speaker 1>They spread everywhere, and to the dismay of capitalists and

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<v Speaker 1>communists alike. The development and implementation of the democratic solution

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<v Speaker 1>to alienation these revolts provided was largely instinctual, and it

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<v Speaker 1>often emerged in places without established workers' movements and their

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<v Speaker 1>political education effects. Typical of such movements was the course

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<v Speaker 1>of the revolution in Algeria. The political education Algerian workers

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<v Speaker 1>had received was from the nationalist vanguardist National Liberation Front

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<v Speaker 1>f l EN, which had prosecuted the war against the

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<v Speaker 1>French colonizers. The afalen's ideology emphasized the decisive role of

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<v Speaker 1>the state in national development. Upon taking power, however, Ahmed

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<v Speaker 1>ben Bella, Algeria's first president, discovered the question of the

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<v Speaker 1>economic structure of Algeria had already been answered for him.

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<v Speaker 1>Production would be managed by democratic workers councils built on

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<v Speaker 1>the properties seized by Algerian workers after the mass exodus

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<v Speaker 1>of French settlers who fled the country following independents left

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<v Speaker 1>much of their property uninhabited. Then Bella's administration took a

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<v Speaker 1>page out of Lenin's book and publicly supported the councils

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<v Speaker 1>while privately undermining them, But the whole dispute was made

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<v Speaker 1>irrelevance by a military coup two years later that dismantled

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<v Speaker 1>the councils completely and reimposed one man role in the factory.

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<v Speaker 1>Even by the late seventies, it was by no means

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<v Speaker 1>clear that one man rule in the factory would triumph

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<v Speaker 1>as a political system. Workers and students almost took Italy

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<v Speaker 1>in nineteen seventy seven, and the CNT, the anarchist union

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<v Speaker 1>that had led so much of the Spanish Revolution, reappeared

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<v Speaker 1>after the death of Franco. For a brief fleeting moment

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<v Speaker 1>in the late nineteen seventies, it really looked like they

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<v Speaker 1>were going to do it. The persistence of these revolts

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<v Speaker 1>in the face of pure military repression caused capitalist managery

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<v Speaker 1>elites to look for ways to dismantle the systemic structures

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<v Speaker 1>that produced the democratic revolts without giving up their power.

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<v Speaker 1>As author and friend of the show, Viciostre Wilde points out,

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<v Speaker 1>the instinctive embrace of democracy in the factory was only

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<v Speaker 1>possible so long as the factory remained a point of encounter,

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<v Speaker 1>a kind of dark agra that at once both exploited

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<v Speaker 1>workers and facilitated the interactions that allowed them to identify

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<v Speaker 1>with each other as a class and find and produce

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<v Speaker 1>collective meaning. Thus, the fundamental thrust of the attack against

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<v Speaker 1>democratic self management would take the form of an attack

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<v Speaker 1>on the shop floor as a site of collective identity

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<v Speaker 1>formation and as a space that could be seen in

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<v Speaker 1>any way as liberatory. This assault took a number of forms,

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<v Speaker 1>most famously deindustrialization itself, as well as a spatial relocation

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<v Speaker 1>of factories from urban centers into the suburbs, where workers

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<v Speaker 1>could be isolated from each other and turned to homeowners

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<v Speaker 1>bought off with the combination of cheap credit and the

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<v Speaker 1>promise that the new homes would also function as assets.

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<v Speaker 1>The quote unquote democratization of finance replaced the democratization of

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<v Speaker 1>the factory as the capitalist class funneled union pensiants into

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<v Speaker 1>the stock market, thus tying remained of organized labour to

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<v Speaker 1>the fates of capitalism itself. Corporations began to turn the

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<v Speaker 1>workplace into an immense propaganda apparatus, replete with mass ideological

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<v Speaker 1>programming designed to promote identification with the corporation itself and

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<v Speaker 1>not the working class as a whole. Worst of all,

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<v Speaker 1>the mobility of capital and the immobility of workers combined

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<v Speaker 1>with the new logistics networks and technological advances in containerized

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<v Speaker 1>shipping to create a world where if workers ever began

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<v Speaker 1>to get the upper hand, capitalists could simply move elsewhere.

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<v Speaker 1>As the total size of the industrial working class contracted,

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<v Speaker 1>capitalists increasingly took that option and left spitting vast populations

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<v Speaker 1>out of the traditional workforce entirely. These developments would eventually

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<v Speaker 1>destroy the classical workers movement, but in order for the

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<v Speaker 1>anti democratic counter revolution to succeed, it needed somewhere to

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<v Speaker 1>move their production to, somewhere with a large, exploitable labor supply.

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<v Speaker 1>The capitalist class found that answer in China in the

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<v Speaker 1>wake of the CCP's victory in the Chinese Civil War

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<v Speaker 1>in nineteen forty nine. The Chinese factory system was extremely

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<v Speaker 1>different from the system that existed anywhere else in the world.

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese state owned firms virtually lacked the ability to fire workers.

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<v Speaker 1>People's entire social sphere was built around their work units,

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<v Speaker 1>which provided everything from their healthcare to their retirement, to

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<v Speaker 1>their food to often their entertainment. The CCP also eliminated

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<v Speaker 1>the piece rate system, a system in which people were

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<v Speaker 1>paid per unit they produced, which is, for example, how

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<v Speaker 1>the USSR worked. This meant that in order to get

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<v Speaker 1>people to work, bosses had very little leverage. They were

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<v Speaker 1>thus forced to allow a degree of participation in the

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<v Speaker 1>labor process and the ability to criticize bosses, because otherwise

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<v Speaker 1>it was virtually impossible to get anyone to do anything.

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese bosses solved this problem through a combination of mass

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<v Speaker 1>ideological work and a parentalistic, semi democratic system for determining

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<v Speaker 1>the heads of work. Teams that were out raked by

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<v Speaker 1>the party ensured that managers would at least be somewhat

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<v Speaker 1>popular till the process was strictly managed. Workers had the

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<v Speaker 1>ability to criticize the cadra to govern them and combine

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<v Speaker 1>the work unit's system of folding home and social life

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<v Speaker 1>into the factory system. The product of this system was

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<v Speaker 1>that because there was already a greater degree of workers

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<v Speaker 1>participation in Chinese factories than workers elsewhere, and because of

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<v Speaker 1>some of the structural elements of Maoism, demands for democracy

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<v Speaker 1>became delinked from the workplace, and it meant that the system,

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<v Speaker 1>at least in the cities worked sort of okay until

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<v Speaker 1>the Cultural Revolution. This means that it is time for

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<v Speaker 1>me to do the culture revolution. Rant everyone gets the

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<v Speaker 1>Cultural Revolution completely wrong. The initial targets of the Cultural

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<v Speaker 1>Revolution were kids with quote unquote black blood, the children

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<v Speaker 1>of people who had quote bad class backgrounds. These people

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<v Speaker 1>were heavily persecuted, and you can make arguments about what

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<v Speaker 1>you do with you know, a Shanghai oligarch collaborates with

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<v Speaker 1>the Japanese imperialists, But this extends to the children of

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<v Speaker 1>people from quote unquote bad class backgrounds, and that term

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<v Speaker 1>is extremely loose. I know people whose families were declared

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<v Speaker 1>of black class background, who had quote unquote black blood

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<v Speaker 1>and weren't allowed to hold government positions because her family

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<v Speaker 1>had made bird feeders before the revolution. It was as

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<v Speaker 1>a system absolutely nonsense. So what the early phases of

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<v Speaker 1>the Cultural Revolution amounted to was a bunch of privileged

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<v Speaker 1>kids from red class backgrounds in a new system attacking

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<v Speaker 1>a bunch of kids who were being persecuted for stuff

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<v Speaker 1>that was literally not their fault at all. They had

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<v Speaker 1>no way to control who their parents were now. The

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<v Speaker 1>initial stages of the Cultural Revolution were largely driven by

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<v Speaker 1>Mao attempting to play power games inside the party, But

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<v Speaker 1>as things became more and more chaotic and the attacks

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<v Speaker 1>on CCP, bear Gratz and Caudra escalated, it spiraled nearly

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<v Speaker 1>out of Mao's control entirely and produced what's called January Storm,

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<v Speaker 1>where rebel workers seized control of Shanghai and drove out

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<v Speaker 1>the CCP. And this caused what I would describe as

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<v Speaker 1>a oh fuck moment for Mao, because now, despite all

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<v Speaker 1>his rhetoric about bombarding the headquarters, he had to actually

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<v Speaker 1>deal with a worker controlled city. And I found this

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<v Speaker 1>incredible line from Joe and Lai in a meeting with

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<v Speaker 1>Mao where they were attempting to figure out what to

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<v Speaker 1>do with, you know, this New Revolutionary Shanghai quote when

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<v Speaker 1>asked whether the New leadership should be elected from the

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<v Speaker 1>bottom up. Joe and Lai bluntly replied that quote, anarchism

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<v Speaker 1>is bound to develop if we immediately implement direct election

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<v Speaker 1>of the Paris commune style. And this was obviously a

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<v Speaker 1>problem for Mao because there was no way for the

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<v Speaker 1>party to maintain its long term control if you know,

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<v Speaker 1>you actually implemented the direct elections in the style of

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<v Speaker 1>the Paris commun and so instead we saw a full

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<v Speaker 1>on revolution. By about nineteen sixty eight, rebel workers and

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<v Speaker 1>students were getting slaughtered everywhere. The initial uprisings, the stuff

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<v Speaker 1>that everyone remembers with the dunce caps and the placards,

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<v Speaker 1>was staggeringly by far the least violent part of the

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<v Speaker 1>Culture Revolution. Here's from Walder, an academic who spent a

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<v Speaker 1>significant amount of time studying the actual death records city

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<v Speaker 1>by city and province by province in the Chinese archives. Quote,

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<v Speaker 1>more than three fourths of all documented deaths in local

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<v Speaker 1>annals are due to the actions of authorities in this

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<v Speaker 1>third phase, in more than ninety percent of those persecuted

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<v Speaker 1>for alleged political crimes. This third phase nineteen sixty eight onward,

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<v Speaker 1>is where most of the people in the cultural revolution

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<v Speaker 1>gets killed, and this is the opposite of the way

0:14:48.400 --> 0:14:51.560
<v Speaker 1>that the culture revolution is understood. Most of the killing

0:14:51.640 --> 0:14:54.640
<v Speaker 1>wasn't the product of student radicalism gone out of control.

0:14:54.840 --> 0:14:57.360
<v Speaker 1>It was the state slaughtering its way to the various

0:14:57.400 --> 0:15:00.200
<v Speaker 1>rebel factions that did most of the killing and the

0:15:00.200 --> 0:15:05.520
<v Speaker 1>political persecution. And this has enormous effects on subsequent Chinese history.

0:15:06.120 --> 0:15:09.400
<v Speaker 1>It creates a ruling class that's incredibly paranoid about anything

0:15:09.400 --> 0:15:12.640
<v Speaker 1>that even smells like organizing happening outside the party, and

0:15:12.680 --> 0:15:15.440
<v Speaker 1>the most radical students and workers were simply butchered by

0:15:15.480 --> 0:15:19.160
<v Speaker 1>the state, and by the late nineteen seventies, radical politics

0:15:19.200 --> 0:15:22.120
<v Speaker 1>in China that could have produced anything even remotely like

0:15:22.200 --> 0:15:25.600
<v Speaker 1>democratic control of the workplace had collapsed almost entirely in

0:15:25.640 --> 0:15:29.480
<v Speaker 1>the face of state repression. In their wake, politics moved

0:15:29.480 --> 0:15:33.560
<v Speaker 1>towards more intellectual driven liberal democratic politics that broadly ignored

0:15:33.560 --> 0:15:37.960
<v Speaker 1>the working class entirely, as dangzhelping unleashed the horrific one

0:15:38.040 --> 0:15:42.160
<v Speaker 1>Child policy, an in draconian and ultimately successful attempts to

0:15:42.200 --> 0:15:45.400
<v Speaker 1>re establish the state's patriarchal control over the household and

0:15:45.480 --> 0:15:48.040
<v Speaker 1>strip hundreds of millions of women of even the limited

0:15:48.080 --> 0:15:51.520
<v Speaker 1>autonomy they had clawed out of the Cultural Revolution, but

0:15:51.600 --> 0:15:54.960
<v Speaker 1>the beginning of marketization, the gradual dismantling of the socialist

0:15:54.960 --> 0:15:58.080
<v Speaker 1>welfare state, and a wave of inflation produced a series

0:15:58.160 --> 0:16:01.080
<v Speaker 1>of economic changes that turned Chinese stas society into a

0:16:01.160 --> 0:16:15.280
<v Speaker 1>powder keg. By nineteen eighty nine, the classical workers movement

0:16:15.320 --> 0:16:18.600
<v Speaker 1>globally was on its last legs. Unable to spark its

0:16:18.600 --> 0:16:21.640
<v Speaker 1>own uprisings, it latched onto a series of other social

0:16:21.680 --> 0:16:26.000
<v Speaker 1>and political movements, most notably pro democracy movement in China.

0:16:26.600 --> 0:16:29.280
<v Speaker 1>But democratic self management and its critique of one man

0:16:29.360 --> 0:16:31.960
<v Speaker 1>rule in the factory was utterly alien to the pro

0:16:32.040 --> 0:16:36.080
<v Speaker 1>democracy movement, which meant that its developments by the workers

0:16:36.080 --> 0:16:39.640
<v Speaker 1>of Chiannemen was a spontaneous product of the application of

0:16:39.680 --> 0:16:43.520
<v Speaker 1>the principles of democracy to their own situation. This led

0:16:43.520 --> 0:16:46.840
<v Speaker 1>to formulations that would have been unfamiliar to previous incarnations

0:16:46.840 --> 0:16:50.160
<v Speaker 1>of the workers' movement. One worker interviewed by Walder said

0:16:50.160 --> 0:16:52.960
<v Speaker 1>this about democracy in the factory. Why do a lot

0:16:52.960 --> 0:16:56.160
<v Speaker 1>of workers agree with democracy and freedom in the workshop?

0:16:56.280 --> 0:16:59.440
<v Speaker 1>Does what the workers say count or what the leader says?

0:17:00.040 --> 0:17:03.000
<v Speaker 1>We later talked about it. In the factory the director

0:17:03.120 --> 0:17:06.680
<v Speaker 1>is a dictator. What one man says goes. If you

0:17:06.800 --> 0:17:09.080
<v Speaker 1>view the state through the factory, it's about the same

0:17:09.520 --> 0:17:13.560
<v Speaker 1>one man rule. Our objective was not very high. We

0:17:13.720 --> 0:17:17.119
<v Speaker 1>just wanted workers to have their own independent organization in

0:17:17.200 --> 0:17:20.920
<v Speaker 1>work units. It's personal rule. For example, if I want

0:17:20.920 --> 0:17:23.600
<v Speaker 1>to change jobs, the bus company foreman won't let me go.

0:17:23.880 --> 0:17:25.920
<v Speaker 1>I ought to go home at five, but he tells

0:17:25.960 --> 0:17:28.280
<v Speaker 1>me to work overtime for two hours, and if I don't,

0:17:28.320 --> 0:17:31.960
<v Speaker 1>he'll cut my bonuses. This is a personal rule. A

0:17:32.040 --> 0:17:34.439
<v Speaker 1>factory should have a system. If a worker wants to

0:17:34.480 --> 0:17:36.480
<v Speaker 1>change jobs, they ought to have a system of rules

0:17:36.480 --> 0:17:39.160
<v Speaker 1>and decided how to do it. Also, these rules should

0:17:39.160 --> 0:17:42.040
<v Speaker 1>be decided upon by everyone and then afterwards anyone who

0:17:42.119 --> 0:17:45.000
<v Speaker 1>violenced and we punished according to the rules. This is

0:17:45.119 --> 0:17:47.480
<v Speaker 1>rule by law. Now we don't have this kind of

0:17:47.560 --> 0:17:52.760
<v Speaker 1>legal system now. This is obviously an extremely conservative framing

0:17:52.840 --> 0:17:55.440
<v Speaker 1>of the classical critique of one man rule in the factory,

0:17:55.960 --> 0:17:58.920
<v Speaker 1>couched in the dominant political rhetoric of the rule of law.

0:17:59.600 --> 0:18:03.520
<v Speaker 1>Attempt to actually implement this system, that which workers controlled

0:18:03.560 --> 0:18:05.679
<v Speaker 1>the factories they work in, how long they work, and

0:18:05.720 --> 0:18:09.040
<v Speaker 1>what the bonus rate was democratically to an independent organization

0:18:09.119 --> 0:18:13.080
<v Speaker 1>could only end in democratic, self managed workplaces. As Walder

0:18:13.119 --> 0:18:15.800
<v Speaker 1>and jang If pointed out, the workers at the Beijing

0:18:15.840 --> 0:18:20.280
<v Speaker 1>Workers Autonomous Federation were uniformly uneducated. It had little or

0:18:20.320 --> 0:18:23.200
<v Speaker 1>no connection to any of the various liberal intellectual circles.

0:18:23.960 --> 0:18:27.159
<v Speaker 1>This was as pure workers movement as any in Chinese history,

0:18:27.920 --> 0:18:30.720
<v Speaker 1>and for one final time, the instinct of that working

0:18:30.800 --> 0:18:34.800
<v Speaker 1>class was to demand democracy in the factory. This demand,

0:18:35.280 --> 0:18:39.680
<v Speaker 1>above all others, was politically unacceptable. When the army marched

0:18:39.680 --> 0:18:42.960
<v Speaker 1>on Beijing, it was the Chinese working class they wiped out.

0:18:43.560 --> 0:18:46.240
<v Speaker 1>Even the memory of the demand for democracy in the

0:18:46.240 --> 0:18:48.520
<v Speaker 1>factory would be scrubbed for the records that the CCP

0:18:48.680 --> 0:18:52.119
<v Speaker 1>and the pro democracy movements alike, thus ensuring the meaning

0:18:52.119 --> 0:18:57.840
<v Speaker 1>of the events would be lost. What then was Tianeman.

0:18:58.880 --> 0:19:01.280
<v Speaker 1>In some sense, it was a transition point between two

0:19:01.359 --> 0:19:04.960
<v Speaker 1>different Chinese working classes. The protests were the high water

0:19:05.040 --> 0:19:09.639
<v Speaker 1>mark of the political mobilization of the old industrial working class, who,

0:19:09.960 --> 0:19:13.280
<v Speaker 1>in the streets surrounding Tienemen, mounted the final attack of

0:19:13.320 --> 0:19:16.760
<v Speaker 1>the classical workers movement. Their defeat ended the old working

0:19:16.760 --> 0:19:20.000
<v Speaker 1>class as a political force, and they were annihilated altogether

0:19:20.280 --> 0:19:23.879
<v Speaker 1>in the economic restructure of the nineteen nineties, which crushed

0:19:23.920 --> 0:19:26.760
<v Speaker 1>the last vestides of workers' autonomy in the factory and

0:19:26.800 --> 0:19:30.240
<v Speaker 1>destroyed what remained of the Chinese welfare state. They were

0:19:30.240 --> 0:19:33.879
<v Speaker 1>replaced by a new working class drawn from the rural

0:19:33.920 --> 0:19:37.360
<v Speaker 1>and semi urban under classes of the old socialist system,

0:19:37.560 --> 0:19:39.800
<v Speaker 1>who were dragged into the cities to fill the ranks

0:19:39.840 --> 0:19:42.600
<v Speaker 1>of the two hundred and seventy seven million migrant workers

0:19:43.040 --> 0:19:47.280
<v Speaker 1>that today comprised the background of China's working class. This

0:19:47.320 --> 0:19:51.640
<v Speaker 1>new working class, with rural household registration in no way

0:19:52.000 --> 0:19:54.680
<v Speaker 1>into the remaining state owned factories, would have none of

0:19:54.720 --> 0:19:57.960
<v Speaker 1>the benefits of the previous one. It would instead face

0:19:58.000 --> 0:20:02.240
<v Speaker 1>a full wrapt capitalist ideology she baked into every aspect

0:20:02.320 --> 0:20:05.879
<v Speaker 1>of workplace culture, and a massive attempt to encourage home ownership.

0:20:06.520 --> 0:20:08.919
<v Speaker 1>While the previous working class could at least posit a

0:20:08.920 --> 0:20:12.800
<v Speaker 1>democratic form of the factory to which life could be improved,

0:20:13.240 --> 0:20:15.720
<v Speaker 1>this new working class's greatest desire was to leave the

0:20:15.720 --> 0:20:19.679
<v Speaker 1>factory entirely and become a business owner. In this sense,

0:20:19.880 --> 0:20:23.600
<v Speaker 1>it considers itself to be a temporarily embarrassed batip bourgeoisie.

0:20:24.520 --> 0:20:27.840
<v Speaker 1>Such ideological selfconceptions are inimical to the formation of the

0:20:27.840 --> 0:20:31.439
<v Speaker 1>classical workers movement, and indeed the new Chinese working class

0:20:31.440 --> 0:20:34.200
<v Speaker 1>has largely failed to find the collective identity in the workplace.

0:20:35.280 --> 0:20:38.880
<v Speaker 1>The situation is not unique. The death of the classical

0:20:38.920 --> 0:20:42.280
<v Speaker 1>workers movement has seen the collapse of their demands of

0:20:42.400 --> 0:20:45.520
<v Speaker 1>democratic self management everywhere in the face of a working

0:20:45.560 --> 0:20:51.199
<v Speaker 1>class it refuses to cohere itself in the factory. China

0:20:51.760 --> 0:20:55.720
<v Speaker 1>was just late to the game. The fact remains, however,

0:20:56.200 --> 0:20:59.320
<v Speaker 1>that the global economics system has lurned from crisis to

0:20:59.359 --> 0:21:03.159
<v Speaker 1>crisis the better part of my lifetime, setting off in

0:21:03.240 --> 0:21:06.560
<v Speaker 1>its wake an increasing number of revolutions, even as the

0:21:06.640 --> 0:21:09.760
<v Speaker 1>darker gore of the factory ceased to function as a

0:21:09.800 --> 0:21:14.320
<v Speaker 1>place to form identities for this new working class. If

0:21:14.320 --> 0:21:16.760
<v Speaker 1>a collective identity couldnot be forged in the factory, it

0:21:16.760 --> 0:21:20.520
<v Speaker 1>would be foraged in the street instead. Lacking a positive

0:21:20.520 --> 0:21:24.199
<v Speaker 1>identity to cohere itself around, workers were only able to

0:21:24.200 --> 0:21:27.520
<v Speaker 1>mobilize on a mass basis in direct opposition to a

0:21:27.640 --> 0:21:31.960
<v Speaker 1>force that threatens it. On a cross sectoral basis, The state,

0:21:32.359 --> 0:21:35.040
<v Speaker 1>with its ability to increase the price of basic commodities

0:21:35.040 --> 0:21:38.840
<v Speaker 1>and slash welfare benefits, became the only available enemy, and

0:21:38.880 --> 0:21:41.479
<v Speaker 1>the constant fights against the police became the sole basis

0:21:41.480 --> 0:21:45.879
<v Speaker 1>for new collective identity formation. Contemporary revolts have thus taken

0:21:45.920 --> 0:21:49.639
<v Speaker 1>the form of mass street movements and almost continuous confrontations

0:21:49.640 --> 0:21:54.000
<v Speaker 1>with the states. Factory occupations were replaced with square occupations,

0:21:54.600 --> 0:21:57.760
<v Speaker 1>and as the squares were revealed to be indefensible, they

0:21:57.800 --> 0:22:01.399
<v Speaker 1>too were replaced by running fights with the police. But

0:22:01.480 --> 0:22:05.439
<v Speaker 1>this placed the new revolutionaries in a dangerous bind without

0:22:05.440 --> 0:22:08.280
<v Speaker 1>the leverage against the state the classical workers movement's control

0:22:08.320 --> 0:22:11.760
<v Speaker 1>over the workplace, provided they lacked the ability to bring

0:22:11.800 --> 0:22:15.360
<v Speaker 1>down a government firmly committed to fighting it out. Even

0:22:15.400 --> 0:22:18.359
<v Speaker 1>the attempts over the last five or six years to

0:22:18.359 --> 0:22:21.560
<v Speaker 1>carry out general strikes in Peru, in France, Hong Kong,

0:22:21.600 --> 0:22:25.440
<v Speaker 1>and Sudan were, as Melo Testa predicted in the early twenties,

0:22:25.880 --> 0:22:30.280
<v Speaker 1>easily defeated without the accompanying factory occupations. But with current

0:22:30.359 --> 0:22:34.240
<v Speaker 1>labor conditions exceedingly unlikely to produce another wave of factory occupations,

0:22:35.000 --> 0:22:37.399
<v Speaker 1>the way forward for any political movement that seeks to

0:22:37.400 --> 0:22:43.000
<v Speaker 1>reintroduce democracy into the economic sphere is unclear. Perhaps that

0:22:43.240 --> 0:22:46.640
<v Speaker 1>is the greatest legacy of Tianemen. The workers who assembled

0:22:46.680 --> 0:22:50.320
<v Speaker 1>outside Tianeman Square had already abandoned their factories. For all

0:22:50.400 --> 0:22:53.000
<v Speaker 1>that they spoke the language of the old workers movement,

0:22:53.560 --> 0:22:57.239
<v Speaker 1>they stood and fought and died like we do in

0:22:57.280 --> 0:23:00.040
<v Speaker 1>the streets. They were the bridge between the world, the

0:23:00.040 --> 0:23:02.200
<v Speaker 1>world of the workers movements, and the world we live

0:23:02.200 --> 0:23:06.040
<v Speaker 1>in today, and thus face the same revolutionary crisis we

0:23:06.119 --> 0:23:10.960
<v Speaker 1>face today, the crisis of Papua and Palestine, of Columbia

0:23:10.960 --> 0:23:14.480
<v Speaker 1>and Iran, of me and Maar in Hong Kong, of

0:23:14.600 --> 0:23:19.560
<v Speaker 1>victory just beyond the horizon that nevertheless cannot yet be grasped.

0:23:20.240 --> 0:23:23.720
<v Speaker 1>The workers of Tieneman I, suspect have no answers to

0:23:23.720 --> 0:23:26.600
<v Speaker 1>give us now, but expecting answers from the dead is

0:23:26.640 --> 0:23:30.440
<v Speaker 1>demanding too much of those past and present who died

0:23:30.480 --> 0:23:34.280
<v Speaker 1>fighting for liberation. All we can do now is find

0:23:34.320 --> 0:23:37.040
<v Speaker 1>our own way, and, with the names of the dead

0:23:37.080 --> 0:23:40.560
<v Speaker 1>on our lips, build the world they died fighting for.

0:23:45.840 --> 0:23:48.320
<v Speaker 1>It could Happen Here is a production of cool Zone Media.

0:23:48.520 --> 0:23:51.560
<v Speaker 1>For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website

0:23:51.640 --> 0:23:55.240
<v Speaker 1>Coolzonmedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,

0:23:55.280 --> 0:23:59.040
<v Speaker 1>Apple Podcasts or wherever you listen to podcasts can now

0:23:59.080 --> 0:24:01.280
<v Speaker 1>find sources for It to Happen here listed directly in

0:24:01.359 --> 0:24:03.520
<v Speaker 1>episode descriptions, Thanks for listening,