Speaker 1: Zon Media.
Speaker 2: Welcome toick it up in here. I'm address Age of
Speaker 2: the Future Channel Andrewism. Today were continuing the Latin American
Speaker 2: Anarchism series with our exploration of anarchism in Brazil. I'm
Speaker 2: joined by Garrison Davis. Hello there, and once again thanks
Speaker 2: to the scholarship of Edgar Rodriguez, Jesse Cohen, Philippe Coreer,
Speaker 2: Raphael Vianna, Li Silva Cowan, Williando Santos, Eddie Laine Toledo
Speaker 2: and Luigi Biondi. When we last left off, anarchist labor
Speaker 2: resistance in Brazil had triggered a turning point and a reaction.
Speaker 2: Weakened by the splits caused by the Bolsheviks and the
Speaker 2: military repression of the government, another faction would step in
Speaker 2: to cripple the anarchist cause even further, the Integralists. In
Speaker 2: the nineteen twenties and nineteen thirties, Brazil saw the rise
Speaker 2: of the Brasilian integralist action, the aib A nationalist movement
Speaker 2: led by Pinio Salgado. During a trip to Europe, Salgado
Speaker 2: became enamored with Benito Mussolini's fascist movement in Italy. Upon
Speaker 2: his return to Brazil, and at the height of Catulio
Speaker 2: Argus's dictatorship, which was ushered in thanks to a cool
Speaker 2: weather liberal alliance, Salgado founded the Society for Political Studies,
Speaker 2: gathering intellectuals who were sympathetic to fascism. Then he essumed
Speaker 2: the October Manifesto, laying out the groundwork for the Brazilian
Speaker 2: Integralist Action. The movement closely mirrored Italian fascism with its
Speaker 2: green shirted paramilitary wing, regimented demonstrations, and militant rhetoric. Though
Speaker 2: Salgado publicly rejected racism, many members of his party adopted
Speaker 2: anti Semitic views. Integralism was financed in part by the
Speaker 2: Italian embassy, with the Roman salute and the Tupi word
Speaker 2: an nawe meaning you are my brother, as key symbols
Speaker 2: of the unity. Integralist Action drew its support from lower
Speaker 2: middle class Italians and Portuguese immigrants, alongside sections of the
Speaker 2: Brazilian military, particularly the navy. As the party grew, it
Speaker 2: became the dictator of Vargas's primary right wing basis support,
Speaker 2: especially after he began to crack down on the Communist Party.
Speaker 2: Integrilists frequently engaged in street violence and terrorism aimed at
Speaker 2: leftist groups. In nineteen fifty one, Vargas introduced the Labor
Speaker 2: Regulations based and Mussolini's Labor Charter. Independent industrial unions were banned.
Speaker 2: Union membership had to be registered with the Ministry of Labor,
Speaker 2: two thirds of the union membership had to be native
Speaker 2: born or naturalized Brazilians. Oh no, yeah, and union officers
Speaker 2: were required to either be resident in Brazil for ten
Speaker 2: years if naturalized, or thirty years if foreign born.
Speaker 3: That's pretty fucked up, I would assume, also just very
Speaker 3: damaging to the entire labor movement in the country, A
Speaker 3: very intense series of restrictions.
Speaker 2: Yes, as a very immigrant empowered labor movement. Yeah, yeah,
Speaker 2: that was definitely targeted. Definitely, definitely targeted. Obviously, like the
Speaker 2: class consciousness of the immigrant workers was such a threat
Speaker 2: that they had to root them out from any position
Speaker 2: of influence within the sanctioned unions. Salgado and the Integralists,
Speaker 2: of course, welcomed these degrees and worked with the police
Speaker 2: to capture militant workers. The communists also apparently welcomed the
Speaker 2: impositions the Ministry of Labor. Meanwhile, anarchists and workers were
Speaker 2: weathering rightist violence. One time integralists kicked down the doors
Speaker 2: of the bakery workers union, the construction workers leave the
Speaker 2: mill and warehouse operatives, Stonemasons Union and Union of cafe employees,
Speaker 2: destroy their assets and extra judiciously hauled away the workers
Speaker 2: as prisoners.
Speaker 3: So they just started like kidnapping people and doing like
Speaker 3: basically state sanctioned terrorism exactly.
Speaker 2: Another integralist, Gustavo Barosso, used his walk in stick to
Speaker 2: break the arm of an anti fascist sixteen year old
Speaker 2: worker named neer Colejo as she was making a speed
Speaker 2: against fascism.
Speaker 3: Time is a flat circle.
Speaker 2: Indeed it is instead of sticks this time they're using cars,
Speaker 2: but it's the same same principle and sticks. Oh yeah,
Speaker 2: people are still collecting sticks.
Speaker 3: I have been hit by many a stick from a
Speaker 3: fascist at a street demo, especially as a teenager.
Speaker 2: M down. So with all this violence, the deal with
Speaker 2: in this time, the anarchist presses had to hounked down
Speaker 2: and prepare to face foot attacks. In nineteen thirty three,
Speaker 2: the Libertarian Anti Fascist Committee sounded alarm on the dire
Speaker 2: threat of integralism, as what anarchist press wrote, like fascism,
Speaker 2: integralism means to enslave and fetter the people that has
Speaker 2: now defend our liberty like men. Let's we be forced
Speaker 2: to weep like mad men hereafter. On December twenty fourth,
Speaker 2: nineteen thirty three, the tensions were an all time high
Speaker 2: for when it humiliates and defeat At the Salon su
Speaker 2: Garcia Planio, Salgado's Integralists, known as the Green Shirts, planned
Speaker 2: a show of force to assert their dominance their targets
Speaker 2: union leaders and leftists, particularly anarchists, who sit against their
Speaker 2: fascist vision for Brazil. According to reports from those of
Speaker 2: US on December first, the Integralists had organized eighteen companies
Speaker 2: of green shirted marchers who would parade through the heart
Speaker 2: of South Paolo, prepared to crush any resistance that came
Speaker 2: their way. Reinforcements from Rudishonneiro, led by Gustavo Barosso, bolstered
Speaker 2: their numbers with five hundred trained assault troops prime to attack.
Speaker 2: The police, of course, were openly supported of the Integralists,
Speaker 2: and at even stationed machine guns at key points throughout
Speaker 2: the city to ensure the march went smoothly. Arleino de
Speaker 2: Olivera had an additional four hundred troops made up of infantry,
Speaker 2: fire brigade units and cavalry ready to intervene. Seems like
Speaker 2: clear overkill, but it was a show of force so
Speaker 2: as to be expected. By the time the marchers reached
Speaker 2: the pressure that say, a huge crowd had gathered, some
Speaker 2: curious onlookers, others outright opponents of the fascist movement. As
Speaker 2: the Integrolists survived at the cathedral, cries of death to
Speaker 2: the Fascists and down with the Green Shirts echoed throughout
Speaker 2: the square. Suddenly shots rang out. Some say the fire
Speaker 2: and began accidentally when a machine gun set up by
Speaker 2: the Civil Guard was nudged. Others claim it was the
Speaker 2: communists lying in wait, ready to ambush the march. Regardless,
Speaker 2: chaos erupted before the anarchists had even initiated their planned attack.
Speaker 2: The scene quickly evolved into pandemonium. People fled in terror,
Speaker 2: shots continued to fire, and several were mortally wounded. The
Speaker 2: planned pledge of loyalty to Plingeo. Salgado, the head of
Speaker 2: the Integralists, never took place that day, but by nineteen
Speaker 2: thirty seven, Salgado launched a presidential campaign, hoping to ride
Speaker 2: the wave of crow and support for his movement and
Speaker 2: became dictator in his own right. However, when Varragas canceled
Speaker 2: the elections and established the authoritarian Estado Novo regime, he
Speaker 2: banned the Integralist Party along with all the others sideline in.
Speaker 2: Salgado in response, and targoless militants launched two uprisings in
Speaker 2: nineteen thirty eight, both of which failed. Salgado was imprisoned
Speaker 2: and lad to exile to Portugal. After spending most of
Speaker 2: his life supporting the dictators of Brazil, his attempts to
Speaker 2: become one of his own utterly failed.
Speaker 3: There's a few interesting things in this moment here, particularly
Speaker 3: like how the initial struggle against fascism once again and
Speaker 3: kind of laid at the feet of anarchists and communists,
Speaker 3: had like a degree of hesitancy to like to like
Speaker 3: jump in fully. And then also like I find it
Speaker 3: interesting the way that these like this era of fascists
Speaker 3: in Brazil particularly were targeting unions, but as almost as
Speaker 3: a way just to target like immigrants, Like it was
Speaker 3: like the easiest way for them to actually just do
Speaker 3: anti immigrant violence was like through the unions.
Speaker 2: Yeah, anti immigrant violence is almost always anti worker violence
Speaker 2: as well.
Speaker 3: Yeah, no, No, in the States at least right now,
Speaker 3: we're just like seeing another kind of uptick in like
Speaker 3: anti immigrant rhetoric and violence, and yeah, a lot of
Speaker 3: it is tied to like labor, like how immigrants are
Speaker 3: taking jobs away from the lower classes, that sort of thing.
Speaker 2: Huh. As always you remember that, you know it could
Speaker 2: happen here, and it's important to be constantly aware and
Speaker 2: on God against even the ghost, the shadow of fascism
Speaker 2: creeping up in their communities. It's easy to be treated
Speaker 2: by the media or by others as just oh, you're
Speaker 2: making a big deal about ohover exaggerates into threat. But
Speaker 2: you know, these things sinuwable are very quickly. They need
Speaker 2: to be nip in the bud. And it's largely thanks
Speaker 2: to anti fascists on the front lines that the situation
Speaker 2: is not as bad as it could be right now,
Speaker 2: even though it is getting worse every day. For the
Speaker 2: already weakened anarchists and labor movements in Brazil, integralism had
Speaker 2: posed a dire threat. They were already splintered and in decline,
Speaker 2: struggling to maintain influence. An Integralism's rapid rise with its
Speaker 2: militarized structure and anti leftist violence fully suppressed their hopes.
Speaker 2: The communists weren't exactly a help either. The anarchists lost
Speaker 2: a significant strongholder their struggle on the premises of the
Speaker 2: Anti Clerical League in Rio de Janeiro when communists sent
Speaker 2: to disrupt their meeting called the police on them, leading
Speaker 2: to the arrest of eight anarchists and the closure of
Speaker 2: the Anti Clerical League center and its newspaper. With the
Speaker 2: help of the Integralists, communists and leaders of Cardinal Sebastio
Speaker 2: Lemes Brazilian Catholic Party, Getulio Vargas faced little resistance in
Speaker 2: establishing Hisestado Novo dictatorship. His authoritarian regime lasted from nineteen
Speaker 2: thirty seven to nineteen forty five and was marked by
Speaker 2: continuous crackdowns on labor, autonomy and anarchism. But despite the
Speaker 2: common claims the nineteen thir eties marked the end of
Speaker 2: anarchism in Brazil, anarchists remained active in unions and cultural spaces.
Speaker 2: Despite repression. Anarchists published influential periodicals like A playbe and
Speaker 2: a Childreta, and aimed to create a national anarchist political organization.
Speaker 2: Post nineteen forty five, in the era of re deemocratization,
Speaker 2: anarchists converged in South Pawerlo for Brazilian Anarchist congresses in
Speaker 2: nineteen forty eight and nineteen fifty nine, which brought together
Speaker 2: veterans and motivated the re establishment of social centers. The
Speaker 2: anarchists resumed educational and cultural activities that I found in
Speaker 2: the Centro des Cultura Socil the CCS, which became a
Speaker 2: hub for anarchist intellectual life, hosting lectures, conferences, literary events,
Speaker 2: and even theater performances. The anarchists were back. The CCS
Speaker 2: had played a key role in building anarchist networks, even
Speaker 2: hosted anarchist exiles from Spain, and helped to establish similar
Speaker 2: cultural centers in the suburbs of sarth Paolo and other
Speaker 2: cities across Brazil. In Rio de Janeiro, a similar space
Speaker 2: emerged in nineteen fifty eight, the Centrol des Studios put
Speaker 2: Fessor Jose Hitka or SEPTCHO. Like the CCS, de Septcho
Speaker 2: hosted courses, lectures, and debates. In nineteen sixty one, it
Speaker 2: helps establish an anarchist publishing house called Mundo Libre in
Speaker 2: suth Paolo. Union activity surged with three hundred thousand workers
Speaker 2: striking in nineteen fifty three and another four hundred thousand
Speaker 2: in nineteen fifty seven. This period of intense mobilization providing
Speaker 2: an opportunity for anarchists and independent socialists to come together
Speaker 2: and form the Syndicalus Orientation Movement or MOS. Created in
Speaker 2: nineteen fifty three, MS aimed to fight for the autonomy
Speaker 2: and freedom of workers unions resistant state and corporate control.
Speaker 2: By nineteen fifty seven, they had enough momentum to contest
Speaker 2: union leadership positions, especially within the graphics sector. Despite these strides, however,
Speaker 2: the anarchists movement faced considerable challenges. The re democratization after
Speaker 2: nineteen forty five offered some room for growth, but the
Speaker 2: labor landscape was dominated by corporatist forces the Communist Party
Speaker 2: and the Brazilian Labor Party. Anarchists found themselves battling for
Speaker 2: influence in a crowded political field. Their efforts to revitalize
Speaker 2: the movement were furtheres stifled by a lack of resources
Speaker 2: and militants, which limited their presence and social movements. The
Speaker 2: momentum gained the nineteen fifties came to a crash in halt.
Speaker 2: With the military coup of nineteen sixty four, once again
Speaker 2: Brazil entered a period of authoritarian rule, placing anarchist activists
Speaker 2: in a precarious position. In May nineteen sixty four, anarchists
Speaker 2: from Rio de Janeiro and South Paolo organized a secret
Speaker 2: meeting to strategize, focused on safeguarding anarchist resources. Many went underground,
Speaker 2: facing renewed repression and uncertainty about the future of their movement.
Speaker 2: They shifted focused to education and cultural spaces to survive,
Speaker 2: with initiatives like the newspaper or Protesto and the publishing
Speaker 2: house Hilminal. Anarchists, including young students new to the cause,
Speaker 2: formed the libertarian student movement the MEL in nineteen sixty seven,
Speaker 2: with the intention of fixing a position and fighting back,
Speaker 2: as well as having an active presence in class and
Speaker 2: ideological struggles, marking our directions more in according to the
Speaker 2: federalist principles which had governed the life of every class organization.
Speaker 2: But after one student, Edson Louise, was murdered by the
Speaker 2: military police, the MEL and other student initiatives faced heavy
Speaker 2: persecution after the nineteen sixty eight Institutional Acts Number five,
Speaker 2: with the AI five, which suspended most civil rights, included
Speaker 2: habeas corpus, allowed for the removal from office of opposition politicians,
Speaker 2: enabled federal interventions municipalities and states, and enabled the institutionalization
Speaker 2: of arbitrary detention, torture, and extra judicial killing by the regime.
Speaker 2: This military dictatorship that grouped Brazil from nineteen sixty four
Speaker 2: to nineteen eighty five forced anarchist movements into survival mood.
Speaker 2: In Rio de Janeiro, the Centro de Studo's professor Jose Equitica,
Speaker 2: operated secretly, while in South Paulo the Centro des Cultural
Speaker 2: Sociel kept the flame of anarchistor alive through underground propaganda
Speaker 2: and secret meetings. These centers were vital in maintaining connections
Speaker 2: with international anarchist movements, insurance the ideology persisted despite the
Speaker 2: harsh political climate. You see the importance of international solarity
Speaker 2: for in its head yet again, and you see also
Speaker 2: the importance of having cultural centers, social centers, community centers
Speaker 2: where they movements contraw strength even when it's not directly
Speaker 2: engaged in labor organizing, what direct political struggle, Just that
Speaker 2: rejuvenation of community is enough to maintain the survival of
Speaker 2: that ideological struggle, even all hope seems lost.
Speaker 3: No, I mean this is something like you see a
Speaker 3: lot especially after or during like a movement that's faced
Speaker 3: incredible repression. Is that kind of it goes back to
Speaker 3: kind of its earlier forms, at least in terms of
Speaker 3: like like the like the social aspects. In some ways,
Speaker 3: it feels like it's kind of regressing back to kind
Speaker 3: of where it like started back in the last episode
Speaker 3: with some of those like same like you know, like
Speaker 3: like underground newspapers all this. Like this is like a
Speaker 3: cultural engagements, as you said, kind of like a way
Speaker 3: to like keep the light alive during like an intense,
Speaker 3: like military style effort of repression.
Speaker 2: Yeah, it's really quite necessary. Unfortunately, in nineteen sixty nine,
Speaker 2: the headquarters of Sepjol was raided by Air Force agents.
Speaker 2: The invasion resulted in the arrest and prosecution of eighteen members,
Speaker 2: including the anarchist Adiel Perez, who endured a month of
Speaker 2: imprisonment and torture. So between nineteen seventy two nineteen seventy seven,
Speaker 2: anarchists were forced into even greater degrees of secrecy, meeting
Speaker 2: in very small titling. It groups In terms of organizational strength,
Speaker 2: this might have been the lowest point for anarchism in Brazil,
Speaker 2: but things began to shift in nineteen seventy seven as
Speaker 2: a dictatorship started to lose its grip. That year, the
Speaker 2: anarchist periodical or Animigouret or The King's Enemy, was launched
Speaker 2: in Biheir, marking a significant moment for the movement. This
Speaker 2: newspaper brought together student and union terns from various parts
Speaker 2: of the country, but here Rioligiro, sal Paolo, Prio, grand Rasoul,
Speaker 2: Paraiba and Para Despite internal conflicts and ideological differences, the
Speaker 2: paper played a crucial role in reorganizing the anarchist movement,
Speaker 2: either the influence of the counterculture or Inimiguorey tackled issues
Speaker 2: like revolutionary unionism, anarchist syndicalism, the student movement, gender sexuality,
Speaker 2: and political theory. The paper ran until nineteen eighty two,
Speaker 2: and after hiatus resumed briefly between nineteen eighty seven and
Speaker 2: nineteen eighty eight. During the same period there was the
Speaker 2: first sign of notable anarchist engagement with the labor movement
Speaker 2: in years, following a wave of strikes involving more than
Speaker 2: forty eight thousand workers anarchists began questioning the bureaucratic union
Speaker 2: structures in South Paolo to collect TiVo Debritario de Opposichao
Speaker 2: Syndical or COLLOPS was formed, closely aligned with the ideas
Speaker 2: of the Metalworkers Opposition movement. COLLAPSE was officially established during
Speaker 2: the first National Meeting of Workers in Opposition to the
Speaker 2: Trade Union Structure or ENDOS, held in September nineteen eighty
Speaker 2: in Nitroi. This meeting brought together in union opposition from
Speaker 2: sixteen states across Brazil, further spark in the revival of
Speaker 2: anarchist involvement in the labor movement. But one of the
Speaker 2: most significant developments to come out of this period was
Speaker 2: the rise of the Movementento dos Trabahaldoes Urai Semterre the
Speaker 2: Landless Workers Movement or MST, Emerging nineteen eighty four just
Speaker 2: before the end of the military regime. The MST became
Speaker 2: a mass movement with distinctly anarchist communist characteristics. It adopted
Speaker 2: a decentralized, non hierarchical structure the prioritized autonomous direct action
Speaker 2: principles deeply aligned with anarchism. However, the MST has resisted
Speaker 2: being identified as explicitly anarchist, avoiding the label to maintain
Speaker 2: broader support and avoid the stigma attached to anarchist movements
Speaker 2: over time, what maintained in its independence, The MST has
Speaker 2: built alliances with the furious political parties, including the Workers' Party.
Speaker 2: We should go on to form the government in two
Speaker 2: thousand and two. But the nineteen eighties, Brazilian anarchism began
Speaker 2: reflecting the broader new social movements that had emerged globally
Speaker 2: after the nineteen sixties. Ecology, feminism, and new discourses on
Speaker 2: sexuality were now key components of anarchists thought. The nineteen
Speaker 2: eighties saw the rise of pro homosexual actists like Nestor
Speaker 2: Perenguer and Argentinian born intellectual who became a central figure
Speaker 2: in Brazilian anarchism.
Speaker 3: You know, some have considered me a pro homosexual, Okay,
Speaker 3: but but no mean this is a continued It is
Speaker 3: interesting to see this like starting with student movements and
Speaker 3: then getting back into kind of labor over time after
Speaker 3: they like rebuilt their movement through students, and then continuing
Speaker 3: to like adopt more and more like modern social views
Speaker 3: and like cultural engagement have an image here of one
Speaker 3: of their newspapers that has built what looks like two
Speaker 3: men having sex right on the cover. That's like the seventies,
Speaker 3: which is which is quite.
Speaker 2: Something incredible, must have been very scandalous at the time.
Speaker 1: Yeah.
Speaker 2: So with the nineteen nineties, as Brazil transitioned to the
Speaker 2: New Republic and embraced new liberalism, anarchists became key players
Speaker 2: in shaping a wave of social movements. They actively helped
Speaker 2: to create and integrate into these movements, advocating their principles
Speaker 2: and strategies. One prominent example was Brazil's involvement in the
Speaker 2: global anti globalization movement, inspired by protests like the Seattle
Speaker 2: WTOO demonstrations in nineteen ninety nine YEP. In Brazil, this
Speaker 2: movement began in Santos on the same date, led by anarchists,
Speaker 2: ecologists and liberterians. By two thousand, a coalition of these
Speaker 2: groups emerged, particularly in South Peru, and continued to organize
Speaker 2: in actions against the liberal policies until two thousand and three.
Speaker 2: The protest targeted institutions like the IMF, the World Bank,
Speaker 2: and the WTO, and introduced the black block tactic to Brazil.
Speaker 2: Anakis also helped establish Brazil's Center for Independent Media CMI,
Speaker 2: part of the global Indie Media network which aimed to
Speaker 2: challenge me instream media dominance. Active between two thousand and
Speaker 2: one and two thousand and five, CMI was a key
Speaker 2: platform for independent journalism across fourteen Brazilian cities. Beyond protests,
Speaker 2: anarchids were involved in broader social movements, contributing to housing
Speaker 2: struggles in South Power and Real Desionero, as well as
Speaker 2: supporting feminists, indigenous, Black and LGBT causes. They played significant
Speaker 2: roles in movements like the National Movement of Collectors of
Speaker 2: recycla Level Material MNCR, the previously mentioned Landless Workers Movement
Speaker 2: or MSD, and the Homeless Workers Movement the MTSD, reflecting
Speaker 2: their deep involvement in Brazil's diverse social landscape. In the
Speaker 2: early two thousands, Anikis Popular Union the UNIPA helped form
Speaker 2: networks such as the Class and Combative Student Network or
Speaker 2: the RCC and the Federation of Revolutionary Synicalist Organizations of
Speaker 2: Brazil or the f WOB. Further cement and anarchism's influence
Speaker 2: in students and workers' struggles. Despite being considered part of
Speaker 2: a broader leftist current. Anarchists specifically made a lasting impact
Speaker 2: on Brazil's social movement during this period. Today, Brazilian anarchism
Speaker 2: continues to evolve, shaped by the principles of spacifismo, a
Speaker 2: strategy where anarchists work alongside broader social movements or maintaining
Speaker 2: their own distinct ideology. Many anarchist federations have found common
Speaker 2: cause with groups like the MST, supporting their struggles while
Speaker 2: promoting their own vision of a stateless, non hierarchical society.
Speaker 2: The story of anarchism in Brazil is one of endurance, adaptability,
Speaker 2: and reinvention. Despite decades of repression, the movement has continued
Speaker 2: to shape Brazil's political landscape, from underground propaganda dune dictatorship
Speaker 2: to the mass mobilization of land less workers and intellectuals.
Speaker 3: Alike, similar to what they were doing ninety years ago.
Speaker 3: We've also seen like a resurgence of anarchist anti fascism
Speaker 3: in Brazil. Indeed, around the same time we kind of
Speaker 3: saw this rise in the United States as well as
Speaker 3: in Europe. With the emergence of these like right wing
Speaker 3: populist politicians between like Trump and Bolsonario, you've been seeing
Speaker 3: more of like the black block style anarchism in Brazil,
Speaker 3: which often kind of in this era went hand in
Speaker 3: hand with like anti fascist action in organizing.
Speaker 2: Indeed, so that's been the story, very summarized account like
Speaker 2: I would recommend that you check out. Of course, the
Speaker 2: scholarship of the folks I mentioned the beginning, the resources
Speaker 2: all across the Internet, particularly the Anarchists Library discussing Brazilian anarchism.
Speaker 2: This has been It can happen here. I've been Andrew Siege.
Speaker 2: You can find me on YouTube dot com, slash andrewism
Speaker 2: peatre dot com, stas Saint Drew. I've been here with
Speaker 2: gay and that's it Peace.
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