WEBVTT - How An Old Banking Regulation May Have Driven The 1970s Inflation

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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lots podcast.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Joe Wisenthal and I'm Tracy Alloway.

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<v Speaker 1>Tracy, you know obviously recording this September twenty twenty three.

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<v Speaker 1>Inflation has come way down over the last year, but

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<v Speaker 1>there is definitely anxiety about, well, could we see another wave,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly if we don't have a recession, Like, no one

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<v Speaker 1>is really convinced that it's over.

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<v Speaker 2>Right, So gas prices are starting to creep up again.

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<v Speaker 2>House prices have been incredibly stable and also starting to

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<v Speaker 2>rise slightly, so that could also figure into shelter costs.

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<v Speaker 2>But I think generally there is this concern that are

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<v Speaker 2>we going to see another leg up in inflation? And

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<v Speaker 2>part of the reason there seems to be this concern

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<v Speaker 2>is because, as we've discussed on this podcast before, everyone

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<v Speaker 2>tends to reach for the nineteen seventies as the big

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<v Speaker 2>parallel or analogy for periods of higher inflation.

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<v Speaker 1>Right, you know, when we were out in Jackson Hole,

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<v Speaker 1>I guess in August that was when Larry Summers tweeted

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<v Speaker 1>that famous chart saying, you know it was a good reminder,

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<v Speaker 1>right that this was when you.

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<v Speaker 2>Were looking at the mountains and thinking of USCPI charge.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, the Grand Teetons looked like the USCPI from nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy four to nineteen eighty five. But it's true that

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the seventies there were multiple times where people sort

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<v Speaker 1>of breathed a sigh of relief, they said, inflation has

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<v Speaker 1>been licked, and then it came back. And it's really

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there's this story that there's all this respon

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<v Speaker 1>irresponsible policy and then finally Vulgar came and smashed inflation,

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<v Speaker 1>and it really did not exactly happen like.

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<v Speaker 3>That, right.

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<v Speaker 2>I always find that kind of weird because Arthur Burns

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<v Speaker 2>hiked RAITs a lot before Vulker did the same thing.

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<v Speaker 2>But you're absolutely right, and the inflation of the nineteen

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<v Speaker 2>seventies it's important in many ways, possibly not the right ones,

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<v Speaker 2>but one of the ways that's important is it tends

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<v Speaker 2>to be the period that a lot of our policy

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<v Speaker 2>makers and economists and academics kind of came of age in,

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<v Speaker 2>and it tends to be the one that they go

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<v Speaker 2>back to to explain what's happening now. And so, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>there are some shades of the nineteen seventies to our

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<v Speaker 2>current situation. You did have supply shocks in the form

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<v Speaker 2>of oil. There was I think some fiscal stimulus from

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<v Speaker 2>the Vietnam War going into the nineteen seventies, things like that.

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<v Speaker 2>But overall, the sort of standard interpretation of the nineteen

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<v Speaker 2>seventies is that monetarist view the old like Milton Friedman,

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<v Speaker 2>inflation is always in everywhere a monetary phenomenon and basically

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<v Speaker 2>blaming the FED for not reacting fast enough.

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<v Speaker 1>You're absolutely right, and you mentioned that the nineteen seventies

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<v Speaker 1>looms so large. You know, policy makers the FED, in

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<v Speaker 1>particular central bankers, they take a lot of pride in

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that they defeated inflation, that inflation has been stable,

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<v Speaker 1>that they sort of embedded this idea of stable and

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<v Speaker 1>inflation expectations. They prize that stability quite a bit. You

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<v Speaker 1>and I we joke a lot about how we both

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<v Speaker 1>started our careers in two thousand and eight right on

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<v Speaker 1>the eve of the crisis.

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<v Speaker 2>And we're always worried about defuse.

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<v Speaker 1>We're always worried about, you know, crisis and downturn and

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<v Speaker 1>surging unemployment. So it had, you know, and you look

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<v Speaker 1>at the people who now make policy today, many of them,

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<v Speaker 1>as you said, came of age then. But again, it

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<v Speaker 1>feels as though if we're going to have a conversation

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<v Speaker 1>about possible second waves, if we're going to compare and

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<v Speaker 1>contrast now with the nineteen seventies, then actually we better

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<v Speaker 1>get a better handle on what really happened in the

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventies, because I don't think that outside of these

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<v Speaker 1>vague things like oh, they let policy run too loose

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<v Speaker 1>and some oil and gas lines, that actually we've really

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<v Speaker 1>you know, that there is a crisp, coherent story like yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>but why was inflation so persistent and so reoccurring throughout,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, roughly a decade.

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<v Speaker 2>The ghost of Paul Volker is going to be so

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<v Speaker 2>mad at us, But I think we should do that.

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<v Speaker 3>Well.

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<v Speaker 1>I am very excited. We have the perfect guest, someone

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<v Speaker 1>who has done original research on nineteen seventies inflation and

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<v Speaker 1>really sort of broke down what happened. We're going to

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<v Speaker 1>be speaking with Itamar Drexler. He is a professor of

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<v Speaker 1>finance at the University of Pennsylvania, someone who's done a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of research on this period and what it means.

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<v Speaker 1>Professor Drexler, thank you so much for coming on odd Laws.

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<v Speaker 3>Thank you very much for having me. This is really

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<v Speaker 3>fun and nice to talk about a topic I care

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<v Speaker 3>a lot about and think is very interesting.

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<v Speaker 1>Excellent. Well, you know what, why don't we start with

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<v Speaker 1>if you were just in a room full of random

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<v Speaker 1>economists and you said, well, what caused the nineteen seventies inflation?

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<v Speaker 1>Why did it keep coming back? What sort of just

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<v Speaker 1>like you know, we mentioned in the beginning, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the the gas lines and the end of the Vietnam War,

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<v Speaker 1>and maybe policymakers were not strong enough in fighting it.

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<v Speaker 1>But what is the sort of macro consensus about what

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<v Speaker 1>happened in that decade?

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<v Speaker 3>So I think the most common story narrati is that

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<v Speaker 3>the Fed there were at the outset, say, some kind

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<v Speaker 3>of shocks that led to the beginning of inflation, but

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<v Speaker 3>that once inflation got going, the FED did not respond

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<v Speaker 3>aggressively enough to increases in inflation by raising the FED

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<v Speaker 3>funds rate as later policy would dictate, which is that,

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<v Speaker 3>according to the tailor rule, the FED has to raise

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<v Speaker 3>the nominal rate more than one for one with expected inflation.

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<v Speaker 3>What that does is raise the real interest rate. They're

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<v Speaker 3>by lowering demand or what they call demand management, and

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<v Speaker 3>preventing inflation. From accommodating inflation by letting it go up,

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<v Speaker 3>and so not doing that, they overtime lost credibility, and

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<v Speaker 3>that meant that if people expected inflation to go up,

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<v Speaker 3>inflation would actually go up because the FED wasn't actually

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<v Speaker 3>leaning into it. It wasn't making it wasn't slowing demand

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<v Speaker 3>in the face of say, increasing inflation expectations. That, to

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<v Speaker 3>the best that I understand, is kind of the most

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<v Speaker 3>common narrative.

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<v Speaker 2>Right, So the ideas the prices started to rise, the

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<v Speaker 2>FED basically lost control of inflation expectations, and then you

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<v Speaker 2>got this self reinforcing cycle of the wage price spiral

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<v Speaker 2>where people start demanding more money. And then it wasn't

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<v Speaker 2>until Paul Volker came in told everyone whose boss re

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<v Speaker 2>established the Fed's credibility and kind of deflated those inflation

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<v Speaker 2>expectations that things got better. Right, Yeah, So your paper

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<v Speaker 2>takes a very different view to that whole narrative. You

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<v Speaker 2>kind of placed the blames squarely on an element of

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<v Speaker 2>financial regulation that actually Joe I realized this has popped

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<v Speaker 2>up a couple times on all thoughts, most notably in

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<v Speaker 2>our episodes with Josh Younger and Lev Menon where we

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<v Speaker 2>were talking about the origins of your dollars in shadow banks,

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<v Speaker 2>but you place it on REGQ. Can you talk a

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<v Speaker 2>little bit more about that thesis.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, sure, So reg Q does come up a lot.

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<v Speaker 3>It's a very famous banking regulation. Historically, people, many banking

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<v Speaker 3>people and monetary people are well aware of it. So

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<v Speaker 3>red Q was a regulation that came out of the

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<v Speaker 3>nineteen thirty three Banking Act that allowed the Fed to

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<v Speaker 3>place a ceiling on what banks could pay, what kind

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<v Speaker 3>of interest rates banks could pay on different kinds of deposits,

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<v Speaker 3>and for example, checking deposits had to pay a zero

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<v Speaker 3>interest rate. Savings deposits had their own ceiling, and then

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<v Speaker 3>CDs could have their own ceiling. For almost all of

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<v Speaker 3>the time from nineteen thirty three until nineteen sixty five,

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<v Speaker 3>the FED put the ceiling above the Fed Funds rate,

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<v Speaker 3>so when it would raise the Fed Funds rate, it

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<v Speaker 3>would raise the ceiling, and so basically it didn't bind.

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<v Speaker 3>Maybe it would prevent you from setting some crazy rate,

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<v Speaker 3>but it didn't bind. But starting in sixty five, they

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<v Speaker 3>didn't raise it, so that when they would raise the

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<v Speaker 3>Fed Funds rate, deposits couldn't keep up with the Fed

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<v Speaker 3>Funds rate.

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<v Speaker 2>So the reason they put in that restriction was because

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<v Speaker 2>my understanding is that in the nineteen thirties there was

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<v Speaker 2>there were a lot of bank failures, and so there

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<v Speaker 2>was concern that if banks were competing with each other

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<v Speaker 2>to attract depositors, so just raising deposit rates to uneconomic levels,

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<v Speaker 2>that it would lead to more bank failure. So they thought, well,

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<v Speaker 2>we'll put a cap on this and then we'll have

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<v Speaker 2>healthier competition.

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<v Speaker 3>Is that right, that's the story that's told. I know

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<v Speaker 3>it's impossible to say that's exactly what was in their mind,

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<v Speaker 3>but yes, also that act established they have d IC

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<v Speaker 3>and deposit insurance, So in some sense it makes it

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<v Speaker 3>makes sense if you're going to give people insurance, you

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<v Speaker 3>don't want them to attract deposits by doing crazy things.

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<v Speaker 1>Right because if you're if you know that you're insured.

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<v Speaker 1>I could just go out and say, oh, here, here's

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<v Speaker 1>ten percent.

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<v Speaker 2>The Bank of Joe and Tracy will offer fifty percent.

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<v Speaker 1>Interest cent I collect all of the deposits from everyone else,

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<v Speaker 1>and maybe I fail because whatever I'm doing with that,

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<v Speaker 1>but I got all the deposit I mean, let's do it.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, okay, So I stopped you right up. In the

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<v Speaker 2>late nineteen sixties. So in the late nineteen sixties they

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<v Speaker 2>make this change.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, they decide, they debate it, but they just to

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<v Speaker 3>use this rule as a tool of monetary policy very consciously.

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<v Speaker 3>So this is part of a general wave of what

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<v Speaker 3>was called credit controls that many developed countries used and

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<v Speaker 3>had been exploring for a while. It was a popular

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<v Speaker 3>idea that you could influence directly the price and quantity

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<v Speaker 3>of credit in order to do monetary policy and not

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<v Speaker 3>just leave it to the short term rate. And so

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<v Speaker 3>this was used in the UK famously, in France and

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<v Speaker 3>Italy and Belgium. In the Netherlands, there was an awareness

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<v Speaker 3>that credit controls of various types were used, usually consisting

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<v Speaker 3>of often together controls on the level of interest rates

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<v Speaker 3>you could pay on deposit, ceilings on what you could

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<v Speaker 3>charge for loans, or ceilings on the quantity of loans

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<v Speaker 3>you could make, or loan growth.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, it's interesting because and I will get to

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<v Speaker 1>the whole debunking of the popular story, or at least

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<v Speaker 1>the reinterpretation of the popular story. Actually have two questions

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<v Speaker 1>from a professional standpoint, how did this become an area

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<v Speaker 1>of interest and research.

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<v Speaker 3>For Yeah, so it's a little bit out of left

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<v Speaker 3>field for me and my co authors. I have two

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<v Speaker 3>very common co authors that we've worked a ton together

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<v Speaker 3>at NYU, Alexisavov and Philip Novel, and we work on

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<v Speaker 3>monetary policy and banking. We're coming at it from a

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<v Speaker 3>finance point of view and the way we got to

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<v Speaker 3>this so we think a lot about these things. We

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<v Speaker 3>did not think so much about inflation. We're working on

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<v Speaker 3>how the business of banking works and how bank's ability

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<v Speaker 3>to raise deposits is influenced by monetary policy, how much

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<v Speaker 3>money they make on deposits, spreads, And we're presenting some

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<v Speaker 3>of our work and we noticed that if you just

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<v Speaker 3>g the FED Funds rate against deposit rates, the average

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<v Speaker 3>deposit rate that banks pay, you can see very clearly

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<v Speaker 3>that in the nineteen sixties and seventies the average deposit

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<v Speaker 3>rate barely reacted at all to the Fed Funds rate. Now,

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<v Speaker 3>that's not a discovery, because I knew about regulation Q

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<v Speaker 3>and just had never never been in my face that way.

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<v Speaker 3>And there's a very famous graph coming out of the

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<v Speaker 3>literature of the standard now narrative Clarida Galley Gertler is

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<v Speaker 3>the most famous paper with thousands of citations. That is

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<v Speaker 3>a similar graph, but instead of deposit rates, which they

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<v Speaker 3>don't consider, they have the Fed funds are in inflation. And

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<v Speaker 3>that's the famous graph that shows that before nineteen eighty two,

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<v Speaker 3>the Fed funds rate just mostly kind of sticks to inflation,

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<v Speaker 3>whereas afterwards, with Vulcar and green Span, it reacts more

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<v Speaker 3>than one for one. And the idea was that sensitivity

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<v Speaker 3>heightens the sensitivity and of policy in people's reaction to inflation.

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<v Speaker 3>But here we saw that deposit rates are also kind

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<v Speaker 3>of look like that. I thought the timing was sort

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<v Speaker 3>of better. And if you think that the people's deposits

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<v Speaker 3>is an important part of their savings, which it is

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<v Speaker 3>an important aspect of transmission of monetary policy across our mind,

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<v Speaker 3>that maybe another thing that could have gone in there

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<v Speaker 3>is that deposit rates did not react at all, and

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<v Speaker 3>we knew that reg Q was there, so we start

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<v Speaker 3>to thinking maybe that has something to do with the

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<v Speaker 3>macro of the time and inflation. You start to look,

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<v Speaker 3>there's a lot of there's a lot of smoke and

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<v Speaker 3>fire there.

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<v Speaker 1>Before we get into the specific sort of discovery of

0:12:15.200 --> 0:12:17.880
<v Speaker 1>your research. One thing that strikes me is interesting and

0:12:18.000 --> 0:12:20.520
<v Speaker 1>Tracy mentioned this at the beginning, which is the sort

0:12:20.559 --> 0:12:23.240
<v Speaker 1>of we think of vulgar as the start of this

0:12:23.360 --> 0:12:27.760
<v Speaker 1>sort of monitorius turn in policy in which the entire

0:12:27.880 --> 0:12:30.400
<v Speaker 1>goal or the thinking at the time was, well, we

0:12:30.440 --> 0:12:33.520
<v Speaker 1>can solve the inflation problem, if we can solve the

0:12:33.520 --> 0:12:35.559
<v Speaker 1>supply of money problem, if we can sort of get

0:12:35.559 --> 0:12:37.600
<v Speaker 1>a handle on the supply of money problem, then inflation

0:12:37.640 --> 0:12:40.360
<v Speaker 1>will take care of itself. Judging by what you're saying

0:12:40.400 --> 0:12:43.080
<v Speaker 1>about credit controls and this, like, Okay, this is how

0:12:43.160 --> 0:12:45.000
<v Speaker 1>much we want to have in checking, This is how

0:12:45.080 --> 0:12:47.319
<v Speaker 1>much we want to have in people's savings accounts, this

0:12:47.360 --> 0:12:50.080
<v Speaker 1>is the cap on CDs. It felt it sounds like

0:12:50.120 --> 0:12:52.320
<v Speaker 1>this was brewing for a while, that it was very

0:12:52.360 --> 0:12:56.440
<v Speaker 1>popular already for some time for policymakers to really think

0:12:56.480 --> 0:13:00.360
<v Speaker 1>about like bucketing different types of money and keeping sort

0:13:00.400 --> 0:13:02.080
<v Speaker 1>of lid or handle on each of.

0:13:02.080 --> 0:13:04.439
<v Speaker 3>Them the way we hear things now. I also had

0:13:04.480 --> 0:13:06.800
<v Speaker 3>the impression that there was a lot of monetarism at

0:13:06.840 --> 0:13:10.200
<v Speaker 3>the time looking for it. It's after the fact not

0:13:10.360 --> 0:13:13.000
<v Speaker 3>as much of my impression. Certainly, these ideas are out there,

0:13:13.000 --> 0:13:16.880
<v Speaker 3>but I feel like the monitorism specifically comes somewhat later. Actually,

0:13:16.880 --> 0:13:18.840
<v Speaker 3>if you read the way they talked about it, demand

0:13:19.000 --> 0:13:21.560
<v Speaker 3>management often sounds not that different than we talk about

0:13:21.600 --> 0:13:23.520
<v Speaker 3>it today. What I will say is, I usually say

0:13:23.520 --> 0:13:25.120
<v Speaker 3>this at the end of the talk, is I think

0:13:25.240 --> 0:13:27.640
<v Speaker 3>so there was a lot of there was it by

0:13:27.679 --> 0:13:29.600
<v Speaker 3>the end, a lot of looking at growth and the

0:13:29.600 --> 0:13:33.240
<v Speaker 3>money supply and in trying to keep tamping down growth

0:13:33.240 --> 0:13:35.160
<v Speaker 3>in this and a big part of the money supply

0:13:35.240 --> 0:13:38.440
<v Speaker 3>and the most responsive are deposits. So jumping sort of

0:13:38.440 --> 0:13:40.560
<v Speaker 3>to something I usually say at the end, I think

0:13:40.679 --> 0:13:42.960
<v Speaker 3>that I'm not a big fan of moneitorism, and I

0:13:42.960 --> 0:13:45.840
<v Speaker 3>think most of the mainstream macro and monetari is not.

0:13:45.920 --> 0:13:48.959
<v Speaker 3>Now doesn't mean it's wrong, but I think monitoris a

0:13:48.960 --> 0:13:51.880
<v Speaker 3>little bit don't understand their own theory. So what I

0:13:51.920 --> 0:13:54.040
<v Speaker 3>mean by this is if you want to reinterpret what

0:13:54.080 --> 0:13:56.600
<v Speaker 3>happened in terms of moneitorism, so you start out with

0:13:56.720 --> 0:13:59.280
<v Speaker 3>why do people hold money? This is like standard monitorism.

0:13:59.679 --> 0:14:03.400
<v Speaker 3>Money is you know, pays no interest and so it's

0:14:03.400 --> 0:14:06.200
<v Speaker 3>a dominated asset and must have some other use. And

0:14:06.280 --> 0:14:08.520
<v Speaker 3>as you raise, as you lower the interest rate, you

0:14:08.559 --> 0:14:10.679
<v Speaker 3>make it more you know, easy for people to have

0:14:10.720 --> 0:14:13.320
<v Speaker 3>money and they can spend more. So the thing is

0:14:13.480 --> 0:14:17.119
<v Speaker 3>it treats each each money as just number of dollars.

0:14:17.520 --> 0:14:18.959
<v Speaker 3>But in the what you see in the right Q

0:14:19.120 --> 0:14:21.720
<v Speaker 3>time is when you don't let deposits pay the interest

0:14:21.760 --> 0:14:25.080
<v Speaker 3>that they want, each dollar is now missing a lot

0:14:25.120 --> 0:14:28.200
<v Speaker 3>of interest. So in that sense, its opportunity cost is

0:14:28.240 --> 0:14:32.160
<v Speaker 3>going way up. So people take out deposits. There's less dollars,

0:14:32.440 --> 0:14:36.080
<v Speaker 3>but each dollar is much more money, much more dominated

0:14:36.560 --> 0:14:39.200
<v Speaker 3>than it was before. So though you have less dollars,

0:14:39.240 --> 0:14:42.200
<v Speaker 3>the cost to people holding those dollars is way bigger

0:14:42.480 --> 0:14:45.520
<v Speaker 3>when the number of dollars is smaller, when this ceiling

0:14:45.560 --> 0:14:49.280
<v Speaker 3>binds tightly. And so that actually suggests that if you

0:14:49.320 --> 0:14:51.240
<v Speaker 3>sort of don't make this jump of thinking about the

0:14:51.360 --> 0:14:53.800
<v Speaker 3>number of dollars, but the opportunity cost of holding dollars,

0:14:54.240 --> 0:14:57.400
<v Speaker 3>the amount of money that's that's that's sort of burning

0:14:57.400 --> 0:14:59.800
<v Speaker 3>a hole in people's pocket, is actually much higher when

0:15:00.160 --> 0:15:02.560
<v Speaker 3>were high and the ceiling was binding, then when there

0:15:02.600 --> 0:15:04.960
<v Speaker 3>was more dollars but the ceiling was not binding.

0:15:05.600 --> 0:15:07.640
<v Speaker 2>The ghost of Milton Friedman is going to haunt us

0:15:07.640 --> 0:15:11.320
<v Speaker 2>too on this podcast. Okay, well, take that line of thinking,

0:15:11.400 --> 0:15:13.880
<v Speaker 2>or that pushback on the monetarist view and apply it

0:15:13.920 --> 0:15:18.880
<v Speaker 2>to the binding REGQ ceiling and inflation in the nineteen seventies.

0:15:19.000 --> 0:15:22.640
<v Speaker 2>So you know prices are going up, but banks are

0:15:22.680 --> 0:15:26.840
<v Speaker 2>restricted from paying out more deposits to savers. How does

0:15:26.880 --> 0:15:27.960
<v Speaker 2>that impact prices?

0:15:28.160 --> 0:15:31.560
<v Speaker 3>The idea was that by not letting them pay the

0:15:31.600 --> 0:15:34.800
<v Speaker 3>interest that they want, some deposits would leave the banks.

0:15:34.960 --> 0:15:37.600
<v Speaker 3>That was the in fact intention, That is what happened.

0:15:37.600 --> 0:15:40.680
<v Speaker 3>It was called disintermediation, and so deposits would flow out.

0:15:40.920 --> 0:15:43.880
<v Speaker 3>The idea I believe was that this would tampen down

0:15:43.880 --> 0:15:47.560
<v Speaker 3>demand because credit growth was the source of excess demand,

0:15:47.920 --> 0:15:50.200
<v Speaker 3>and that would help, just like raising the interest rate

0:15:50.200 --> 0:15:53.000
<v Speaker 3>should help. However, what we argue was it led to

0:15:53.040 --> 0:15:56.320
<v Speaker 3>the disintermediation, but instead of having a stronger effect on

0:15:56.400 --> 0:15:59.040
<v Speaker 3>demand or only an effect on demand, what it had

0:15:59.080 --> 0:16:02.480
<v Speaker 3>a strong effect was on the supply by firms, by producers,

0:16:02.520 --> 0:16:05.720
<v Speaker 3>because it's been well documented that each of the times

0:16:05.720 --> 0:16:08.880
<v Speaker 3>that the Fed funds rate went above the ceiling rate,

0:16:08.920 --> 0:16:11.120
<v Speaker 3>which happened a lot during this time periods, whenever they

0:16:11.200 --> 0:16:14.880
<v Speaker 3>raised rates, then as deposits flowed out, there were credit crunches,

0:16:15.240 --> 0:16:18.720
<v Speaker 3>meaning firms wanted credit. Banks wanted to raise more deposits,

0:16:18.880 --> 0:16:21.400
<v Speaker 3>they couldn't pay the rate they couldn't get enough deposits,

0:16:21.400 --> 0:16:23.560
<v Speaker 3>so they started to ration firms. And so if the

0:16:23.640 --> 0:16:27.680
<v Speaker 3>credit became scarce and expensive, now firms need credit to

0:16:27.760 --> 0:16:30.120
<v Speaker 3>do business. I think that's kind of clear. So it's

0:16:30.120 --> 0:16:32.120
<v Speaker 3>an input. Think of it like oil, but a much

0:16:32.120 --> 0:16:34.880
<v Speaker 3>more important input. If you can't get it, what do

0:16:34.920 --> 0:16:38.320
<v Speaker 3>you do? You fall behind in producing things. You cut supply,

0:16:38.520 --> 0:16:41.360
<v Speaker 3>and you raise prices because it's more expensive to produce.

0:16:41.600 --> 0:16:44.280
<v Speaker 3>And so we show that each of these cycles where

0:16:44.880 --> 0:16:48.960
<v Speaker 3>they raised rates where the ceiling was binding, you see both. Well,

0:16:49.000 --> 0:16:50.880
<v Speaker 3>you see this is known. You see both inflation and

0:16:50.920 --> 0:16:53.840
<v Speaker 3>a decrease in output. And then we look across firms

0:16:53.840 --> 0:16:56.480
<v Speaker 3>and we show that more credit constraint, firms raised prices

0:16:56.480 --> 0:16:59.640
<v Speaker 3>more and cut output, more, cut employment, more cut investment,

0:16:59.720 --> 0:17:00.960
<v Speaker 3>more inventories more.

0:17:01.760 --> 0:17:04.400
<v Speaker 1>All right, let's talk about the data that you collected,

0:17:04.440 --> 0:17:07.280
<v Speaker 1>because it's a good story, right that. Okay, the money

0:17:07.480 --> 0:17:11.000
<v Speaker 1>leaves the banking system, supply of credit therefore becomes ration,

0:17:11.600 --> 0:17:13.879
<v Speaker 1>and then you have all these supply side constraints and

0:17:13.920 --> 0:17:16.359
<v Speaker 1>that contributes to inflation. It's a good story. What is

0:17:16.400 --> 0:17:20.000
<v Speaker 1>the actual data that you looked at to establish your claim?

0:17:20.280 --> 0:17:22.680
<v Speaker 3>So there's there's the aggregate part of the data, which

0:17:22.680 --> 0:17:25.959
<v Speaker 3>I think is important to see, but for economists usually

0:17:26.320 --> 0:17:28.960
<v Speaker 3>can't by itself be convincing because you're just looking at

0:17:28.960 --> 0:17:30.479
<v Speaker 3>the time series for the whole country.

0:17:30.520 --> 0:17:32.719
<v Speaker 1>Wait, you can't do economics just by like looking at

0:17:32.720 --> 0:17:33.560
<v Speaker 1>two big charts.

0:17:33.800 --> 0:17:34.479
<v Speaker 3>I think you could do.

0:17:34.640 --> 0:17:35.800
<v Speaker 1>I've made my whole career on that.

0:17:35.960 --> 0:17:38.960
<v Speaker 3>I think. Actually that's a lot of times very important

0:17:39.000 --> 0:17:41.320
<v Speaker 3>and the most convincing thing to people. But if you

0:17:41.359 --> 0:17:44.720
<v Speaker 3>are in the business of being the you know, a skeptic,

0:17:44.800 --> 0:17:47.040
<v Speaker 3>then that is not going to be enough. So we

0:17:47.080 --> 0:17:49.240
<v Speaker 3>look at a lot of aggregate things, So looking at

0:17:49.240 --> 0:17:52.440
<v Speaker 3>how deposits flowed out whenever the ceiling was binding, they

0:17:52.440 --> 0:17:54.679
<v Speaker 3>flowed out more when it was when the gap between

0:17:54.680 --> 0:17:56.440
<v Speaker 3>the fems right and the ceiling was more. We looked

0:17:56.440 --> 0:17:59.600
<v Speaker 3>at unfilled orders or backlogs of orders that rose during

0:17:59.600 --> 0:18:01.959
<v Speaker 3>that time. So I don't know which of these you

0:18:02.080 --> 0:18:03.960
<v Speaker 3>find the most compelling. But then, like I said the

0:18:04.000 --> 0:18:06.480
<v Speaker 3>second part of the paper, we looked at the cross

0:18:06.480 --> 0:18:08.959
<v Speaker 3>section of firms to say, okay, let's look at something

0:18:09.000 --> 0:18:11.879
<v Speaker 3>that just compares firms that were more exposed to this

0:18:11.920 --> 0:18:16.000
<v Speaker 3>problem versus less exposed holding constant things you know that

0:18:16.040 --> 0:18:19.880
<v Speaker 3>are aggregate, like the fed's credibility, like oil shocks, any

0:18:19.880 --> 0:18:21.400
<v Speaker 3>of these things that you want to try to difference

0:18:21.440 --> 0:18:24.280
<v Speaker 3>out in order to just focus on exposure to the

0:18:24.320 --> 0:18:27.040
<v Speaker 3>particular channel that you think is at work.

0:18:27.400 --> 0:18:30.760
<v Speaker 2>So just to be clear, we're talking about disintermediation and

0:18:30.840 --> 0:18:33.720
<v Speaker 2>the idea that money can flow out of banks because

0:18:33.760 --> 0:18:36.080
<v Speaker 2>they can't compete on deposits, and then that could lead

0:18:36.119 --> 0:18:41.600
<v Speaker 2>to less investment. But what about just savings itself, Like

0:18:41.760 --> 0:18:47.200
<v Speaker 2>how does REGQ and the deposit rate cap impact people's

0:18:47.240 --> 0:18:50.960
<v Speaker 2>behavior when it comes to spending versus savings?

0:18:51.119 --> 0:18:54.679
<v Speaker 3>Right, that apps actually the first line of reasoning that

0:18:54.720 --> 0:18:56.840
<v Speaker 3>we went through. So we actually had two papers on this,

0:18:56.920 --> 0:18:58.600
<v Speaker 3>but I'm talking to you about the supply one, but

0:18:58.600 --> 0:19:00.600
<v Speaker 3>I'll tell you about the demand one. So that also

0:19:00.640 --> 0:19:04.119
<v Speaker 3>makes inflation worse because so both effects go in the

0:19:04.119 --> 0:19:06.240
<v Speaker 3>same direction, which I can tell you in a second

0:19:06.400 --> 0:19:08.840
<v Speaker 3>how that happens. So if you want to if you're

0:19:08.840 --> 0:19:10.840
<v Speaker 3>thinking about saving, and let's say that for you, the

0:19:10.920 --> 0:19:13.920
<v Speaker 3>marginal saving is deposit, which for people at that time

0:19:14.080 --> 0:19:15.960
<v Speaker 3>and even today a lot of people, it is. And

0:19:16.000 --> 0:19:17.760
<v Speaker 3>you see the rate and you see that you're getting

0:19:17.800 --> 0:19:20.600
<v Speaker 3>a terrible real rate, right, it's way below the inflation rate.

0:19:20.640 --> 0:19:24.000
<v Speaker 3>At times it was seven eight nine percent below inflation

0:19:24.119 --> 0:19:25.960
<v Speaker 3>because the cap was like five to five and a

0:19:25.960 --> 0:19:29.240
<v Speaker 3>half percent. Inflation was fourteen percent at one point. That's

0:19:29.280 --> 0:19:32.680
<v Speaker 3>just a complete disaster. So that on the margin would

0:19:32.680 --> 0:19:35.399
<v Speaker 3>push you to try to consume, not to save. So

0:19:35.640 --> 0:19:38.560
<v Speaker 3>if anything, it makes people want to consume more. At

0:19:38.560 --> 0:19:41.080
<v Speaker 3>the same time, and for the same reason, there's less

0:19:41.119 --> 0:19:43.960
<v Speaker 3>credit to firms, so they can't produce as much. Both

0:19:43.960 --> 0:19:47.439
<v Speaker 3>effects go in the direction of higher prices. The production

0:19:47.480 --> 0:19:51.200
<v Speaker 3>effect lower supply. The demand effect increases you know, would

0:19:51.240 --> 0:19:53.960
<v Speaker 3>increase by itself total output. But both of them are

0:19:54.119 --> 0:19:57.160
<v Speaker 3>making inflation go higher. So it's kind of a bad

0:19:57.200 --> 0:19:58.840
<v Speaker 3>situation in that respect.

0:19:58.800 --> 0:20:00.200
<v Speaker 2>Right, And it kind of gets to the heart part

0:20:00.200 --> 0:20:03.040
<v Speaker 2>of how transmission of monetary policy is supposed to work.

0:20:03.119 --> 0:20:06.920
<v Speaker 2>Because you're supposed to propagate these interest rate changes out

0:20:06.960 --> 0:20:10.080
<v Speaker 2>into the system. Rates go up, people are supposed to

0:20:10.119 --> 0:20:12.119
<v Speaker 2>hold on to more of their money. But if you

0:20:12.200 --> 0:20:15.359
<v Speaker 2>have a deposit rate cap, then that isn't happening.

0:20:15.680 --> 0:20:18.439
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, so usually so a sign of what microeconomists think

0:20:18.480 --> 0:20:20.960
<v Speaker 3>of a sign of dysfunction is when you have wedges

0:20:21.359 --> 0:20:23.880
<v Speaker 3>and here there's a giant wedge, there's a wedge between

0:20:24.040 --> 0:20:27.200
<v Speaker 3>the rate that depositors get the savings rate, and the

0:20:27.480 --> 0:20:31.359
<v Speaker 3>rate that borrowers pay the borrowing rate. The economy always

0:20:31.359 --> 0:20:33.359
<v Speaker 3>tries to push you to make those things equal. So

0:20:33.359 --> 0:20:35.719
<v Speaker 3>if people are willing to pay you a lot for loans,

0:20:35.880 --> 0:20:38.480
<v Speaker 3>then you pay people higher deposit rates, and then there's

0:20:38.480 --> 0:20:41.520
<v Speaker 3>more savings and the equilibrium is where they meet. But

0:20:41.600 --> 0:20:44.000
<v Speaker 3>here you couldn't. It's like a big friction sand in

0:20:44.000 --> 0:20:46.080
<v Speaker 3>the gears. So what you get is two rates. You

0:20:46.160 --> 0:20:48.400
<v Speaker 3>get a low rate for saver and a high rate

0:20:48.480 --> 0:20:51.480
<v Speaker 3>for borrowers. And so it's like asking, was the rate

0:20:51.520 --> 0:20:53.959
<v Speaker 3>to hire too low? Well, it was too high and

0:20:54.040 --> 0:20:56.960
<v Speaker 3>too low, and that's because of this wedge in between.

0:20:57.119 --> 0:21:00.320
<v Speaker 3>That is like a classical sign of a part problem

0:21:00.320 --> 0:21:03.840
<v Speaker 3>when you have different prices for the same thing on

0:21:03.880 --> 0:21:05.480
<v Speaker 3>both sides and it's not coming together.

0:21:05.760 --> 0:21:10.720
<v Speaker 2>Wait, can I ask a devil's advocate monetarist question? If

0:21:10.760 --> 0:21:12.600
<v Speaker 2>Milton Friedman was in the room with us right now,

0:21:12.600 --> 0:21:14.640
<v Speaker 2>maybe he would ask this. But like, there must be

0:21:14.720 --> 0:21:19.080
<v Speaker 2>a monetarist interpretation of the impact of REDQ as well,

0:21:19.119 --> 0:21:21.480
<v Speaker 2>which I imagine would be like, well, if you make

0:21:21.520 --> 0:21:27.800
<v Speaker 2>deposits unattractive, then maybe you're inhibiting monetary growth the growth

0:21:27.800 --> 0:21:28.480
<v Speaker 2>that was there.

0:21:28.680 --> 0:21:31.120
<v Speaker 3>That was the way that monitors saw that, and when

0:21:31.119 --> 0:21:33.240
<v Speaker 3>you saw no evidence of that, No, I think it's

0:21:33.240 --> 0:21:36.240
<v Speaker 3>the opposite when they raised interest rates because this gap grew.

0:21:36.280 --> 0:21:38.520
<v Speaker 3>It's always deposits were flowing out. It's the clearest thing

0:21:38.560 --> 0:21:41.720
<v Speaker 3>in the data. So in that sense, it looks like

0:21:42.040 --> 0:21:44.719
<v Speaker 3>you're reducing the rate of money growth. But I'm arguing

0:21:45.240 --> 0:21:47.520
<v Speaker 3>that it made each dollar if you want to have

0:21:47.560 --> 0:21:50.280
<v Speaker 3>that monitors right, like them each dollar much more money,

0:21:50.359 --> 0:21:53.240
<v Speaker 3>Like do you mind having dollars if if they pay

0:21:53.240 --> 0:21:55.480
<v Speaker 3>if you know your deposits pay the Fed funds right,

0:21:55.520 --> 0:21:57.160
<v Speaker 3>and you earn a real rate, it's not a big deal.

0:21:57.320 --> 0:22:00.880
<v Speaker 3>If they're earning minus eight percent real rate, that's all

0:22:00.960 --> 0:22:03.320
<v Speaker 3>that's really money. Like, it's really bad. You have to

0:22:03.320 --> 0:22:05.160
<v Speaker 3>sort of think what was the point of monetaring.

0:22:05.240 --> 0:22:08.120
<v Speaker 2>It's like the nature of the money kind of changes almost.

0:22:07.720 --> 0:22:08.919
<v Speaker 3>I think it becomes more money.

0:22:08.880 --> 0:22:11.719
<v Speaker 1>I mean, this is like they use the term hot potato, right.

0:22:11.760 --> 0:22:14.800
<v Speaker 1>People didn't want to hold quick question and then a

0:22:14.840 --> 0:22:18.600
<v Speaker 1>longer question. Was this an an extremely profitable period for banks?

0:22:18.880 --> 0:22:22.000
<v Speaker 3>Surprisingly, I don't think it was that profitable, And it's

0:22:22.040 --> 0:22:25.280
<v Speaker 3>a good question why. But I think also the rates

0:22:25.320 --> 0:22:28.520
<v Speaker 3>at which they the real rates at which they lent out,

0:22:28.600 --> 0:22:31.639
<v Speaker 3>for example, for long term mortgages and stuff, which is

0:22:31.680 --> 0:22:36.600
<v Speaker 3>what a lot of snls did, were also lowered by

0:22:36.960 --> 0:22:39.720
<v Speaker 3>this kind of thing. So actually, at the time people

0:22:39.760 --> 0:22:41.960
<v Speaker 3>thought that when you get rid of REGQ, it would

0:22:42.000 --> 0:22:43.800
<v Speaker 3>make the banks very unprofitable. I tell you what it

0:22:43.800 --> 0:22:45.600
<v Speaker 3>did do It led to the SNL crisis. I guess

0:22:45.600 --> 0:22:48.919
<v Speaker 3>they shouldn't be kid. It's well known that lifting the

0:22:49.040 --> 0:22:53.680
<v Speaker 3>ceilings on deposit rates left snls having to pay fair

0:22:53.760 --> 0:22:56.840
<v Speaker 3>market rates, which made a big hole in their balance.

0:22:57.200 --> 0:23:01.000
<v Speaker 1>Getting back to your supply side analysis, and you mentioned

0:23:01.000 --> 0:23:03.520
<v Speaker 1>you sort of tried to go sector bisector. Who would

0:23:03.520 --> 0:23:06.760
<v Speaker 1>be particularly in like, okay, who, all things being equal,

0:23:07.080 --> 0:23:10.560
<v Speaker 1>who is exposed to this sort of severe rationing of

0:23:10.600 --> 0:23:13.200
<v Speaker 1>credit from the banking system having less money? What did

0:23:13.240 --> 0:23:16.959
<v Speaker 1>you find when you look at the sort of sectoral breakdowns,

0:23:17.119 --> 0:23:18.320
<v Speaker 1>what kind of things pop up?

0:23:18.560 --> 0:23:21.200
<v Speaker 3>So should should be specific and say that the database

0:23:21.240 --> 0:23:23.880
<v Speaker 3>we have, because we needed a database of lots of information,

0:23:24.000 --> 0:23:28.919
<v Speaker 3>is the nbr CS Database on Manufacturing Industries. So already

0:23:28.960 --> 0:23:31.720
<v Speaker 3>it's all manufacturers, okay, So we need the prices they charge,

0:23:31.720 --> 0:23:34.040
<v Speaker 3>and we need stuff on their inputs, and so it's

0:23:34.040 --> 0:23:38.199
<v Speaker 3>all different kinds of manufacturing. And so that by the

0:23:38.200 --> 0:23:41.399
<v Speaker 3>construction of our measure, are companies that need to pay

0:23:41.600 --> 0:23:44.639
<v Speaker 3>a lot upfront in terms of production costs and labor

0:23:44.680 --> 0:23:47.280
<v Speaker 3>costs relative to the money they would have from the

0:23:47.359 --> 0:23:50.879
<v Speaker 3>last cycle of selling, relative to the operating margins that

0:23:50.920 --> 0:23:54.120
<v Speaker 3>they have. So I don't remember exactly which ones were

0:23:54.160 --> 0:23:56.560
<v Speaker 3>like high, if it was like textiles versus I think

0:23:56.600 --> 0:23:59.439
<v Speaker 3>the tobacco was low. But so I can't say that

0:23:59.640 --> 0:24:03.360
<v Speaker 3>that manufacturers that could tell you exactly which ones were

0:24:03.359 --> 0:24:05.000
<v Speaker 3>more and which ones or less. But you'd think that

0:24:05.200 --> 0:24:07.960
<v Speaker 3>somebody carrying a lot of inventory a lot of upfront

0:24:08.000 --> 0:24:11.080
<v Speaker 3>costs would need a lot of credit, and somebody who

0:24:11.160 --> 0:24:14.719
<v Speaker 3>doesn't you know at all, and maybe the tobacco manufacturers,

0:24:14.760 --> 0:24:15.800
<v Speaker 3>it's not as big of a deal.

0:24:16.280 --> 0:24:20.680
<v Speaker 2>So you had less investment because of the disintermediation dynamics

0:24:20.680 --> 0:24:23.560
<v Speaker 2>that you described. Meanwhile, you also had people spending more

0:24:23.680 --> 0:24:26.520
<v Speaker 2>because they're not incentivized to save their money and put

0:24:26.560 --> 0:24:29.760
<v Speaker 2>it in deposits that are less than inflation. That seems

0:24:29.760 --> 0:24:30.600
<v Speaker 2>like a bad dynamic.

0:24:30.760 --> 0:24:33.639
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, I think it's I think it's quite a bad dinneric.

0:24:33.600 --> 0:24:37.960
<v Speaker 1>So Okay, well, which is great. Are I really appreciate it? No,

0:24:38.960 --> 0:24:40.040
<v Speaker 1>I understand the seventies.

0:24:40.240 --> 0:24:42.439
<v Speaker 2>So when you did the research, I mean, did you

0:24:42.520 --> 0:24:45.040
<v Speaker 2>find one of those factors, like the supply side versus

0:24:45.080 --> 0:24:46.600
<v Speaker 2>the demand side, which one was bigger.

0:24:46.800 --> 0:24:49.320
<v Speaker 3>You can see in the aggregate data that the net effect,

0:24:49.600 --> 0:24:52.560
<v Speaker 3>meaning the one that overwhelms is the supply one. Because

0:24:52.840 --> 0:24:56.480
<v Speaker 3>in this part, I think is not new because despite

0:24:56.520 --> 0:24:59.439
<v Speaker 3>all the narrative focusing on the feds inability to control demand,

0:24:59.680 --> 0:25:04.040
<v Speaker 3>the four cycles in the seventies, sixties, and seventies, which

0:25:04.040 --> 0:25:07.160
<v Speaker 3>are the stagflationary cycles, were called that because each time

0:25:07.280 --> 0:25:10.879
<v Speaker 3>that inflation went up, output was dropping at the same time.

0:25:11.119 --> 0:25:13.160
<v Speaker 3>By the way, it's quite different than what we've seen recently.

0:25:13.520 --> 0:25:16.560
<v Speaker 3>So that's well known. And so you when we first started,

0:25:16.560 --> 0:25:18.920
<v Speaker 3>we're like, why are they keep talking about demand when

0:25:19.000 --> 0:25:21.920
<v Speaker 3>clearly output is going down. But the reason people say

0:25:21.920 --> 0:25:25.080
<v Speaker 3>that is because they took the decrease in output as

0:25:25.240 --> 0:25:29.520
<v Speaker 3>like basically exogenous like stuff happened like oil happened before

0:25:29.640 --> 0:25:33.640
<v Speaker 3>there was some other crisis that happened, and so they're like, okay,

0:25:33.640 --> 0:25:35.960
<v Speaker 3>well we can't do anything about that. That's just our job,

0:25:36.080 --> 0:25:38.000
<v Speaker 3>the fed's job. To deal with that. And so in

0:25:38.119 --> 0:25:41.280
<v Speaker 3>light of these various supply shocks that apparently kept happening,

0:25:41.480 --> 0:25:44.000
<v Speaker 3>the FED didn't do a good job controlling demand. Whereas

0:25:44.000 --> 0:25:47.800
<v Speaker 3>we're saying these supply shocks, it's happened all the time,

0:25:48.200 --> 0:25:51.159
<v Speaker 3>and it happened in this fashion, it's not a coincidence. Actually,

0:25:51.240 --> 0:25:53.840
<v Speaker 3>it was a huge financial friction that made this happen.

0:25:54.680 --> 0:25:58.119
<v Speaker 1>Why you know, you mentioned, look, if credit is going

0:25:58.160 --> 0:26:01.200
<v Speaker 1>to be rational, investment is going to go down. Investment

0:26:01.320 --> 0:26:04.480
<v Speaker 1>is also a demand impulse, right, So building factories is

0:26:04.640 --> 0:26:07.960
<v Speaker 1>you know, that's someone else's income, that's activity. Company is

0:26:08.040 --> 0:26:10.600
<v Speaker 1>going out of business and laying off workers, we would

0:26:10.640 --> 0:26:14.280
<v Speaker 1>think would be disinflationary, right, So why is it that,

0:26:14.480 --> 0:26:17.520
<v Speaker 1>as you describe, you have this sort of rationing of credit,

0:26:17.560 --> 0:26:21.760
<v Speaker 1>this credit constraint that hurt a lot of manufacturers. Why,

0:26:21.920 --> 0:26:24.800
<v Speaker 1>I mean, just intuitively that could you know, and it

0:26:24.800 --> 0:26:26.800
<v Speaker 1>sounds like it could be a disinflationary Oh.

0:26:26.840 --> 0:26:29.639
<v Speaker 3>Absolutely, But the thing we actually are not emphasizing the

0:26:29.680 --> 0:26:34.280
<v Speaker 3>investment that's that is there, but we're emphasizing the ongoing operations.

0:26:34.400 --> 0:26:38.159
<v Speaker 3>So I think classically, oftentimes people think of credit as

0:26:38.200 --> 0:26:40.960
<v Speaker 3>going to investment, but most of the credit the stock

0:26:41.000 --> 0:26:43.679
<v Speaker 3>of credit to firms is like working cap, not just

0:26:43.720 --> 0:26:46.359
<v Speaker 3>working capital, but you pay upfront for a lot of things,

0:26:46.400 --> 0:26:48.080
<v Speaker 3>like just to take an extreme case, if you deal

0:26:48.080 --> 0:26:51.720
<v Speaker 3>with the contractor, you pay them usually half upfront. It's

0:26:51.760 --> 0:26:53.920
<v Speaker 3>not like you tell them, yeah, go build my house

0:26:53.960 --> 0:26:56.360
<v Speaker 3>and when you're done, I'll pay you. So people pay

0:26:56.359 --> 0:26:58.800
<v Speaker 3>for materials in labor in large part, this is where

0:26:58.840 --> 0:27:01.159
<v Speaker 3>trade credit comes in and all these things. Companies need

0:27:01.200 --> 0:27:02.920
<v Speaker 3>a lot of credit up front. So we're talking about

0:27:02.960 --> 0:27:05.920
<v Speaker 3>the direct operations of the firm. It is also true

0:27:06.280 --> 0:27:08.320
<v Speaker 3>that you saw a decrease in investment, and like you're

0:27:08.320 --> 0:27:10.679
<v Speaker 3>saying that by itself could be interpreted as lower demand.

0:27:10.720 --> 0:27:13.600
<v Speaker 3>So it's not our emphasis in this part.

0:27:13.840 --> 0:27:17.800
<v Speaker 1>So you know, again going to when Vulker came and

0:27:17.840 --> 0:27:20.280
<v Speaker 1>I've been plugging this a lot lately, but I was,

0:27:20.359 --> 0:27:22.959
<v Speaker 1>you know, I finally read the book Secret to the Temple,

0:27:23.080 --> 0:27:26.640
<v Speaker 1>and it totally changed my perspective on like, at least

0:27:26.640 --> 0:27:30.240
<v Speaker 1>the first few years of the Vulker regime, because it

0:27:30.280 --> 0:27:32.320
<v Speaker 1>was not actually a simple story of like finally we're

0:27:32.320 --> 0:27:34.400
<v Speaker 1>gonna get tough. It was just like all of these

0:27:34.480 --> 0:27:37.840
<v Speaker 1>levers being pulled and the huge swings in the fed

0:27:37.920 --> 0:27:40.520
<v Speaker 1>funds rate and it was kind of a the first

0:27:40.520 --> 0:27:45.040
<v Speaker 1>few years seemed like a total mess. What did actually then,

0:27:45.280 --> 0:27:49.760
<v Speaker 1>in your view, create the real durable turn in inflation.

0:27:50.240 --> 0:27:53.119
<v Speaker 3>So yeah, we look at this in both papers. I

0:27:53.160 --> 0:27:55.920
<v Speaker 3>think the timing lines up very well. I would say,

0:27:56.240 --> 0:27:59.440
<v Speaker 3>bet this is heresy. Now it's better than the vulcar

0:27:59.520 --> 0:28:03.080
<v Speaker 3>rate hike. With the two stages of the deregulation of

0:28:03.480 --> 0:28:06.920
<v Speaker 3>reg Q, the first one being the first major deregulation

0:28:07.000 --> 0:28:11.520
<v Speaker 3>at the end of nineteen seventy eight and nineteen seventy nine,

0:28:11.840 --> 0:28:15.160
<v Speaker 3>and then for this one, the total essentially getting rid

0:28:15.200 --> 0:28:16.760
<v Speaker 3>of almost the rest of it at the end of

0:28:16.840 --> 0:28:21.080
<v Speaker 3>nineteen eighty two, and both were associated with huge inflows

0:28:21.119 --> 0:28:25.520
<v Speaker 3>of the respective deposits that were, you know, deregulated, And

0:28:25.840 --> 0:28:30.119
<v Speaker 3>we look at banks that were benefited more from this

0:28:30.320 --> 0:28:33.560
<v Speaker 3>versus less and sort of see the unwind of what

0:28:33.600 --> 0:28:36.159
<v Speaker 3>we're seeing before, and then connect it to firms that

0:28:36.640 --> 0:28:39.080
<v Speaker 3>were located in areas that were able to borrow from

0:28:39.080 --> 0:28:41.200
<v Speaker 3>those banks, as well as the ones that were more

0:28:41.200 --> 0:28:45.880
<v Speaker 3>financially dependent in areas that were more affected by the deregulation,

0:28:46.160 --> 0:28:48.640
<v Speaker 3>and they show the unwinding and these so that they

0:28:48.680 --> 0:28:52.040
<v Speaker 3>increased production and raised prices or cut price, you know,

0:28:52.160 --> 0:28:54.880
<v Speaker 3>raise prices lesser, cut prices more than the other ones.

0:28:55.040 --> 0:28:56.720
<v Speaker 3>And I think if you look at the COOTE now

0:28:56.920 --> 0:28:59.000
<v Speaker 3>you know, inflation is very messy. Now that we've gone

0:28:59.000 --> 0:29:00.280
<v Speaker 3>through it, you can see how hard I just to

0:29:00.360 --> 0:29:03.480
<v Speaker 3>know exactly where it is. But inflation starts to come

0:29:03.560 --> 0:29:06.479
<v Speaker 3>down at the end of seventy nine, beginning of eighty,

0:29:06.720 --> 0:29:10.280
<v Speaker 3>several quarters before Volker's like big rate hike. So that

0:29:10.360 --> 0:29:13.160
<v Speaker 3>is not going to convince any monetary person my story,

0:29:13.200 --> 0:29:16.200
<v Speaker 3>but I do think that it's there if you want

0:29:16.240 --> 0:29:17.400
<v Speaker 3>to be convinced.

0:29:17.000 --> 0:29:20.680
<v Speaker 1>The market was pricing it in preemptively efficient markets.

0:29:21.480 --> 0:29:23.120
<v Speaker 3>Well, I'm talking about the inflation.

0:29:23.200 --> 0:29:24.400
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.

0:29:24.400 --> 0:29:27.040
<v Speaker 3>I think I think bond markets didn't think that Vulkar

0:29:27.320 --> 0:29:31.120
<v Speaker 3>had won until like the mid mid nineteen eighty four.

0:29:31.240 --> 0:29:33.760
<v Speaker 3>So ten year rates were as high in mid eighty

0:29:33.760 --> 0:29:35.800
<v Speaker 3>four as they had been before Volcar raised rates.

0:29:35.840 --> 0:29:39.200
<v Speaker 1>Wow, And Tracy, that's when Bill Gross slammed the accelerator.

0:29:39.240 --> 0:29:41.000
<v Speaker 1>As we talk about no right, like it was like

0:29:41.160 --> 0:29:43.240
<v Speaker 1>the raids stayed really high. And that's what he said,

0:29:43.440 --> 0:29:44.920
<v Speaker 1>is like that's when you knew the moment.

0:29:44.720 --> 0:29:46.320
<v Speaker 3>Was like he knew go all in knew.

0:29:46.360 --> 0:29:48.880
<v Speaker 2>I want to bring us up to present day because

0:29:49.000 --> 0:29:51.360
<v Speaker 2>I mean, it's very useful to have this overview of

0:29:51.400 --> 0:29:53.680
<v Speaker 2>the nineteen seventies. But maybe there are some lessons here

0:29:53.720 --> 0:29:56.640
<v Speaker 2>that we can apply specifically to what's happening now in

0:29:56.680 --> 0:29:58.760
<v Speaker 2>twenty twenty three. And let me start with a really

0:29:58.760 --> 0:30:02.120
<v Speaker 2>simple one, which we've discussed on this podcast before, notably

0:30:02.200 --> 0:30:07.600
<v Speaker 2>with Barclay's Joe abat the Money Market Strategist. We don't

0:30:07.640 --> 0:30:11.600
<v Speaker 2>have that binding constraint of reg Q anymore, and yet

0:30:11.920 --> 0:30:15.120
<v Speaker 2>it feels like it's been a relatively slow process to

0:30:15.200 --> 0:30:18.280
<v Speaker 2>see banks in the US raise their deposit rate. And

0:30:18.320 --> 0:30:20.600
<v Speaker 2>I was looking before the show. The average bank rate

0:30:20.840 --> 0:30:26.120
<v Speaker 2>according to bankrate dot com on retail deposit savings accounts

0:30:26.240 --> 0:30:29.720
<v Speaker 2>is still only like zero point five eight percent, which

0:30:29.800 --> 0:30:32.360
<v Speaker 2>is kind of crazy. It's higher on certificates of deposit

0:30:32.400 --> 0:30:34.760
<v Speaker 2>and money market funds and things like that. But why

0:30:34.760 --> 0:30:37.920
<v Speaker 2>aren't we seeing more of a pass through from higher

0:30:37.920 --> 0:30:38.760
<v Speaker 2>benchmark rates?

0:30:39.160 --> 0:30:41.520
<v Speaker 3>Yeah. So, actually a lot of work we've done is

0:30:41.560 --> 0:30:43.920
<v Speaker 3>on this and the effect of this in times after

0:30:44.000 --> 0:30:47.280
<v Speaker 3>reg Q. That's where we started with. I mean, the

0:30:47.320 --> 0:30:49.240
<v Speaker 3>simple answer is they have a lot of market power,

0:30:49.320 --> 0:30:52.920
<v Speaker 3>and so people aren't leaving despite the lack of higher rates.

0:30:52.920 --> 0:30:55.760
<v Speaker 3>You saw after SVB that there's a lot of discussion

0:30:55.800 --> 0:30:57.680
<v Speaker 3>that now people will wake up to the fact that

0:30:57.760 --> 0:31:00.520
<v Speaker 3>rates are really low, they'll demand rates.

0:31:00.560 --> 0:31:01.960
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, it still hasn't really happened.

0:31:02.000 --> 0:31:04.120
<v Speaker 3>No, it really, it really hasn't. It happens. It's some

0:31:04.160 --> 0:31:06.760
<v Speaker 3>small banks. But I was quite skeptical at the time

0:31:06.840 --> 0:31:09.880
<v Speaker 3>because you don't you know, you don't get everybody can't

0:31:09.880 --> 0:31:11.840
<v Speaker 3>be asleep and they just wake up. Like I know,

0:31:11.880 --> 0:31:14.960
<v Speaker 3>we all listen to odd lots and yeah, most people

0:31:15.040 --> 0:31:17.200
<v Speaker 3>still the majority of the world is still not listening.

0:31:17.200 --> 0:31:18.479
<v Speaker 3>So your market share could grow a lot.

0:31:18.560 --> 0:31:22.720
<v Speaker 2>I'm gonna I'm going to renew my call to improve

0:31:22.800 --> 0:31:26.120
<v Speaker 2>the transmission of monetary policy and defeat inflation. We all

0:31:26.120 --> 0:31:28.800
<v Speaker 2>need to find a savings account with a high interest rate,

0:31:28.920 --> 0:31:30.840
<v Speaker 2>So go out and do it. Do the market research.

0:31:31.160 --> 0:31:33.400
<v Speaker 3>So they have they have a lot of market power.

0:31:33.440 --> 0:31:36.520
<v Speaker 3>It's a very big part of the of the banking business.

0:31:36.800 --> 0:31:39.440
<v Speaker 3>The difference is is that they could raise it if

0:31:39.480 --> 0:31:42.520
<v Speaker 3>they wanted, if people became aware, if they left banks

0:31:42.520 --> 0:31:44.400
<v Speaker 3>to go to other banks, and so that's kind of

0:31:44.640 --> 0:31:48.360
<v Speaker 3>that's a response, that's their optimal response, whereas in the seventies,

0:31:48.720 --> 0:31:51.959
<v Speaker 3>they wanted to raise the rates and couldn't. That's very different.

0:31:52.000 --> 0:31:54.840
<v Speaker 3>So they were kind of like a like a super monopolist,

0:31:54.920 --> 0:31:56.720
<v Speaker 3>but so much of a monopolist, and they didn't want

0:31:56.760 --> 0:31:58.600
<v Speaker 3>to be like even a monopolist doesn't want to set

0:31:58.640 --> 0:32:00.920
<v Speaker 3>the price so high you can't sell anything.

0:32:16.360 --> 0:32:19.920
<v Speaker 1>So thinking about now versus the nineteen seventies, there are

0:32:19.960 --> 0:32:22.040
<v Speaker 1>two ways that I could think of that maybe the

0:32:22.120 --> 0:32:24.680
<v Speaker 1>economy is fundamentally different. But let me start with the

0:32:24.720 --> 0:32:27.440
<v Speaker 1>one that's sort of most directly to this. In the

0:32:27.520 --> 0:32:29.960
<v Speaker 1>late in the seventies, the banks are probably like the

0:32:30.800 --> 0:32:34.240
<v Speaker 1>main game in town for credit, whereas today there's all

0:32:34.320 --> 0:32:37.400
<v Speaker 1>kinds of different ways that a firm of any sort,

0:32:37.440 --> 0:32:39.680
<v Speaker 1>even a manufacturer, there's a you know, the bond.

0:32:39.440 --> 0:32:40.520
<v Speaker 2>Market, bond market loaded.

0:32:40.640 --> 0:32:42.880
<v Speaker 1>Since then we talk about private credit and private lending,

0:32:42.880 --> 0:32:46.160
<v Speaker 1>et cetera. Talk to us just start like, how much

0:32:46.280 --> 0:32:49.440
<v Speaker 1>more important were banks for the provision of credit in

0:32:49.480 --> 0:32:51.760
<v Speaker 1>the time that you focus on then versus today?

0:32:52.040 --> 0:32:55.000
<v Speaker 3>So I do think they were more important. I want

0:32:55.040 --> 0:32:57.800
<v Speaker 3>to push back a little bit because I've learned myself

0:32:57.840 --> 0:33:01.080
<v Speaker 3>over time. Certainly the bond market's big, and certainly there

0:33:01.080 --> 0:33:05.480
<v Speaker 3>are other non bank sources of credit. However, I do

0:33:05.520 --> 0:33:09.560
<v Speaker 3>think that the diminishment of bank's importance has multiple times

0:33:09.600 --> 0:33:13.120
<v Speaker 3>been overstated. Just to give you some data and looked

0:33:13.160 --> 0:33:17.240
<v Speaker 3>at this. So, there are about one thousand firms in

0:33:17.280 --> 0:33:20.440
<v Speaker 3>the US that are rated, meaning that they can issue bonds,

0:33:20.920 --> 0:33:23.440
<v Speaker 3>out of the about three thousand, five hundred firms that

0:33:23.440 --> 0:33:26.000
<v Speaker 3>are listed on the stock market. There were about half

0:33:26.000 --> 0:33:28.280
<v Speaker 3>as many firms that could issue bonds by the end

0:33:28.320 --> 0:33:30.880
<v Speaker 3>of the seventies out of about four thousand, five hundred

0:33:30.920 --> 0:33:33.880
<v Speaker 3>firms that were listed. In any case, that's not that

0:33:33.920 --> 0:33:37.080
<v Speaker 3>many firms. They are gigantic on average, so in terms

0:33:37.080 --> 0:33:39.240
<v Speaker 3>of valuate they're very important. But there are about seven

0:33:39.360 --> 0:33:42.920
<v Speaker 3>hundred thousand firms with over twenty people, which means that

0:33:43.600 --> 0:33:47.760
<v Speaker 3>six hundred and ninety nine thousand of them cannot issue bonds.

0:33:47.920 --> 0:33:50.000
<v Speaker 1>We're talking about today, yes, okay.

0:33:49.680 --> 0:33:51.880
<v Speaker 3>And there were about three hundred and fifty thousand firms

0:33:51.880 --> 0:33:54.920
<v Speaker 3>at that time that were above twenty people and so

0:33:55.160 --> 0:33:58.720
<v Speaker 3>couldn't issue bonds. And so although there's been an expansion

0:33:58.720 --> 0:34:00.680
<v Speaker 3>of this, the vast majority we have a firm. People

0:34:00.680 --> 0:34:02.360
<v Speaker 3>call them small firms, but that makes you think of

0:34:02.360 --> 0:34:04.320
<v Speaker 3>like a laundromat. They get a lot bigger than that,

0:34:04.600 --> 0:34:08.440
<v Speaker 3>so small medium firms cannot. It's just very few even

0:34:08.480 --> 0:34:10.360
<v Speaker 3>out of the stock market. Like I said, two thirds

0:34:10.600 --> 0:34:12.000
<v Speaker 3>don't issue bonds.

0:34:11.920 --> 0:34:14.719
<v Speaker 1>Right, So even today there is a huge pool of

0:34:14.760 --> 0:34:16.799
<v Speaker 1>companies that really, if they need credit, need to go

0:34:16.800 --> 0:34:17.279
<v Speaker 1>to a bank or.

0:34:17.280 --> 0:34:18.000
<v Speaker 3>Something like the bank.

0:34:18.239 --> 0:34:20.719
<v Speaker 1>Now, the other way that maybe the economy feels like

0:34:20.760 --> 0:34:23.720
<v Speaker 1>it could be different than the nineteen seventies is huge

0:34:23.800 --> 0:34:28.000
<v Speaker 1>drivers of you know, the US economy maybe are less

0:34:28.000 --> 0:34:30.279
<v Speaker 1>credit center. I'm think you like tech for example, or

0:34:30.360 --> 0:34:33.840
<v Speaker 1>software in which we don't really associate them with like borrowing.

0:34:34.480 --> 0:34:39.040
<v Speaker 1>Was the economy inherently more credit sensitive? I would imagine

0:34:39.040 --> 0:34:42.719
<v Speaker 1>in a manufacturing economy you have to build factories or

0:34:42.760 --> 0:34:46.200
<v Speaker 1>even just maintain inventory. Was the economy just sort of

0:34:46.280 --> 0:34:49.400
<v Speaker 1>more and were more companies in perpetual need of credit

0:34:49.920 --> 0:34:50.640
<v Speaker 1>than today?

0:34:51.080 --> 0:34:52.719
<v Speaker 3>I don't know the answer to that. I would have

0:34:52.880 --> 0:34:57.360
<v Speaker 3>actually guessed that with financial deepening in general, were more financialized.

0:34:57.840 --> 0:34:59.640
<v Speaker 3>I should just say, just to not give the wrong

0:34:59.640 --> 0:35:01.840
<v Speaker 3>the press. I don't think that the inflation of the

0:35:01.920 --> 0:35:04.799
<v Speaker 3>last couple of years was due to financial friction per se.

0:35:04.880 --> 0:35:07.719
<v Speaker 3>I think the analogy is, and I believe this for

0:35:07.760 --> 0:35:10.640
<v Speaker 3>a long time that the main driver was the supply

0:35:10.760 --> 0:35:15.240
<v Speaker 3>chain shocks. It's in that respect that I think it's similar.

0:35:15.280 --> 0:35:18.239
<v Speaker 3>I make the increase in demand due to transfers or

0:35:18.239 --> 0:35:20.600
<v Speaker 3>fiscal or I was thought that was secondary. I thought

0:35:20.640 --> 0:35:24.200
<v Speaker 3>that once the supply chain gets solved, the effect will

0:35:24.239 --> 0:35:27.120
<v Speaker 3>be largely diminishment of that. So that that's been my opinion.

0:35:27.200 --> 0:35:30.080
<v Speaker 3>I think more people are there now than the world

0:35:30.120 --> 0:35:32.839
<v Speaker 3>like a year ago, but that's the analogy the way

0:35:32.840 --> 0:35:33.279
<v Speaker 3>I see it.

0:35:33.640 --> 0:35:36.239
<v Speaker 2>Just to press on this interest rate sensitivity point. I

0:35:36.280 --> 0:35:39.239
<v Speaker 2>know I mentioned before that we've talked about reg Q

0:35:39.560 --> 0:35:42.480
<v Speaker 2>in passing a few times with Josh Junger and Lev

0:35:42.560 --> 0:35:45.960
<v Speaker 2>Menon in one or two other episodes. But if it

0:35:46.080 --> 0:35:49.280
<v Speaker 2>sounds familiar to our listeners, it might also be because

0:35:49.280 --> 0:35:52.560
<v Speaker 2>it came up in a very famous speech made by

0:35:52.600 --> 0:35:55.600
<v Speaker 2>Ben Bernanke in two thousand and seven, where he was

0:35:55.640 --> 0:36:00.000
<v Speaker 2>talking about how sensitive the housing market was to change

0:36:00.440 --> 0:36:02.960
<v Speaker 2>in the FED funds rate, and he basically said, because

0:36:03.000 --> 0:36:06.399
<v Speaker 2>we don't have REGQ ceilings anymore on deposit rates, that

0:36:06.440 --> 0:36:09.920
<v Speaker 2>means that deposits are a much diminished source of housing finance.

0:36:09.960 --> 0:36:12.879
<v Speaker 2>So everything is going to be fine, And that turned

0:36:12.880 --> 0:36:13.840
<v Speaker 2>out not to be the case.

0:36:14.440 --> 0:36:16.680
<v Speaker 3>So it's true that Bernanki and if you actually you

0:36:16.719 --> 0:36:18.239
<v Speaker 3>go back and read his papers from the eighties and

0:36:18.440 --> 0:36:21.080
<v Speaker 3>not just him, there was a lot of understanding that

0:36:21.160 --> 0:36:24.560
<v Speaker 3>REGQ made it so that housing was very credit sensitive

0:36:24.680 --> 0:36:27.279
<v Speaker 3>when REGQ was there. So for the reason we said

0:36:27.320 --> 0:36:29.719
<v Speaker 3>banks would lose deposits, one of the main forms of

0:36:29.719 --> 0:36:34.160
<v Speaker 3>bank lending is mortgages and also loans to contractors, and

0:36:34.200 --> 0:36:37.799
<v Speaker 3>so you would see house market basically dry up, and

0:36:37.880 --> 0:36:40.560
<v Speaker 3>then when deposits came back in, housing would be on

0:36:40.640 --> 0:36:43.000
<v Speaker 3>a tear. And it was the impression of a lot

0:36:43.040 --> 0:36:46.040
<v Speaker 3>of monetary people that once REGQ was abolished in nineteen

0:36:46.080 --> 0:36:48.560
<v Speaker 3>eighty two, first, this was the reason we didn't see

0:36:48.560 --> 0:36:52.680
<v Speaker 3>these kinds of wild gyrations anymore. And also they assumed,

0:36:52.920 --> 0:36:56.960
<v Speaker 3>which I think was wrong, that deposits would transmit policy then,

0:36:57.480 --> 0:37:00.359
<v Speaker 3>you know, one for one, which was sort of true

0:37:00.440 --> 0:37:02.799
<v Speaker 3>right when reg Q was abolished and became less and

0:37:02.840 --> 0:37:06.160
<v Speaker 3>less true until your question of why are deposit rates

0:37:06.200 --> 0:37:07.160
<v Speaker 3>so pathetically low?

0:37:07.239 --> 0:37:11.359
<v Speaker 1>Now, well, going back, I mean, policy must makers must

0:37:11.400 --> 0:37:13.839
<v Speaker 1>have seen this wadge that you were talking about in

0:37:13.920 --> 0:37:16.720
<v Speaker 1>real time, and it must have sort of been obvious

0:37:16.840 --> 0:37:20.239
<v Speaker 1>that they could keep hiking rates to fight inflation, but

0:37:20.280 --> 0:37:23.760
<v Speaker 1>that there was it would have minimal impact on actual

0:37:23.920 --> 0:37:26.600
<v Speaker 1>rates of deposit that people got. Were they what were

0:37:26.640 --> 0:37:29.200
<v Speaker 1>they saying at the time. Was there an awareness that

0:37:29.239 --> 0:37:31.839
<v Speaker 1>this was a tension, that this was impeding the transmission

0:37:31.840 --> 0:37:34.279
<v Speaker 1>of monetary policy? And if you said that, as you

0:37:34.360 --> 0:37:37.160
<v Speaker 1>pointed out, historically they would sort of lift the cap

0:37:37.280 --> 0:37:39.680
<v Speaker 1>over time along with the Fed Fund rate, why wasn't that.

0:37:39.719 --> 0:37:43.719
<v Speaker 3>Lifting so a couple things. I think they definitely saw

0:37:43.760 --> 0:37:46.839
<v Speaker 3>the credit crunches. They actually didn't like those. Weirdly, even

0:37:46.840 --> 0:37:49.320
<v Speaker 3>though they wanted there to be less credit, they just

0:37:49.360 --> 0:37:52.759
<v Speaker 3>didn't want it to be like that hysterical. So I

0:37:52.800 --> 0:37:56.000
<v Speaker 3>think they thought this was helping partly that the monitor's

0:37:56.080 --> 0:37:57.840
<v Speaker 3>view would tell you, look, there are less deposits, so

0:37:57.920 --> 0:38:00.879
<v Speaker 3>less money growth, and this should be helping inflation and so.

0:38:01.000 --> 0:38:03.919
<v Speaker 3>And of course, whenever they eased up, the deposits would

0:38:03.920 --> 0:38:05.440
<v Speaker 3>flow back in, which would look like a lot of

0:38:05.480 --> 0:38:08.399
<v Speaker 3>money creations. So this was kind of annoying them very much.

0:38:08.640 --> 0:38:10.680
<v Speaker 3>But it's also tell people it's like giving a sick

0:38:10.760 --> 0:38:14.440
<v Speaker 3>patient the medicine, Well, if they get sicker. There's two conclusions,

0:38:14.440 --> 0:38:18.080
<v Speaker 3>and unfortunately they're diametrically opposite. One is that the medicine

0:38:18.160 --> 0:38:19.959
<v Speaker 3>is not working. The other one is that you didn't

0:38:19.960 --> 0:38:24.120
<v Speaker 3>give the patient enough medicine. So if the medicine's making

0:38:24.120 --> 0:38:26.360
<v Speaker 3>them sicker, the second one is not going to be

0:38:26.440 --> 0:38:29.040
<v Speaker 3>that good. And they if you read, they thought that

0:38:29.040 --> 0:38:31.640
<v Speaker 3>there must be lots of other avenues that banks are

0:38:31.680 --> 0:38:34.640
<v Speaker 3>able to circumvent this. One view was that this is

0:38:34.760 --> 0:38:37.400
<v Speaker 3>like barely holding the dam, and that these guys are

0:38:37.440 --> 0:38:39.239
<v Speaker 3>finding lots of ways around it. If you look at

0:38:39.239 --> 0:38:42.200
<v Speaker 3>total credit growth, they did not find many ways around it.

0:38:42.239 --> 0:38:44.160
<v Speaker 3>They did many things that you guys have mentioned, like

0:38:44.400 --> 0:38:47.840
<v Speaker 3>the beginning of money market mutual funds, the Euro Many

0:38:47.880 --> 0:38:50.839
<v Speaker 3>many financial innovations come from this time period. It's scuchly

0:38:50.880 --> 0:38:52.560
<v Speaker 3>a really interesting time period, but they did not actually

0:38:52.600 --> 0:38:53.600
<v Speaker 3>circumvent it that much.

0:38:53.719 --> 0:38:56.239
<v Speaker 1>Tracy, this is a real diversion. But I you know,

0:38:56.400 --> 0:39:00.120
<v Speaker 1>after college, my first job was in a now tro

0:39:00.239 --> 0:39:01.280
<v Speaker 1>food is grocery store.

0:39:01.400 --> 0:39:03.680
<v Speaker 2>Oh, I've heard your sandwich stories.

0:39:03.680 --> 0:39:05.560
<v Speaker 1>This is not a sandwich story. I just want to say,

0:39:05.600 --> 0:39:07.880
<v Speaker 1>I've been around a lot of people in my life

0:39:08.200 --> 0:39:11.960
<v Speaker 1>that did like very strange like self medication to like

0:39:12.000 --> 0:39:14.400
<v Speaker 1>treat a sickness, and they would get worse and worse

0:39:14.480 --> 0:39:17.719
<v Speaker 1>and convince themselves that they're getting healthier and healthier. So

0:39:17.800 --> 0:39:19.360
<v Speaker 1>I feel like, you know, like I'm just going to

0:39:19.440 --> 0:39:21.920
<v Speaker 1>like do nothing but like take golden seal or like

0:39:21.960 --> 0:39:24.399
<v Speaker 1>eat pure Leona or something like that, and they get

0:39:24.400 --> 0:39:28.160
<v Speaker 1>sicker and sicker and more more emaciated, and it's like

0:39:28.400 --> 0:39:32.799
<v Speaker 1>maybe it's not working anyway. I just understand that phenomenon firsthand.

0:39:33.320 --> 0:39:35.200
<v Speaker 2>Thank you Joe for that insight.

0:39:35.320 --> 0:39:37.080
<v Speaker 1>I want to, you know, just sort of wrap it

0:39:37.200 --> 0:39:41.440
<v Speaker 1>up this idea that the reg Q, as you describe it,

0:39:41.480 --> 0:39:44.080
<v Speaker 1>had really two effects. And there was the demand effect

0:39:44.160 --> 0:39:46.960
<v Speaker 1>because the hot potato effect on money, It's like it

0:39:47.040 --> 0:39:49.520
<v Speaker 1>was just terrible to hold cash and so you spend it.

0:39:49.760 --> 0:39:53.000
<v Speaker 1>And then, as you mentioned, the sort of supply chain side,

0:39:53.000 --> 0:39:56.440
<v Speaker 1>the supply disruption raising the cost of capital for companies

0:39:56.480 --> 0:39:58.520
<v Speaker 1>and then companies have a markup, and then so went

0:39:58.560 --> 0:40:01.680
<v Speaker 1>beyond that. How do you you just sort of establish

0:40:01.760 --> 0:40:05.560
<v Speaker 1>that it wasn't mostly the demand side because I think,

0:40:05.600 --> 0:40:08.200
<v Speaker 1>you know, you know, you're saying, like, well, there's this

0:40:08.280 --> 0:40:12.200
<v Speaker 1>consistent throughput. Maybe the story now is the story then

0:40:12.560 --> 0:40:15.640
<v Speaker 1>supply side impairment. But as you say, you also found

0:40:15.719 --> 0:40:20.239
<v Speaker 1>this demand effect from the failure to transmit monetary policy effectively.

0:40:20.719 --> 0:40:22.880
<v Speaker 1>What gives you the confidence that it wasn't just that

0:40:23.160 --> 0:40:24.120
<v Speaker 1>hot potato effect.

0:40:24.360 --> 0:40:26.840
<v Speaker 3>Well on the neck part is just that you see

0:40:26.840 --> 0:40:29.759
<v Speaker 3>that as inflation's going up, output growth is going down,

0:40:29.840 --> 0:40:33.160
<v Speaker 3>including negative output growth. And then we have this chart

0:40:33.160 --> 0:40:36.080
<v Speaker 3>at the beginning where you see unfilled orders going up

0:40:36.120 --> 0:40:38.840
<v Speaker 3>and up, which by which could by itself look like

0:40:38.840 --> 0:40:42.200
<v Speaker 3>a lot of demand. But the peak of unfilled orders

0:40:42.239 --> 0:40:43.680
<v Speaker 3>is when growth is negative.

0:40:43.840 --> 0:40:44.760
<v Speaker 1>What year is this?

0:40:44.760 --> 0:40:46.960
<v Speaker 3>This is actually throughout the whole time period. If you

0:40:47.000 --> 0:40:51.040
<v Speaker 3>look it tracks unfilled orders leads inflation by a quarter

0:40:51.160 --> 0:40:53.400
<v Speaker 3>or two. In the way. This is just beautiful, and

0:40:53.440 --> 0:40:56.120
<v Speaker 3>it's just it's the quantity of unfilled orders. So we're

0:40:56.160 --> 0:40:58.759
<v Speaker 3>deflating it by prices. There's not a mechanical effect. So

0:40:58.760 --> 0:41:01.800
<v Speaker 3>if you just look at it goes up and inflation follows,

0:41:01.840 --> 0:41:03.920
<v Speaker 3>and when it peaks and starts to go down, inflation

0:41:04.239 --> 0:41:06.720
<v Speaker 3>starts to decrease. And like I said, all all sequly

0:41:06.800 --> 0:41:08.840
<v Speaker 3>might think, well, people are just ordering so much stuff,

0:41:08.880 --> 0:41:11.560
<v Speaker 3>but actually output growth is falling and even negative at

0:41:11.560 --> 0:41:12.359
<v Speaker 3>the peak of this thing.

0:41:12.920 --> 0:41:15.839
<v Speaker 2>Let me ask a question to sort of sum it up.

0:41:16.080 --> 0:41:19.840
<v Speaker 2>But we started this conversation talking about how the memory

0:41:19.920 --> 0:41:23.680
<v Speaker 2>of the nineteen seventies inflation, the traditional interpretation of it,

0:41:23.760 --> 0:41:26.080
<v Speaker 2>kind of looms large in a lot of people's minds,

0:41:26.160 --> 0:41:31.080
<v Speaker 2>especially policymakers and economists and academics looking at it through

0:41:31.120 --> 0:41:35.640
<v Speaker 2>the lens that you described, what should be our biggest

0:41:35.640 --> 0:41:38.680
<v Speaker 2>takeaway of that period and what should the lesson be

0:41:38.760 --> 0:41:39.799
<v Speaker 2>for twenty twenty three.

0:41:40.000 --> 0:41:43.960
<v Speaker 3>It's odd question. I tell you. Some of the inferences

0:41:44.000 --> 0:41:49.320
<v Speaker 3>I make. I think that the focus of monetary policy

0:41:49.800 --> 0:41:54.560
<v Speaker 3>and the way it understands histories mostly through excess demand

0:41:54.760 --> 0:41:59.200
<v Speaker 3>causing inflation and variation in demand causing business cycles. And

0:41:59.280 --> 0:42:01.960
<v Speaker 3>I think I think there's a lot of evidence that

0:42:02.760 --> 0:42:06.800
<v Speaker 3>many times supply was just as important, if not more,

0:42:07.000 --> 0:42:12.160
<v Speaker 3>in driving both inflationary episodes and business cycles. And actually,

0:42:12.200 --> 0:42:15.160
<v Speaker 3>although it didn't happen this time, credit crunches with which

0:42:15.239 --> 0:42:17.360
<v Speaker 3>many of the business cycles. If you look at people

0:42:17.400 --> 0:42:20.319
<v Speaker 3>who do history in the post war business cycles, many

0:42:20.360 --> 0:42:23.240
<v Speaker 3>of them involved credit crunches of one form or another.

0:42:23.520 --> 0:42:26.000
<v Speaker 3>And I guess there to say is that monetary policy

0:42:26.160 --> 0:42:29.160
<v Speaker 3>and that with the financial friction, can have an impact

0:42:29.200 --> 0:42:32.960
<v Speaker 3>on supply, not just demand. In terms of looking forward,

0:42:33.480 --> 0:42:37.840
<v Speaker 3>for example, we had supply chain issues, unfilled orders, I

0:42:37.880 --> 0:42:41.279
<v Speaker 3>would look for those kinds of things. If we have

0:42:41.400 --> 0:42:43.880
<v Speaker 3>more of those going forward, I would get very worried.

0:42:43.960 --> 0:42:47.000
<v Speaker 3>Like the auto industry was a perfect proxy. So long

0:42:47.000 --> 0:42:50.359
<v Speaker 3>as autos weren't being produced anywhere near the level they

0:42:50.400 --> 0:42:53.560
<v Speaker 3>were before, I felt like that's an indication that the

0:42:53.600 --> 0:42:56.719
<v Speaker 3>problem inherently is still there. If we were to go

0:42:56.760 --> 0:42:59.880
<v Speaker 3>back to that, I'd be quite worried about it.

0:43:00.040 --> 0:43:03.120
<v Speaker 1>Tomar Drexlert, thank you so much for coming on Odd Lots.

0:43:03.160 --> 0:43:05.040
<v Speaker 1>You're gonna have to maybe send us some of these

0:43:05.120 --> 0:43:08.240
<v Speaker 1>charts because I think that's fascinating. The idea that right now,

0:43:08.360 --> 0:43:11.319
<v Speaker 1>like it is tough to disambiguit between supplies, it too

0:43:11.360 --> 0:43:14.120
<v Speaker 1>much supply is a too little demand. But if if

0:43:14.160 --> 0:43:17.360
<v Speaker 1>we're if it's if the worst of the inflationary waves

0:43:17.400 --> 0:43:20.400
<v Speaker 1>of that period were actually periods of not you know,

0:43:20.520 --> 0:43:23.839
<v Speaker 1>declining growth or declining rates of growth, that's a pretty

0:43:23.880 --> 0:43:25.600
<v Speaker 1>strong sounds like a strong indication, So we got to

0:43:25.600 --> 0:43:25.880
<v Speaker 1>show that.

0:43:26.160 --> 0:43:27.400
<v Speaker 3>Thank you very much, Thank.

0:43:27.280 --> 0:43:42.200
<v Speaker 1>You so much. That was a great conversation, Tracy. I

0:43:42.280 --> 0:43:46.160
<v Speaker 1>really enjoyed that conversation. I mean, there's obviously a lot there,

0:43:46.280 --> 0:43:48.960
<v Speaker 1>but it also just generally seems to be the case,

0:43:49.120 --> 0:43:52.440
<v Speaker 1>like we can't always talk about nineteen seventies nineteen seventies

0:43:52.480 --> 0:43:56.480
<v Speaker 1>without really like digging into the actually, you know, they

0:43:56.680 --> 0:44:01.960
<v Speaker 1>severed the gold huge seventy on oil shock, all these

0:44:02.080 --> 0:44:06.840
<v Speaker 1>you know, spendthrift Keynesians running around, and then finally stern

0:44:07.280 --> 0:44:10.719
<v Speaker 1>tall Paul comes in and lays down the law. And

0:44:11.280 --> 0:44:13.920
<v Speaker 1>it sounds like those are you know, ohen unions of course,

0:44:14.000 --> 0:44:17.080
<v Speaker 1>and unions demanding that they get a pay rise, the

0:44:17.120 --> 0:44:20.080
<v Speaker 1>cost of living adjustments so forth. There's a lot there,

0:44:20.120 --> 0:44:22.759
<v Speaker 1>and it's all sort of this big soup of ideas.

0:44:23.080 --> 0:44:25.680
<v Speaker 1>So it's sort of helpful to actually think about, like, okay,

0:44:25.719 --> 0:44:28.040
<v Speaker 1>let's talk about how monetary policy work back then.

0:44:28.040 --> 0:44:31.400
<v Speaker 2>Right totally. And I also think, unfortunately, except to a

0:44:31.480 --> 0:44:34.120
<v Speaker 2>select few maybe US two and a few other people,

0:44:34.200 --> 0:44:36.480
<v Speaker 2>like reg Q, is just not that sexy a topic

0:44:36.600 --> 0:44:39.080
<v Speaker 2>now compared to the gold standard and things like that.

0:44:39.120 --> 0:44:42.520
<v Speaker 2>So I can see why it hasn't been a focus

0:44:42.560 --> 0:44:44.839
<v Speaker 2>of a lot of research historically. When it comes to

0:44:44.960 --> 0:44:48.160
<v Speaker 2>the nineteen seventies period of inflation. I also have to say,

0:44:48.440 --> 0:44:50.360
<v Speaker 2>you know, a lot of what's going on right now

0:44:50.400 --> 0:44:54.600
<v Speaker 2>with the discussion over interest rates and inflation, it feels

0:44:54.640 --> 0:44:56.880
<v Speaker 2>like there are the same people who are sort of

0:44:56.920 --> 0:44:59.759
<v Speaker 2>complaining that rates are too high now are also the

0:44:59.760 --> 0:45:02.000
<v Speaker 2>people who were complaining that, right, it's too.

0:45:01.880 --> 0:45:04.440
<v Speaker 1>Low for the last fifteen three years.

0:45:05.000 --> 0:45:08.360
<v Speaker 2>And so the wedge idea, like the idea that like

0:45:08.600 --> 0:45:11.600
<v Speaker 2>rates were both kind of too low and too high

0:45:11.680 --> 0:45:13.719
<v Speaker 2>or just like not well suited to the problem that

0:45:13.800 --> 0:45:16.719
<v Speaker 2>was trying to be solved, uh, is a very attractive

0:45:16.760 --> 0:45:18.680
<v Speaker 2>one to me. Like it feels a lot more nuanced.

0:45:19.640 --> 0:45:23.279
<v Speaker 1>Absolutely. Also, it's just sort of interesting to think of

0:45:23.840 --> 0:45:26.719
<v Speaker 1>the cost of credit as a business input, right, And

0:45:26.800 --> 0:45:30.600
<v Speaker 1>so as item mentioned, of course, you know it's not

0:45:31.080 --> 0:45:32.880
<v Speaker 1>going to be conducive to a boom if you have

0:45:32.880 --> 0:45:35.880
<v Speaker 1>companies literally going out of business or not building new factories.

0:45:35.960 --> 0:45:39.880
<v Speaker 1>But if you have operations, ongoing operations that require credit

0:45:40.040 --> 0:45:42.360
<v Speaker 1>to continue going and the cost goes up but it

0:45:42.400 --> 0:45:45.080
<v Speaker 1>doesn't destroy the business, then it sort of makes sense

0:45:45.200 --> 0:45:48.600
<v Speaker 1>that you know that that comes through as a higher cost. Also,

0:45:49.200 --> 0:45:51.399
<v Speaker 1>it sort of fits in these days maybe a little

0:45:51.400 --> 0:45:54.280
<v Speaker 1>bit with some of our conversations about housing and real estate,

0:45:54.400 --> 0:45:56.759
<v Speaker 1>right and the impairment of new development. And then now

0:45:56.800 --> 0:45:58.719
<v Speaker 1>we see house prices going up, and why do we

0:45:58.760 --> 0:46:02.560
<v Speaker 1>never have enough housing supply to have sustained deflation or

0:46:02.600 --> 0:46:06.160
<v Speaker 1>disinflation in shelter. It still feels like that sort of

0:46:06.480 --> 0:46:09.680
<v Speaker 1>rate component of supply still matters, at least in some way.

0:46:09.800 --> 0:46:13.759
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, well, now that we're done trashing Paul Volker's legacy.

0:46:13.480 --> 0:46:14.279
<v Speaker 3>Shall we leave it there?

0:46:15.400 --> 0:46:18.920
<v Speaker 1>He did, you know, he did some good. Let's leave

0:46:18.960 --> 0:46:19.239
<v Speaker 1>it there.

0:46:19.440 --> 0:46:19.760
<v Speaker 3>Okay.

0:46:20.000 --> 0:46:23.120
<v Speaker 2>This has been another episode of the Audlots Podcast. I'm

0:46:23.120 --> 0:46:26.120
<v Speaker 2>Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway.

0:46:25.960 --> 0:46:28.880
<v Speaker 1>And I'm Joe Wisenthal. You can follow me at the Stalwart.

0:46:29.160 --> 0:46:33.080
<v Speaker 1>Follow our guest Itamar Drexler. He's at idrex, Follow our

0:46:33.120 --> 0:46:36.680
<v Speaker 1>producers Carmen Rodriguez at Carmen Arman and Dashel Bennett at

0:46:36.760 --> 0:46:40.360
<v Speaker 1>Dashbot and special thanks to our producer Moses Ondam.

0:46:40.080 --> 0:46:43.000
<v Speaker 2>And we have some exciting Odd Lots news. If you

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<v Speaker 1>There's going to be a lot of interest in this one,

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0:48:01.160 --> 0:48:01.359
<v Speaker 3>Four