WEBVTT - Radicalism on the Ballot

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<v Speaker 1>We're listening to Boomberg Opinion. I'm Vonnie Quinn. Well, the

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<v Speaker 1>midterms are finally upon us. I spoke with Bloomberg Opinions

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<v Speaker 1>Jonathan Bernstein to get the state of play just a

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<v Speaker 1>few days out. Jonathan, let's start with the Senates. Obviously,

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<v Speaker 1>polls changing by the day, by the hour, but it

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<v Speaker 1>looks a lot closer than it did just a couple

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<v Speaker 1>of weeks ago. Well, it's look close the whole time.

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<v Speaker 1>It was sort of close with a little tilt of

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<v Speaker 1>the Democrats six weeks ago. Six weeks before that, it

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<v Speaker 1>was close with little tilts of the Republicans. Now it

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<v Speaker 1>looks like we just don't know. And it's seat by seat.

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<v Speaker 1>There's several seats that could go either way, and so

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<v Speaker 1>we can't even say, ah, well, if Pennsylvania goes to

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<v Speaker 1>the Republicans, then we don't know the answer. There's about

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<v Speaker 1>five or so seats that are still up for grabs,

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<v Speaker 1>which means that even though it's sort of a dead

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<v Speaker 1>heat in terms of what the polls say about who

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<v Speaker 1>will have the majority, we still could have fifty three Republicans.

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<v Speaker 1>We could still have fifty two Democrats, three Democrats, even

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps even more so, there's a lot of them. Certainty,

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<v Speaker 1>we just have to wait. Now, do we know yet

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<v Speaker 1>what voters are going to vote upon? Oh? I think

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<v Speaker 1>that it looks more or less like what we thought

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<v Speaker 1>from the beginning, which is that it's going to be

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<v Speaker 1>a good year for Republicans because there's a Democrat in

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<v Speaker 1>the White House. In mid terms, the normal reaction is

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<v Speaker 1>to vote against the party that has the presidency, and

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<v Speaker 1>in particular, if the president is unpopular, which Biden remains,

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<v Speaker 1>then that puts the Democrats even farther behind the eight ball.

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<v Speaker 1>Part of that has to do with the economy. Part

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<v Speaker 1>of why Biden is unpopular is because people have a

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<v Speaker 1>perception the economy is terrible. The perception is even worse

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<v Speaker 1>than the reality based on the statistics. If you look

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<v Speaker 1>sort of at the formula for what's supposed to happen,

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<v Speaker 1>if we have a president at around approval, you would

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<v Speaker 1>expect the Republicans to win a large number of House

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<v Speaker 1>seats and certainly take at least the one seat they

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<v Speaker 1>need to get the Senate majority. It looks right now

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<v Speaker 1>possible that Republicans will get the sort of forty to

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<v Speaker 1>forty five seats that the fundamentals would predict, but more

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<v Speaker 1>likely they're going to fall short of that, and they

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<v Speaker 1>could follow quite a bit short of it. So why

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<v Speaker 1>is that happening? I think it still seems likely that

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<v Speaker 1>abortion is the thing that's driving Democrats to have only

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<v Speaker 1>a bad year instead of a terrible year. And we

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<v Speaker 1>have to wait and see just how many young people

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<v Speaker 1>and suburban women come out and vote as well. We

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<v Speaker 1>don't know what those are exactly. Pennsylvania, it's an interesting

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<v Speaker 1>Senate race, has been all along. Is there anything that

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<v Speaker 1>can go wrong for either Candida between now and the

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<v Speaker 1>actual election day? You know, probably not. Probably At this point,

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<v Speaker 1>it's just a question of you know, they all have

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<v Speaker 1>their turnout machines working their best to get voters to

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<v Speaker 1>the polls at the last minute, and they'll do their

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<v Speaker 1>best at that. You know, every candidate who has a

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<v Speaker 1>decent chance is advertising now, whether it's directly or through

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<v Speaker 1>support from one of the party committees or from a

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<v Speaker 1>superpack or something like that, so that tends to sort

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<v Speaker 1>of cancel each other out. So, you know, at this

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<v Speaker 1>point it seems pretty unlikely that the last minute event

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<v Speaker 1>could really make much of a difference. And yet President

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<v Speaker 1>Biden is dumping their old day Saturday along with Barack Obama.

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<v Speaker 1>Don't fall for that, Okay, do well? And Donald Trump

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<v Speaker 1>is also going to be in the state. They're obviously

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<v Speaker 1>putting a lot of time and effort into Pennsylvania. Will

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<v Speaker 1>it be a disaster for the party that doesn't win.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, each seat matters a lot, and Pennsylvania matters

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<v Speaker 1>a lot because it has both a very contested Senate

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<v Speaker 1>seat and also has a very contested gumatorial seat. It's true,

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<v Speaker 1>on the one hand, we don't expect the last minute

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<v Speaker 1>campaigning to shift vote very much, but that's because both

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<v Speaker 1>parties do the last minute campaigning. If only Republicans campaigned

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<v Speaker 1>in Pennsylvania over the last forty eight hours, then perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>that would help them a lot. But it's sort of

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<v Speaker 1>a zero sum game because both parties go full out,

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<v Speaker 1>and they both go full out in all of the

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<v Speaker 1>relevant districts. They all have their internal polling, and in

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<v Speaker 1>addition of the external bowling, they know which races are closed,

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<v Speaker 1>you know where to put their resources in at the end,

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<v Speaker 1>and they come up with the same answer, whether it's

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<v Speaker 1>seats that originally leaned one way or the other. At

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<v Speaker 1>this point, they know which close races are, and all

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<v Speaker 1>of those are going to be fully funded and have

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<v Speaker 1>surrogates and have all the other resources that a party

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<v Speaker 1>can put into it. And that's why the last minute

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<v Speaker 1>stuff sort of canceled each other out because there's so

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<v Speaker 1>much of it on both sides. Michigan is a fascinating

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, there's so many fascinating ones, but Michigan is

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<v Speaker 1>particularly fascinating. I guess because a it's so close and

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<v Speaker 1>be yours and know of Liz Cheney endorsing Elisa's Latkin,

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<v Speaker 1>does that make a difference to her? You know, I

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<v Speaker 1>think that there's very few endorsements that make a big

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<v Speaker 1>difference in the end. Liz Cheney also endorsed the Democrat

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<v Speaker 1>in the Ohio Senate race. The only endorsement that I've

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<v Speaker 1>seen that might move a few votes because of so

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<v Speaker 1>unexpected is in Oklahoma, where there's a surprisingly competitive race.

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<v Speaker 1>Former Republican and Sooner football star J. C. Watts has

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<v Speaker 1>endorsed the Democratic candidate for governor in expected to be

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<v Speaker 1>a surprisingly close race. So maybe because that was sort

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<v Speaker 1>of unexpected and you know, it would make some difference.

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<v Speaker 1>But the truth is, in a Michigan House race in

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<v Speaker 1>Ohio Senate race. People who would be listening to Liz

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<v Speaker 1>Cheney have already made up their minds long ago. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>that's such a good point. Georgia, does it go to

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<v Speaker 1>a runoff? My bet and I don't bet on politics

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<v Speaker 1>and bet on horses. Um, I would guess that Georgia

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<v Speaker 1>certainly seems like it's headed for a runoff. And that's

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<v Speaker 1>very interesting because, just as we had two years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>it's very possible that control of the Senate could come

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<v Speaker 1>down to a runoff in Georgia. And even if it doesn't,

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<v Speaker 1>one would suspect that, you know, it could change the

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<v Speaker 1>race in all kinds of different ways to have it

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<v Speaker 1>coming once the rest of the Senate is already set,

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<v Speaker 1>assuming that it is, it could take weeks to decide

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<v Speaker 1>some of these races. Well, that's the other question. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>Nevada is also both condidates pulling identically. Now, so whoever

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<v Speaker 1>comes into the runoff with the lead traditionally has had

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<v Speaker 1>an advantage, especially if it's a challenger. But whether that's

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<v Speaker 1>true in a situation where you know, all of a sudden,

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<v Speaker 1>the race would be even more nationalized than it is,

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<v Speaker 1>especially if we know the control of the Senate is

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<v Speaker 1>at stake More next on Boomberg opinion. I'm Vonnie Quinn.

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<v Speaker 1>What are your thoughts, Jonathan on whether the pol's button

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<v Speaker 1>is hit after Tuesday night and we have to wait

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<v Speaker 1>many days, many weeks for many of the outcomes. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that's how the system is set up, and

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<v Speaker 1>we should all be very aware of it that depending

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<v Speaker 1>on which state it is, even sometimes within the state,

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<v Speaker 1>it takes longer to do the votes for sometimes for

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<v Speaker 1>very good reasons, sometimes for reasons that one of the

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<v Speaker 1>parties wanted it to be that way. But you know

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<v Speaker 1>in some states they accept ballots that are postmarked by

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<v Speaker 1>election day, Well, that takes some time. In Pennsylvania, notoriously,

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<v Speaker 1>the Republican legislature has not allowed pre opening and pre

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<v Speaker 1>preparing ballots that come in the absolute ballots to be

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<v Speaker 1>ready to be counted in advance, and so that means

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<v Speaker 1>that they have to start sorting them in all that

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<v Speaker 1>which takes time not until after the polls closed, which

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<v Speaker 1>means we won't find out about Pennsylvania right away because

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<v Speaker 1>the ballots take time. So, and this is in the

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<v Speaker 1>normal proceedings. Do you imagine that there will be people

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<v Speaker 1>contesting results, and that there might be you know, sort

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<v Speaker 1>of election denial going on. Again, it seems likely. I

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<v Speaker 1>think Bloomberg counted something like two sixty five Republican candidates

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<v Speaker 1>who are supporting the false idea that election was decided

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<v Speaker 1>by fraud. Presumably some of them are going to yell

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<v Speaker 1>fraud if they lose, even if they lose by quite

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<v Speaker 1>a bit. We saw that in the primaries. We saw

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<v Speaker 1>some Republican candidates lose Republican primaries in Republican states and

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<v Speaker 1>still refused to concede it. It used to be you

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<v Speaker 1>needed something, some kind of irregularity, something that looked funny

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<v Speaker 1>at least, and now that's not true. They are ready

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<v Speaker 1>to say that normal procedures and because Donald Trump pioneered this,

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<v Speaker 1>that normal, regular counting procedures must have been fraudulent if

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<v Speaker 1>you lose. And we also should be careful because we're

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<v Speaker 1>also going to see from both sides legitimate election challenges,

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<v Speaker 1>because that happens also not because of terrible fraud or

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<v Speaker 1>anything like that, but because sometimes there are things that

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<v Speaker 1>the parties can legitimately claim went wrong and they can

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<v Speaker 1>go to court and try to determine it. And one

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<v Speaker 1>of the things for us as observers to do is

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<v Speaker 1>to make sure we can say, oh, yes, that's normal,

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<v Speaker 1>going to court the way you do it normally, a

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<v Speaker 1>little aggressive maybe, but then others are, Wow, this is

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<v Speaker 1>something that is really a threat to democracy. What happens, Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>If Republicans have their best case scenario, what do they

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<v Speaker 1>get to do for the next two years? You know,

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<v Speaker 1>it's a great question. Republicans are post policy party. They

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<v Speaker 1>have been running, for example, on inflation. They don't have

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<v Speaker 1>a policy agenda on inflation. They've been running on crime,

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<v Speaker 1>which is mostly a state and local issue anyway, but

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of federal candidates have been running a crime

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<v Speaker 1>They don't have an agenda on crime. Their main agenda

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<v Speaker 1>on crime appears to be, if you look at their

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<v Speaker 1>commercials and a rhetoric, that they are against the funding

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<v Speaker 1>the police forces. But Democrats, except for a handful of them,

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<v Speaker 1>aren't for defundings. In fact, Democrats at the congressional level

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<v Speaker 1>have sent tons of money to local police forces in

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<v Speaker 1>the last two years. So you know exactly what Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>would do differently is very hard to tell. The main

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<v Speaker 1>things we have to worry about are that Republicans would

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<v Speaker 1>take anti democratic measures and would promote chaos. So, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>we have to worry about the possibility of a government

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<v Speaker 1>default over the debt limit. We have to worry about

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<v Speaker 1>a shutdown once it's time to pass new appropriations bills,

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<v Speaker 1>So that kind of thing we have to worry about.

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<v Speaker 1>We have to worry about the possibility they're going to

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<v Speaker 1>start impeaching the president, the vice president, cabinet members over nothing.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's a concern. Other than that, you know, the

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<v Speaker 1>parties have proved time and again that they are capable

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes of getting a lot done during divided government, but

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<v Speaker 1>this Republican Party, I'm not so sure. It doesn't seem

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<v Speaker 1>very likely. Do we need to be worried about violence

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<v Speaker 1>at all, Jonathan, You know, you hope not. You also

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<v Speaker 1>hope that police forces, that the FBI are working on it.

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<v Speaker 1>There was a warning earlier about the possibility domestic terrorism.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, we had the attack on Nancy Closi's house

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<v Speaker 1>just recently, We've had other situations and we've seen, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>some very inflammatory rhetoric coming almost not i wouldn't say

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<v Speaker 1>exclusively from Republicans, but mainly from Republicans, And you know,

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<v Speaker 1>we do have to worry about that, certainly after what

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<v Speaker 1>we went through in the last general action. Yeah, Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>So that the day comes and the results start rolling in,

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<v Speaker 1>or at least the early returns. What states are you

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<v Speaker 1>watching most closely? Obviously you're watching all of them, I

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<v Speaker 1>know that, But what once mostly be forward to watching. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I guess the thing that that I'll try to keep

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<v Speaker 1>an eye on. In particular, in addition to majorities in

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<v Speaker 1>Congress and the governor's is some of these lower profile

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<v Speaker 1>races that could be very important, including the secretary of

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<v Speaker 1>state races in states where we have some you know,

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<v Speaker 1>election deniers UM who have made some very extreme comments

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<v Speaker 1>may have been nominated by Republicans, and it's just not

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<v Speaker 1>clear if we could guarantee free and fer elections going forward.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's something that obviously it is a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>is quite a bit scary, I would say, and I'll

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<v Speaker 1>be watching that in particular. When the history books are

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<v Speaker 1>written eventually, do we look back at this period as

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<v Speaker 1>a turning point? Do these mid terms change anything about

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<v Speaker 1>the nature of politics and how it's conducted in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States? You know, I think that we have to wait.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, I've been listening a bunch of things that

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<v Speaker 1>are quite frightening, and they are legitimately frightening. It's also

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<v Speaker 1>possible that candidates can back off. It's possible that some

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<v Speaker 1>of the candidates who have been saying the most extreme

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<v Speaker 1>things once they're in office, um may calm down and

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<v Speaker 1>basically behave themselves as normal conservative politicians. Nothing wrong with

0:11:51.880 --> 0:11:55.319
<v Speaker 1>conservative politicians, not a threat to democracy. It's the radicalism

0:11:55.360 --> 0:11:58.559
<v Speaker 1>that is. And we don't know yet to what extent

0:11:58.760 --> 0:12:02.560
<v Speaker 1>we could be sating against radicalism at multiple state and

0:12:02.600 --> 0:12:05.760
<v Speaker 1>local and federal levels, and to what extent that we'll

0:12:05.800 --> 0:12:10.360
<v Speaker 1>just get Republican policy, which you know was normal regular

0:12:10.360 --> 0:12:12.560
<v Speaker 1>parts in politics again as opposed to sort of crazy

0:12:12.559 --> 0:12:14.839
<v Speaker 1>partis in politics. But I guess it's it goes in

0:12:14.920 --> 0:12:17.240
<v Speaker 1>psychos right, Other than I we've had this throughout history

0:12:17.360 --> 0:12:19.800
<v Speaker 1>where things get whipped up and suddenly there's a period

0:12:19.800 --> 0:12:23.080
<v Speaker 1>of normalcy or quote unquote normalcy, and then suddenly there's

0:12:23.080 --> 0:12:25.839
<v Speaker 1>a period of insanity again. It just it happens a lot. Well,

0:12:25.840 --> 0:12:27.160
<v Speaker 1>if you look at the history of it. You know,

0:12:27.280 --> 0:12:29.680
<v Speaker 1>violence in American policies is nothing new. You know, we

0:12:29.760 --> 0:12:33.240
<v Speaker 1>had up through the Civil War, slavery was inherently violent,

0:12:33.880 --> 0:12:36.320
<v Speaker 1>in the full century after the Civil War, we had

0:12:36.520 --> 0:12:40.360
<v Speaker 1>a violent white supremacy aligned with a political party, the

0:12:40.360 --> 0:12:44.640
<v Speaker 1>Southern Democrats, with the agreement from other Democrats and from

0:12:44.679 --> 0:12:47.400
<v Speaker 1>Republicans in most cases to look the other way. And

0:12:47.720 --> 0:12:52.960
<v Speaker 1>historians and political scientists looking at America through nineteen often say,

0:12:53.080 --> 0:12:55.079
<v Speaker 1>we think of it as a democracy, but really was it,

0:12:55.640 --> 0:12:58.200
<v Speaker 1>especially in parts of the country. Maybe somewhat in some

0:12:58.240 --> 0:13:00.880
<v Speaker 1>parts and some whatnot in others. And we'll say, well,

0:13:00.920 --> 0:13:03.920
<v Speaker 1>you know, American doxy really only dates back to the sixties.

0:13:04.400 --> 0:13:07.000
<v Speaker 1>And then we had a wave of left wing violence

0:13:07.040 --> 0:13:10.479
<v Speaker 1>in the late sixties and early seventies which was very destructive,

0:13:10.520 --> 0:13:13.920
<v Speaker 1>a lot of people killed, um and that did not

0:13:14.000 --> 0:13:16.000
<v Speaker 1>have the sport of political party. Now, this wave of

0:13:16.080 --> 0:13:18.760
<v Speaker 1>violence very well, maybe alive with a political party. And

0:13:18.800 --> 0:13:21.520
<v Speaker 1>that seems to be what the January syst Commission is

0:13:21.559 --> 0:13:24.360
<v Speaker 1>telling us about what happened on January six. We don't

0:13:24.600 --> 0:13:26.840
<v Speaker 1>know yet how close the ties were, but ties between

0:13:26.960 --> 0:13:30.960
<v Speaker 1>the Republican Party, the White House, Donald Trump, and some

0:13:31.080 --> 0:13:35.000
<v Speaker 1>of these paramilitary groups and so you know, yeah, that's

0:13:35.120 --> 0:13:37.240
<v Speaker 1>very scary, and we don't know how it would turn out.

0:13:37.679 --> 0:13:40.160
<v Speaker 1>It's tempting to think, well, it's cyclical. We'll go through

0:13:40.160 --> 0:13:42.280
<v Speaker 1>a bad phase and the land again like Captains in

0:13:42.280 --> 0:13:44.440
<v Speaker 1>the early seventies, but we don't know that it could

0:13:44.440 --> 0:13:48.200
<v Speaker 1>get worse. Noomberg Opinions Jonathan Bernstein. Catch Boomberg Opinion with

0:13:48.240 --> 0:13:51.480
<v Speaker 1>me Bonnie Quinn on Boomberg Radio weekends and every Friday

0:13:51.480 --> 0:13:55.040
<v Speaker 1>as a podcast on Apple, Spotify or your favorite podcast platform,

0:13:55.320 --> 0:13:58.079
<v Speaker 1>and do join in. Comments and opinions always welcome. I'm

0:13:58.080 --> 0:14:00.079
<v Speaker 1>at Bonnie Quinn on Twitter or email a vic In

0:14:00.240 --> 0:14:03.120
<v Speaker 1>at Bloomberg dot net. Until next time on Bloomberg Opinion,

0:14:08.320 --> 0:14:08.360
<v Speaker 1>h