WEBVTT - How William Barr Has Changed the Justice Department

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General William Barr has come under intense criticism since

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<v Speaker 1>the overall frontline prosecutors last week to reduce the recommended

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<v Speaker 1>prison time for Roger Stone. More than two thousand former

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department officials signed an open letter asking that Bar

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<v Speaker 1>stepped down over his decision in the Stone case. He's

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<v Speaker 1>also faced criticism in recent days over other matters, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>creating a special process for Trump's personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani

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<v Speaker 1>to submit information to the Department about Ukraine related matters,

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<v Speaker 1>and appointing a senior prosecutor to examine cases being handled

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<v Speaker 1>by the U. S. Attorney's Office in d C, including

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<v Speaker 1>the sentencing of Michael Flynn. Joining me is Neil Kincough,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at Georgia State University College of Law. He

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<v Speaker 1>was formerly special assistant to the Attorney General. We're about

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<v Speaker 1>one year into the tenure of William Bar as Attorney General.

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<v Speaker 1>What strikes you most about the last year, Well, what's

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<v Speaker 1>most striking to me is just how thoroughly Bill Barr

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<v Speaker 1>has undermined and politicized the Justice Department. Um I testified

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<v Speaker 1>at his confirmation hearing, and I testified in opposition because

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<v Speaker 1>I thought his view of presidential power was so extreme

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<v Speaker 1>as to be disqualifying. I think he's shown that that's true,

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<v Speaker 1>but that's only the tip of the iceberg of reasons

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<v Speaker 1>to be concerned about him and his tenure as Attorney General.

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<v Speaker 1>UM I did not anticipate that he would turn the

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<v Speaker 1>Department into a vehicle for President Trump's political ambitions. Um

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<v Speaker 1>I worked in the Justice Department back in the ninet nineties,

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<v Speaker 1>and what I observed was that the chief function of

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<v Speaker 1>the political layer at the Justice Department and principally the

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General, was to insulate the department from political pressure.

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<v Speaker 1>And that was true not just in the nineties. It

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<v Speaker 1>was true in the eighties. It was true in Republican

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<v Speaker 1>administrations and democratic administrations. UM and it's what made the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department a credible institution and an institution with real

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<v Speaker 1>integrity in upholding our criminal justice system. But Bill Barr

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<v Speaker 1>has inverted that. He is instead of acting as an

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<v Speaker 1>insulation against political pressure, he's turned into the conduit for

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<v Speaker 1>political pressure. The way that the president can exert his

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<v Speaker 1>political influence over every aspect of the Justice Department. And

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<v Speaker 1>that's a threat that is far graver than anything I

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<v Speaker 1>anticipated even when I was testifying against him a year ago.

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump seems to be testing his relationship with Bar,

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<v Speaker 1>demanding a clean house at the Justice Department and target

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<v Speaker 1>those involved in the Russia investigation. Do you see this

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<v Speaker 1>as real or as something for for Trump space. My

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<v Speaker 1>concern is that that's what it is, right, that this

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<v Speaker 1>is a show for his base. That Bill bar when

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<v Speaker 1>he says, um, Trump's tweets make it difficult or impossible

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<v Speaker 1>for him to do his job. That what Bar means

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<v Speaker 1>is I'm already doing your bidding. It makes it look

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<v Speaker 1>bad when you start telling me what to do because

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<v Speaker 1>I already know what to do, and it's better if

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<v Speaker 1>you just keep quiet about it. Um. And if that's

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<v Speaker 1>the situation, then the Justice Department is far gone. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>If that's not the situation, which is my hope, is

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<v Speaker 1>that President Trump thinks he needs to instruct Bill Barr

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<v Speaker 1>because behind the scenes, somehow Bill Barr is standing up

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<v Speaker 1>to him. Um. Well, that would be encouraging. The problem

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<v Speaker 1>is I don't really see any evidence of that. We

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<v Speaker 1>hear a lot about well, there are career prosecutors there

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<v Speaker 1>and they're still doing their job. Is this just in

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<v Speaker 1>the DC office that where that we're hearing these stories,

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<v Speaker 1>or are their problems throughout the Justice Department perhaps and

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<v Speaker 1>concerns that career prosecutors won't want to stay there anymore.

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<v Speaker 1>So I I have not heard anything that gives me

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<v Speaker 1>pause about what's going on in other U S. Attorney's offices,

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<v Speaker 1>but I think that that may be coming. Right. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think back to UM the administration of George W.

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<v Speaker 1>Bush and the way that Karl Rove got involved with

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<v Speaker 1>more local but still political prosecutions. So, for example, he

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<v Speaker 1>saw to the firing of the U S attorney who

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<v Speaker 1>brought charges against Republican Congressman Randy Duke Cunningham, if you

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<v Speaker 1>remember that scandal UM and other prosecutions against Republican figures.

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<v Speaker 1>He also had fired um U S attorneys who refused

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<v Speaker 1>to bring unwarranted prosecutions against Democratic opponents UM and you

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<v Speaker 1>know there it was a real problem the way Karl

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<v Speaker 1>Rove got involved. And and it's hard for me to

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<v Speaker 1>imagine Donald Trump not at some point getting around to that,

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<v Speaker 1>or Bill Bard doing that for him. Right one year

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<v Speaker 1>in Bill Bard doesn't seem to have done that yet,

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<v Speaker 1>but there are signs, right. So if you look at

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<v Speaker 1>the way he's curbing the Southern District of New York's

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<v Speaker 1>UM inquiry into Leve Parnis and Rudy Giuliani, UM, you

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<v Speaker 1>know that's another district besides the District of Columbia district

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<v Speaker 1>that could start moving into other districts throughout the country. Right,

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<v Speaker 1>So there's there's every reason to watch it, although I

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<v Speaker 1>don't know that it's happening yet. I've been talking to

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<v Speaker 1>Neil Kinkoff, a professor at the Georgia State University College

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<v Speaker 1>of Law, about William Barr's first year as Attorney General

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<v Speaker 1>for President Donald Trump. You know, we always hear the

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<v Speaker 1>Southern District of New York is the sovereign district and

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<v Speaker 1>it's almost into Hendant from d C. Which doesn't make

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<v Speaker 1>sense to me because the Attorney General is also the

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General over the Southern District. What is he doing

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<v Speaker 1>there with Parnis and Frewman. So he has given UM

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<v Speaker 1>the Eastern District of New York the ability to define

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<v Speaker 1>the jurisdiction of the Southern District with respect to those investigations.

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<v Speaker 1>So these two districts are our rivals with one another.

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<v Speaker 1>It'd be a little bit like letting the head coach

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<v Speaker 1>of the unit of Clemson do the recruiting for Alabama, right,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there their rivals, you know. So putting that

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<v Speaker 1>kind of power over the Southern District into the Eastern

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<v Speaker 1>District is itself a questionable thing. And the Eastern District

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<v Speaker 1>I can't imagine Bill bar shows it at random. Not

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<v Speaker 1>only are they going to be inclined to reign in

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<v Speaker 1>the Southern district, but the U. S. Attorney in the

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<v Speaker 1>Eastern District is much more closely aligned with Bar. So

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<v Speaker 1>while the Southern District has this reputation for independence, Bill

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<v Speaker 1>Barr is setting up mechanisms that will allow him to

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<v Speaker 1>work around or overcome that independence. Looking back, does it

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<v Speaker 1>seemed to you as he as if he had a

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<v Speaker 1>grand plan, because if you look at what people often

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<v Speaker 1>call his you know, his sort of resume for the

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<v Speaker 1>job of a g he does have some very odd

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<v Speaker 1>ideas about the president's power that even state that the

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<v Speaker 1>Framers didn't worry so much about presidential power, right, And

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<v Speaker 1>he's expressed that since that memo. He's expressed it in speeches.

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<v Speaker 1>His notorious speech at the federalist society, last fault being

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<v Speaker 1>one of them. Yeah, he has this idea that in fact,

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<v Speaker 1>the presidency is modeled on on the monarchy. It is

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<v Speaker 1>completely revisionist history. There is no actual support for that

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<v Speaker 1>in the historical record, and if you go back and

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<v Speaker 1>read documents from that era, it's impossible not to see

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<v Speaker 1>just how committed everyone in the Founding generation was to

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<v Speaker 1>avoiding having another king, and so political opponents would charge

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<v Speaker 1>the other with acting like a king. It was a

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<v Speaker 1>commonplace in in the Founding era. And so this idea

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<v Speaker 1>that bar has that the real concern of the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>was with a two powerful legislature and that they meant

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<v Speaker 1>to establish a sort of American imperial presidency as a

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<v Speaker 1>counterbalance to that is simply contrary to everything we know

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<v Speaker 1>about the Founding era. But you're right to ask about

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<v Speaker 1>whether he had some kind of grand plan when he

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<v Speaker 1>came into office. I think he did. He sees himself

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<v Speaker 1>as trying to restore the what he regards as the

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<v Speaker 1>original vision of the presidency, and he's completely wrong. In

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<v Speaker 1>his original vision is a day injuriously wrong one, and

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<v Speaker 1>we see that over and over as he enables Trump

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<v Speaker 1>in exceeding any kind of realistic view of the president's

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<v Speaker 1>proper role in our constitutional system. Well, I also wonder

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<v Speaker 1>about his view of the courts, and it seems to

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<v Speaker 1>be a strange view for the Attorney General of the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, in that he seems to think that the

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<v Speaker 1>courts shouldn't get involved in separation of powers issues. He

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<v Speaker 1>said exactly that in his Federalist Society speech, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>it's a completely bizarre view I suppose he has in

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<v Speaker 1>mind when he says that executive privilege fights between Congress

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<v Speaker 1>and the president, and if the courts don't get involved,

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<v Speaker 1>what he knows full well is that the president will

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<v Speaker 1>win because Congress has no way of forcing the president

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<v Speaker 1>to turn over papers. In the memo that you referred to,

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<v Speaker 1>he suggested that Congress could impeach the president. But now

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<v Speaker 1>we've seen that in fact, Congress can't impeach the president

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<v Speaker 1>for refusing to turn over documents. The House impeached him

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<v Speaker 1>and the Senate refused to convict. So there's no other

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<v Speaker 1>way of getting the president to act in a manner

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<v Speaker 1>that's accountable and transparent. But it's also I think not

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<v Speaker 1>in the long run interests of the executive branch, because

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<v Speaker 1>there are a lot of situations where the president needs

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<v Speaker 1>to go to court to vindicate what he views as

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<v Speaker 1>his authority. Right. So, a lot of the separation of

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<v Speaker 1>powers cases that have gone to the court are cases

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<v Speaker 1>where the president has been the one complaining about statutory

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<v Speaker 1>limits on his power. Let's talk a little bit about

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<v Speaker 1>the clemency process. As President Trump just granted clemency to

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<v Speaker 1>a group of eleven people, including several very high profile

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<v Speaker 1>political cases. First of all, did you see a pattern

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<v Speaker 1>in his grant of clemency. Well, the pattern seemed to

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<v Speaker 1>be that, um, he approves of corruption. I just don't

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<v Speaker 1>know any other way, any other way to look at it. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>And so during the impeachment, we kept hearing his defenders say,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, his actions in the Ukraine were all grounded

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<v Speaker 1>on his deep concern about corruption, and I think he's

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<v Speaker 1>just given the lie to that claim. Right. So the

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<v Speaker 1>people that the prominent people in the group that were

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<v Speaker 1>pardoned were each and every one of them deeply corrupt.

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<v Speaker 1>Right ed. De Bartelow was paying off the governor of

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<v Speaker 1>of Louisiana in order to get a license to open

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<v Speaker 1>a casino there. Um. Michael Milken engaged in securities, fraud

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<v Speaker 1>and insider trading and amassed great wealth not based on

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<v Speaker 1>his value added, not based on anything that is um

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<v Speaker 1>allege at a market reason for amassing wealth, but rather

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<v Speaker 1>based on schemes, corrupt schemes. Um Every one of those

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<v Speaker 1>prominent people pardon fall into that category. And Rod Blagoyevitch

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<v Speaker 1>just takes the cake, right And and now Rod Blagoyevich

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<v Speaker 1>is out there saying he was a political prisoner. It's

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<v Speaker 1>just preposterous. This guy was shaking down children's hospitals for

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<v Speaker 1>extortion payments. And in Donald Trump's world, this is all okay.

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<v Speaker 1>He's normalizing corruption, and it I suppose makes sense if

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<v Speaker 1>you're Donald Trump to do that, since he is so

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<v Speaker 1>deeply corrupt himself. Describe what the normal channel is for

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<v Speaker 1>a pardon. Sure, the normal channel is to go through

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<v Speaker 1>the Justice Department. There is within the Justice Department and

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<v Speaker 1>office of Pardon Attorney, and the pardon attorney reviews all

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<v Speaker 1>applications for pardons and clemency and assesses them on the

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<v Speaker 1>basis of sort of a uniform set of criteria and

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<v Speaker 1>then forwards recommendations to the President. And the whole point

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<v Speaker 1>of this process is to make it open so that

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<v Speaker 1>it's available to anybody who wants to petition. It's also

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<v Speaker 1>open and available to victims of crime and to prosecutors. Right,

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<v Speaker 1>because it's not just the person seeking the pardoner clemency

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<v Speaker 1>that's interested in the result of that application, the person

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<v Speaker 1>who prosecuted that that person is also deeply interested. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>The victims of their crimes are deeply interested and ought

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<v Speaker 1>to be heard from. And the other The other reason

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<v Speaker 1>to run the process that way is that it shouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>be that pardons are available only to those who are

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<v Speaker 1>well connected and can get the president's ear right. It

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<v Speaker 1>ought to be something that is fairly available to everybody,

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<v Speaker 1>regardless of whether or not they have wealth or power. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>But in Donald Trump's world, what matters is whether you

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<v Speaker 1>can get onto Fox News and plead your case in

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<v Speaker 1>a way that he will personally hear it and then

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<v Speaker 1>be moved or not. And so it's only those who

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<v Speaker 1>have the kinds of connections that can get them onto

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<v Speaker 1>Fox News or the kinds of connections that can get

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<v Speaker 1>them in front of the president, because he is not

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<v Speaker 1>respecting the independent, nonpartisan process that the Justice Department runs well.

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<v Speaker 1>Apparently The Washington Post is reporting that there have been

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<v Speaker 1>discussions within the White House about ways to revamp the

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<v Speaker 1>clemency process and to diminish the role of the Justice Department,

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<v Speaker 1>and apparently Trump's son in law, Jared Kushner, is central

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<v Speaker 1>to these discussions. Does that concern you? It concerns me

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<v Speaker 1>on many levels. First of all, on the level of

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<v Speaker 1>the independence of the Justice Department. Right, this is another

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<v Speaker 1>way for the White House to undermine the independent, nonpartisan

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<v Speaker 1>administration of our justice system. Right. It is a fundamental

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<v Speaker 1>threat to the rule of law. Um and it is

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<v Speaker 1>one in a long litany of threats that this administration

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<v Speaker 1>has posed to the rule of law with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>pardons themselves. It undermines the integrity of the pardon process,

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<v Speaker 1>It undermines the fairness of the pardon process. And so

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<v Speaker 1>it's a terrible idea from from that perspective. And then lastly,

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<v Speaker 1>the people who would be running this process feel like

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<v Speaker 1>Jared Kushner and Donald Trump himself are people who seem

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<v Speaker 1>to have a real interest in undermining the integrity of

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<v Speaker 1>the criminal justice system. Right. It seems like Donald Trump's

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<v Speaker 1>reason for that is that so many of his associates

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<v Speaker 1>are themselves caught up in criminal investigations right his campaign managers,

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<v Speaker 1>his close advisors, his political advisors, so many of them

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<v Speaker 1>are under indictment, are under conviction, or are in prison.

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<v Speaker 1>And so in order to sort of prop up the

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<v Speaker 1>sense of his own integrity, he's undermining the integrity of

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<v Speaker 1>the criminal justice system. And of course, Jared Kushner's father

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<v Speaker 1>was also convicted of white collar crime, and so he

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<v Speaker 1>himself is apt to be an only too willing participant

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<v Speaker 1>in this idea of undermining the integrity of the criminal

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<v Speaker 1>justice system. Thanks deal. That's Neil Kinkoff, a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>the Georgia State University College of Law. And remember the

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<v Speaker 1>tunity to the Bloomberg Law Show weeknights at ten pm

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<v Speaker 1>right here on Bloomberg Radio.