WEBVTT - Fourth Circuit Halts Travel Ban in Latest Setback (Correct)

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<v Speaker 1>Another court ruling on Donald Trump's travel ban, another defeat

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<v Speaker 1>for the administration. The latest comes from a Richmond based

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<v Speaker 1>federal appeals court. The court took a look at the

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<v Speaker 1>executive order, in particular it's ninety day ban on entry

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<v Speaker 1>into the US by people from six predominantly Muslim countries,

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<v Speaker 1>and in attend to three decision, the appeals court said

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<v Speaker 1>the purpose behind the policy was not national security, as

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<v Speaker 1>the administration contended, but rather anti Muslim ANIMUS Attorney General

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<v Speaker 1>Jeff Sessions is vowing to take the issue to the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. With us to talk about the ruling and

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<v Speaker 1>what might be lying ahead in the legal fight over

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<v Speaker 1>the travel ban is David Beer. He's an immigration policy

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<v Speaker 1>analyst at the Cato Institute. And David Rivkin, he is

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<v Speaker 1>a partner at Baker Hostetler. So we'll have dueling David's today. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>David rivkn let me start with you. I strongly suspect

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<v Speaker 1>there are a lot of things you disagree with in

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<v Speaker 1>this appeals court ruling. We'll try to get to as

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<v Speaker 1>many as we can, but let me ask you to

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<v Speaker 1>pick what you think is the most egregious mistake the

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<v Speaker 1>court made and tell us about that well. The most

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<v Speaker 1>egregious mistake, and you're right, there many other bad aspects

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<v Speaker 1>of the most egregious mistake is willful disregard all binding

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court precedents that are free cases that deal with

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<v Speaker 1>immigration matters clientized to Fiallo, and the most recent one

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<v Speaker 1>is called cur versus din. But make it absolutely abundantly

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<v Speaker 1>clear that we regard to these types of decisions. Is

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<v Speaker 1>sufficient for executive branch to articulate a good faith, bonafiti

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<v Speaker 1>explanation as to why this measure is taken. The judiciary

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<v Speaker 1>is not, repeat not supposed to look behind it, and

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<v Speaker 1>even more importantly, it's not supposed to engage in any

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<v Speaker 1>balancing to explain very briefly in domestic line of cases

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<v Speaker 1>from which they partook. Whenever you have somebody who as

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<v Speaker 1>search that a government of action violates the or protection

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<v Speaker 1>rights or First Amendment rights that do process rights, the

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<v Speaker 1>courts engage in balancing. It wouldn't surprise your Listen. There's

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<v Speaker 1>you do the balancing. You have a true master of

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<v Speaker 1>a decision. You did not do balancing in this space

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<v Speaker 1>at all. For the courts to do the balancing, all

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<v Speaker 1>the constitutional interest profit by the plaintiffs against the vigor,

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<v Speaker 1>if you will, the imperative of a governmental reasoning, in effect,

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<v Speaker 1>would make courts ultimate decision making and foreign affairs. This

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<v Speaker 1>Court not only looked beyond the four corners of the

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<v Speaker 1>explanation in this executive order, which is an appropriate in

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<v Speaker 1>and of itself, and it gained them balancing, and he

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<v Speaker 1>found in favor of the plaintiffs at least for the

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<v Speaker 1>injunctive purpose, utterly wrong. David Beer. Um, the Court said

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<v Speaker 1>that the executive order was facially legitimate, but it wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>bonafiti literally meaning in good faith, because um, there was

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<v Speaker 1>no good faith here by the White House, and the

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<v Speaker 1>plaintiffs had provided ample evidence that national security was not

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<v Speaker 1>the true reason for the order. So does that change

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<v Speaker 1>the game? Right? So? I think it really all does

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<v Speaker 1>come down to some parsing of the Supreme Court precedence here,

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<v Speaker 1>and what the Court said was looking at this prior

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<v Speaker 1>court ruling, they said, you needed a facially legitimate and

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<v Speaker 1>bonafide reason uh to deny a visa. And the question

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<v Speaker 1>really became is it facially legitimate and a facially bonafide reason,

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<v Speaker 1>or a facially legitimate reason and an independently bonafide reason

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<v Speaker 1>and the distinction there is that, you know, if it

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<v Speaker 1>was a facially bonafide reason, it would just be whatever

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<v Speaker 1>the government said was, uh, you know, the reason for

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<v Speaker 1>the order, they would have to accept it. And the

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<v Speaker 1>court said, no, we're not going to accept that interpretation

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<v Speaker 1>of what the Supreme Court said. We're gonna say, we're

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<v Speaker 1>gonna look behind and analyze the motivation behind this order.

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<v Speaker 1>And really that parsing of those those words really is

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<v Speaker 1>what it's all going to come down to. Whose interpretation

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<v Speaker 1>of this president is correct? David riv Can, under your

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<v Speaker 1>way of thinking about this case, what do we do

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<v Speaker 1>with this list of evidence that the Appeals Court pointed

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<v Speaker 1>to for for why it said that national security was

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<v Speaker 1>not the true reason, not the true reason. And I'll

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<v Speaker 1>just point a couple a couple of the examples. They

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<v Speaker 1>talked about Donald Trump's initial call for a band of

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<v Speaker 1>Muslims entering the US during the campaign. Um and he

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<v Speaker 1>talked about the court talked about how quickly the first

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<v Speaker 1>version of this band was slapped together without any input

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<v Speaker 1>from national security agencies. Do we just ignore those things

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<v Speaker 1>under your thinking about yes, yes, yes, article free futtal

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<v Speaker 1>courts ignore those reasons, I think for a second about

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<v Speaker 1>the level of presumption role of poaching on the territory

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<v Speaker 1>belongs to political branches. If the executive wishes to do

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<v Speaker 1>something quickly in time of war, in time of crisis,

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<v Speaker 1>the framers would say that speed and dispatches the essence

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<v Speaker 1>of being the executive. If you want to do something

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<v Speaker 1>in a way, if it's closely held and does not

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<v Speaker 1>involve the full firmament of government agencies, that may be

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<v Speaker 1>a policy mistake. But he's not of a judiciary to

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<v Speaker 1>to to to attribute any insidious weight to this. So

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<v Speaker 1>if a president wants to have a kitchen cabinet decide

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<v Speaker 1>in some matter versus having an inter agency process for months,

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<v Speaker 1>what is it to the judiciary. But look, the broader

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<v Speaker 1>problem to understand is with this approach. And by the way,

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<v Speaker 1>I happened to strongly disagree with the proposition that Trump

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<v Speaker 1>is a Muslim hater. But let's assume for a second

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<v Speaker 1>that he is, which again I don't think it's substantiated,

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<v Speaker 1>and of courts reasoning, this president would be unable to

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<v Speaker 1>take any action that impacts a Muslim majority country, including

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<v Speaker 1>the use of force. You listening to Bloomberg law and

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<v Speaker 1>we are talking about Donald Trump's travel ban and the

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<v Speaker 1>federal appeals court ruling that came out late yesterday saying

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<v Speaker 1>that the president went too far and that the policy

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<v Speaker 1>was motivated by anti Muslim animus. We're talking with David Rifken,

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<v Speaker 1>a partner at Baker Hostetler, and David Beer, an immigration

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<v Speaker 1>policy analyst at the Cato Institute. David Beer, Uh, we

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<v Speaker 1>we've talked about this policy before, and I know one

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<v Speaker 1>argument you've made is that the problem you have with

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<v Speaker 1>it is a is a question of the immigration laws

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<v Speaker 1>rather than the constitution. Correct me if I've if I've

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<v Speaker 1>misdescribed your position. But but I'm wondering whether you think

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<v Speaker 1>you know that that sort of argument didn't get a

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<v Speaker 1>whole lot of traction with this appeals court. They jumped

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<v Speaker 1>to the bigger constitutional question. Do you think this court

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<v Speaker 1>was too quick to make this a a full blown

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional case over uh, you know, the the establishment clause. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>it's very atypical for the court to skip over the

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<v Speaker 1>statutory question and go straight to the constitutional one. And

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<v Speaker 1>several of the concurring opinions, uh, did address this issue,

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<v Speaker 1>and majority of them agreed that the president is violating

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<v Speaker 1>the law as UH as Congress has enacted it. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>I would say one thing David suggested earlier that the

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<v Speaker 1>president could never take an adverse action against a Muslim

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<v Speaker 1>if this decision holds, And like you said, I'm not

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<v Speaker 1>convinced by the courts constitutional analysis on this point, but

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<v Speaker 1>that is just plainly false. The president's statements about Muslims

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<v Speaker 1>were directly tied to the issuance of this order. He

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<v Speaker 1>said that he wanted to ban all Muslims and later

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<v Speaker 1>defended this by saying that Islam hates us and that

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<v Speaker 1>he would expand the original proposal to ban entire Muslim

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<v Speaker 1>majority nationalities UH for the same reasons. At the same time,

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<v Speaker 1>he has provided no evidence that the purpose of this

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<v Speaker 1>is national security. So yes, if he told America that

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<v Speaker 1>he was taking actions against Musle Loans because he's biased

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<v Speaker 1>against Muslims, and he refused to provide any good reasons

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<v Speaker 1>why he needed to take them, then yes, this decision

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<v Speaker 1>would apply to those actions. But that's very different from

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<v Speaker 1>what David suggested. It's not like he's saying Islam hates

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<v Speaker 1>us untied to anything he said it in the context

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<v Speaker 1>of defending banning them from getting visas. To come to

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<v Speaker 1>the United States, David Rifton Um. The judges said in

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<v Speaker 1>the majority order that the order of the President speaks

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<v Speaker 1>with vague words of national security, but in context drips

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<v Speaker 1>with religious intolerance, animus, and discrimination remarkably harsh words. Is

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<v Speaker 1>the problem, as David said that the White House hadn't

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<v Speaker 1>detailed the risks posed by the people covered by the order.

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<v Speaker 1>Um a couple of things, and that also gets unto

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<v Speaker 1>the point made by my colleague, Uh, let me be blunt.

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<v Speaker 1>It is utterly you'll suit it for the judiciary and

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<v Speaker 1>utterly in consistent judiciaries constitutional authority to be sitting in

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<v Speaker 1>judgment on whether or not Um the Executive have an

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<v Speaker 1>articulated and they said it is has been clear. Even

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<v Speaker 1>this opinion says that it is perfectly reasonable, perfectly plausible reason,

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<v Speaker 1>which is, you want to slow down the presentation rate

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<v Speaker 1>of individuals for certain countries that are plagued by Johardi violence.

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<v Speaker 1>You want to give opportunities to a law enforcement agencies

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<v Speaker 1>that are already stretch pre definned to be able to

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<v Speaker 1>deal with investigations and and sort of new challenges better,

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<v Speaker 1>perfectly plausible, is utterly inappropriate for judicial to be sitting

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<v Speaker 1>in judgment on it, and and and trying to do

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<v Speaker 1>their own risk assessment or quote former government officials that

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<v Speaker 1>take a different position that is utterly inappropriate. And but

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<v Speaker 1>let me also say, and again not the property's role

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<v Speaker 1>apropos the point made by David I would argue that

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<v Speaker 1>under the Court's reasoning, any if President Trump, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>to institute an economic embargo against certain countries, which he

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<v Speaker 1>can do both on its own authority, but also because

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<v Speaker 1>Congress issued a number of cross issued excuse me, enacted

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<v Speaker 1>a number of cross cutting statutes to give President the authority, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>and justified in national scooting ground saying we want to

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<v Speaker 1>hurt the economies because they're supporting jihadis. Again, Um, under

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<v Speaker 1>the reason of this court there arguing to be obviously

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<v Speaker 1>just the pretext. This is just nonsense. He's saying it

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<v Speaker 1>because he's Muslims. Okay. Now, they may decide, in the

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<v Speaker 1>infinite wisdom doing the balancing that that is not appropriate,

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<v Speaker 1>uh to conclude that. But they would be in the

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<v Speaker 1>driver's seat, David Beer, Um, let me ask you as

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<v Speaker 1>we look towards the Supreme Court. UH. The Attorney General

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<v Speaker 1>Jeff Sessions has said that's where we're going next. What

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<v Speaker 1>are you envisioning there? Is this going to be a

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<v Speaker 1>close case. I think it's definitely going to be a

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<v Speaker 1>close case. And really you've seen quite a few different

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<v Speaker 1>judges from across the country issuing rulings, some of them

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<v Speaker 1>appointed by Republicans, some of them appointed by Democrats who

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<v Speaker 1>have found this to be a plausible case, whether the

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<v Speaker 1>statutory one or the constitutional one. UM. What will be interesting, however,

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<v Speaker 1>is if the Ninth Circuit case, the Hawaii UH decision

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<v Speaker 1>that's been appealed to the to the Ninth Circuit. If

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<v Speaker 1>the Ninth Circuit agrees with the Fourth Circuit, there really

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<v Speaker 1>isn't a court split here. That doesn't mean that the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court couldn't still review it um. But it would

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<v Speaker 1>be interesting if you had to uh, you know, different

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<v Speaker 1>appeals courts agreeing that the president is violent in the law. UH.

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<v Speaker 1>That would put the pointiffs on a stronger position than

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<v Speaker 1>um in prior cases. Well, we will, we will definitely

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<v Speaker 1>be watching for that. The Ninth Circuit decision could come

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<v Speaker 1>out any day, UH, and the argument suggested they will

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<v Speaker 1>indeed agree with the Fourth Circuit. UH. The administration could

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<v Speaker 1>ask the Supreme Court to intervene immediately and enter an

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<v Speaker 1>emergency order that would put the policy back in place

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<v Speaker 1>while the litigation plays out. I want to thank our guests,

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<v Speaker 1>David Beer the Cato Institute, David Rivken of Baker Hostetler.

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<v Speaker 1>Coming up, we're going to talk about that Washington Post

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<v Speaker 1>report that says that FBI investigators in the Russia probe

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<v Speaker 1>are looking at Jared Kushner as a focus of their investigation.

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<v Speaker 1>That's all coming up on Bloomberg Law. This is Bloomberg