WEBVTT - How Financial Repression in China Helped Cause the Trade War

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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to another episode of the All Thoughts podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Tracy Allaway and I'm Joe. Wisn't thal so, Joe.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, there's a very very important date coming up.

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<v Speaker 1>Mm hmm what is it. I'll give you a hint.

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<v Speaker 1>It's in October. Oh, right, of course. Uh, major major

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<v Speaker 1>deadline for the trade tariff. It took me a second,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm sorry. Yes, those are always happening. But there's a

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<v Speaker 1>date that's even more important, and it's actually really important

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<v Speaker 1>for the US China trade war. But it's October one,

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<v Speaker 1>and that is the National Day of the People's Republic

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<v Speaker 1>of China. And this year it's even more important than

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<v Speaker 1>usual because it's the seventieth anniversary of the founding of

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<v Speaker 1>the PRC ah Okay that that I didn't realize, Okay,

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<v Speaker 1>And this tends to be a sort of politically sensitive

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<v Speaker 1>date for the Chinese authorities. It usually comes with a

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<v Speaker 1>big military parade and they seed the clouds to a

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<v Speaker 1>couple of days before to make sure that the skies

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<v Speaker 1>are blue. And it's a big, huge holiday, but it's

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<v Speaker 1>also a chance for the authorities to sort of evaluate

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<v Speaker 1>or more likely, um sort of crow about everything. They've

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<v Speaker 1>done to improve China, including the economy. I like how

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<v Speaker 1>you just sort of casually throw in there that they

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<v Speaker 1>affect the weather for the day. Yeah, it's really interesting.

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<v Speaker 1>Everyone knows it's going to be good weather on October one.

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<v Speaker 1>That's amazing. So I thought, in connection with the October

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<v Speaker 1>first state, we could talk about how far China has

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<v Speaker 1>or hasn't come when it when it comes to the

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<v Speaker 1>goal of rebalancing their economy. Right, And this is something

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<v Speaker 1>that people have been talking about for a long time

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<v Speaker 1>because people look at the Chinese economy and they see,

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<v Speaker 1>at least on the service all kinds of crazy things

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<v Speaker 1>going on. There's very historically, there's been extreme fluctuations and

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<v Speaker 1>asset prices, real estate prices, claims of real estate bubbles,

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<v Speaker 1>an economy extremely geared towards investment, and so forth. And

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<v Speaker 1>so people look at an economy that's grown extraordinarily, well,

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<v Speaker 1>that's brought all kinds of wealth to people over the

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<v Speaker 1>last several decades, going from one of the poorest countries

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<v Speaker 1>in the world to uh, you know, building up this

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<v Speaker 1>significant middle class. But they still see extraordinary imbalances and

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<v Speaker 1>skewed forces domestically. That's right, and The big one is,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, the the imbalance between an investment driven economy

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<v Speaker 1>on the way to becoming more of a consumption driven economy.

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<v Speaker 1>That's the big one. And to talk about this, we

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<v Speaker 1>we really have the perfect person are. Our guest for

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<v Speaker 1>today is Michael Pettis. He's finance professor over at Packing

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<v Speaker 1>University and also senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment. He's

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<v Speaker 1>also a former banker and a trader and has been

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<v Speaker 1>watching exactly this and writing about it for a very,

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<v Speaker 1>very long time. So we're very happy to have Michael

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<v Speaker 1>on the show today. I can't wait. I've been I've

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<v Speaker 1>been wanting us to have a podcast with an episode

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<v Speaker 1>with Michael for a long time, So really looking forward

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<v Speaker 1>to jumping into this one. Yeah, no pressure, Michael, Thank

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<v Speaker 1>you so much for coming on. My pleasure. So maybe

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<v Speaker 1>just to begin with, we we could talk a little

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<v Speaker 1>bit about what we mean when we talk about an

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<v Speaker 1>investment driven economy versus a consumption driven economy. What does

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<v Speaker 1>that actually mean and how does it pertain to the

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<v Speaker 1>case of China. An investment driven economy can also be

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<v Speaker 1>thought of as a savings driven e company, and China

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<v Speaker 1>is not the only country that's followed this growth model

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<v Speaker 1>at least two dozen countries that since the Second World War,

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<v Speaker 1>and you could argue that this model was more less

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<v Speaker 1>invented in the nineteen thirties in the Soviet Union, but

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<v Speaker 1>basically in a consumption driven economy, and the classic case

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<v Speaker 1>that is probably the United States in the nineteenth century.

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<v Speaker 1>Um you had very high wage levels. It was high

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<v Speaker 1>wages that drove high levels of comment, which then drove

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<v Speaker 1>high levels of investment to those consumption needs. And it

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<v Speaker 1>also grow productivity growth and a bunch of other things.

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<v Speaker 1>In in the savings economy, what you do is you

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<v Speaker 1>force up the savings rate, which is usually a good

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<v Speaker 1>thing to do in a developing country because developing countries

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<v Speaker 1>tend to have insufficient investment, and they tend to have

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<v Speaker 1>insufficient investment because they have insufficient domestic savings. So you

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<v Speaker 1>force up the savings rate in order to increase the

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<v Speaker 1>amount of savings that are available for domestic investment, and

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<v Speaker 1>you can get very, very rapid growth as long as

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<v Speaker 1>you continue to be under invested in that's really the

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<v Speaker 1>problem in China in the nineties, China had gone through

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<v Speaker 1>five decades of Maoism, the Civil War and anti Japanese war,

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<v Speaker 1>and it was hugely under investment for its level of development,

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<v Speaker 1>for its for its the its ability to absorb investment productively.

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<v Speaker 1>And so a model found that really focused on pushing

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<v Speaker 1>up investment as rapidly as possible was the right model.

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<v Speaker 1>And for that you have to push up the savings rate.

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<v Speaker 1>And here's what I think. There's a huge amount of

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<v Speaker 1>misconception about China. China, as everyone knows, that's the highest

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<v Speaker 1>savings rate in the world. But that's not a cultural

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<v Speaker 1>propensity to save. It's got nothing to do with what

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<v Speaker 1>households want to do. China has the highest savings rate

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<v Speaker 1>in the world because it has the lowest household share

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<v Speaker 1>of GDP. In other words, they produced a hundred dollars

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<v Speaker 1>of GDP and their total compensation is roughly fifty dollars,

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<v Speaker 1>and so of course their consumption is less than that.

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<v Speaker 1>That's why China has such a low consumptions and such

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<v Speaker 1>a high saving ship. Now, this is a great model

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<v Speaker 1>when you have significant amount of investment that you need

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<v Speaker 1>to do when you're severely under invested economy, which China

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<v Speaker 1>was in the eighties and nine nineties. But at some point,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps at the end of the nineties or beginning of

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<v Speaker 1>the two thousand's trying to reach the level of investment

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<v Speaker 1>that it could productively absorb. And and in that case,

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<v Speaker 1>what it should have done is that could have switched

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<v Speaker 1>this growth model towards more of a consumption driven growth model,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's what has been trying to do. But the

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<v Speaker 1>the the important point to remember is that if you

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<v Speaker 1>want the consumption share of GDP to grow, then you've

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<v Speaker 1>got to get the household income fare to grow. And

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<v Speaker 1>if you want the household incomes share to grow, you've

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<v Speaker 1>got to reduce someone else's share. And that's why it's

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<v Speaker 1>such a politically difficult problem for China. So, Michael, you've

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<v Speaker 1>been writing about this problem or this challenge for China

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<v Speaker 1>for several years, and I went back, I was over

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<v Speaker 1>the weekend doing so propriating your book from You're like,

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<v Speaker 1>it's pretty clear that in the coming years they're reaching

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<v Speaker 1>the absolute limits to the existing investment driven model. They

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<v Speaker 1>have to make the change now, because if they don't

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<v Speaker 1>make it gradually, it's going to be a painful adjustment. Eventually,

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<v Speaker 1>explain to us the sort of specific mechanism by which

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<v Speaker 1>the investment driven growth model has to come to an end.

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<v Speaker 1>Why it can't last forever, why it uh, why it

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<v Speaker 1>must run into a wall? And then since then, like

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<v Speaker 1>in recent years and before the trade war. So before

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<v Speaker 1>we get to like the sort of immediate stuff, how

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<v Speaker 1>has China done with its domestic rebalancing in your view models,

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<v Speaker 1>But lean have significant amounts of productive investment that you

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<v Speaker 1>need to do. And the way it works, since you

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<v Speaker 1>borrow dollars, you invested in building a factory, of building

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<v Speaker 1>a road, building bridge, that increases the value of the

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<v Speaker 1>economy by a hundred and ten dollars. So you're fine,

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<v Speaker 1>your debt's going up, but your your debt burden is

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<v Speaker 1>actually going down. That's healthy growth. But when you reach

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<v Speaker 1>the point at which you can no longer absorb all

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<v Speaker 1>of this investment productively, So again, you borrow a hundred dollars,

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<v Speaker 1>you build something, but there's something only creates twenty dollars

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<v Speaker 1>worth of value for the economy. Now you have a

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<v Speaker 1>hundred dollars of additional debt, but only twenty dollars of

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<v Speaker 1>additional debt service and capacity. So now your debt burden

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<v Speaker 1>is growing, and that's you know, you can argue it's

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<v Speaker 1>been this has been the case of the last ten years,

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<v Speaker 1>of the last twenty years or whatever. It's certainly been

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<v Speaker 1>the case. And that's why China. China's debt burden has

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<v Speaker 1>exploded to becoming among the highest developing countries. What do

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<v Speaker 1>we think about China's debt burden at the moment, because

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<v Speaker 1>we've had China bears warning about it for I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>over a decade at this point. And yet even though

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<v Speaker 1>we we see these concerns and we see the authorities

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<v Speaker 1>you know, occasionally try to reduce credit in the wider economy, um,

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<v Speaker 1>they tend to give up after a couple of years,

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<v Speaker 1>and if the economy starts to slow, they just ramp

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<v Speaker 1>up lending again. So is this something that can keep

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<v Speaker 1>going for for a while longer? It probably can for

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<v Speaker 1>another two or three years. Now. There are types of

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<v Speaker 1>China Bear warnings about the debt I would say a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of them have looked at the debt problem said

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<v Speaker 1>if that continues going, China will have a debt crisis.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think that's what the history tells us. Debt

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<v Speaker 1>crisis one of the ways you resolve the debt problems,

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<v Speaker 1>but another way you resolve it have failed to resolve

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<v Speaker 1>it is through a really long, slow adjustment. So for example,

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<v Speaker 1>Japan after never had a debt crisis, I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>the moon likely outcome in China because that crisis it

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<v Speaker 1>was really a balance sheet problem, it's not a debt problem.

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<v Speaker 1>And in China, as long as the system was closed

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<v Speaker 1>and the regulators to be powerful, um, they can always

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<v Speaker 1>restructure liabilities, in which case you will never have a

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<v Speaker 1>debt crisis. But that doesn't mean you won't have a

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<v Speaker 1>debt problem. As the debt level grows, the debt itself

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<v Speaker 1>becomes a constraint on on the future growth. And the

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<v Speaker 1>problem is can only continue growing as long as debt

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<v Speaker 1>continues growing even more quickly. Now we don't know where

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<v Speaker 1>the limit to debt capacity is, but we certainly don't

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<v Speaker 1>want to find out, and I think in Beijing there's

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<v Speaker 1>a growing sense that wherever that limit is, we're getting

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<v Speaker 1>awfully close to it. So we started to see in

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<v Speaker 1>the last two years a much more serious attitude towards

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<v Speaker 1>trying to reign in debt. They haven't done, so that

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<v Speaker 1>continues to grow much more faster than any measure of

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<v Speaker 1>debt servicing capacity, but at least it's improve it. The

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese investment led growth model has been built on several

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<v Speaker 1>foundations which keep household household spending, household consumption, household income unnaturally.

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<v Speaker 1>Low interest rates are said artificially low, punishing or hurting savers.

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<v Speaker 1>Savers don't have very good investment opportunities. Worker rights aren't

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<v Speaker 1>particularly strong. There are other things built into the system

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<v Speaker 1>that is essentially create a lot of household procarity and

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<v Speaker 1>drive the savings rate up. Has China done anything structural

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<v Speaker 1>in the last few years to make a meaningful change

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<v Speaker 1>towards this domestic rebalancing in your view? You know, not, really,

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<v Speaker 1>there has been some improvement. If you look at the

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<v Speaker 1>consumption share of GDP, it's risen pretty significantly in the

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<v Speaker 1>last four or five years. But there are two things

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<v Speaker 1>that account for almost all of that growth. The first

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<v Speaker 1>thing is just that GDP has dropped to grow than

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<v Speaker 1>GDP has dropped significantly, so the consumption share, just as

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<v Speaker 1>a matter of arithmetic, gets larger and larger. The second

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<v Speaker 1>thing is, you know, there's two ways you can increase

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<v Speaker 1>the consumption share of GDP for any country, not just

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<v Speaker 1>for China. One way is to increase household debt. The

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<v Speaker 1>other way is to increase the house that income share

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<v Speaker 1>of GDP. Now four or five, China had very little

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<v Speaker 1>household debt and since then it's really exploded. But that's

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<v Speaker 1>not sustainable because if you're trying to solve for a

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<v Speaker 1>debt problem, obviously additional debt isn't the way you're going

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<v Speaker 1>to fix the problem. So we're probably reaching a limit there.

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<v Speaker 1>What they really have to do is do the transfers.

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<v Speaker 1>But when you go through all of the mechanics, ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>they have to transfer well from local governments and local

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<v Speaker 1>elites to the household sector. And there's you know, a

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<v Speaker 1>dozen different ways you can do it, and now I

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<v Speaker 1>have to do them all. But the problem is a

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<v Speaker 1>political problem, and that is the local government's the local

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<v Speaker 1>elites very very strongly resist these wealth transfers. Well, I

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<v Speaker 1>wanted to press you on this issue, and you mentioned

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<v Speaker 1>this already, but one thing you often hear is that

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<v Speaker 1>the Chinese are culturally prone to excess savings, possibly because

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<v Speaker 1>of recent history where there was a lot of turmoil

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<v Speaker 1>in the country, possibly because of a lack of social

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<v Speaker 1>safety net in China. So are there political solutions to

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<v Speaker 1>this problem and what could those realistically actually be well.

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<v Speaker 1>The key is increasing the household share of GDP. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the ways of doing so, of course, is strengthening

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<v Speaker 1>the social safety net, although it depends on how you

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<v Speaker 1>pay for it. So if you strengthen the social safety

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<v Speaker 1>net and pay for it by borrowing at negative real

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<v Speaker 1>rates from household sector, then what you're doing is you

0:13:55.280 --> 0:13:58.120
<v Speaker 1>are uh you know, with one hand you're giving them

0:13:58.160 --> 0:14:00.719
<v Speaker 1>additional income in the form of the stone safety net,

0:14:01.320 --> 0:14:03.199
<v Speaker 1>and with the other hand you're taking it away from

0:14:03.240 --> 0:14:05.920
<v Speaker 1>them in the form of a negative return on their savings.

0:14:06.600 --> 0:14:09.480
<v Speaker 1>The key is that it has to be funded by

0:14:09.559 --> 0:14:12.920
<v Speaker 1>transfers from the household sector. Let me let me give

0:14:12.920 --> 0:14:16.520
<v Speaker 1>a classic case of how this could happen. Very unlikely

0:14:16.520 --> 0:14:19.120
<v Speaker 1>because it's politically quite difficult. But as you know, in

0:14:19.280 --> 0:14:21.840
<v Speaker 1>China you have what's called the Huko system, which means

0:14:21.880 --> 0:14:25.120
<v Speaker 1>that as a Chinese you're only allowed to live and

0:14:25.120 --> 0:14:27.720
<v Speaker 1>work in the area for which you have a permit

0:14:27.760 --> 0:14:30.440
<v Speaker 1>called the hukoh So when you think about all these

0:14:30.640 --> 0:14:34.320
<v Speaker 1>migrant workers and saying Beijing, most of them here are

0:14:34.400 --> 0:14:37.880
<v Speaker 1>technically illegal. Now they're allowed to work here, but the

0:14:37.920 --> 0:14:43.960
<v Speaker 1>problem is they have a limited ability to access city services, schooling, medical, treatment.

0:14:44.600 --> 0:14:47.040
<v Speaker 1>They have limited standing and law if they ever get

0:14:47.080 --> 0:14:51.000
<v Speaker 1>into a conflict with their employers c So imagine that

0:14:51.120 --> 0:14:56.720
<v Speaker 1>you eliminate the Hukoh overnight. Immediately, migrant workers would be

0:14:56.840 --> 0:15:02.800
<v Speaker 1>richer because they would now have full access city services. Also, immediately,

0:15:02.880 --> 0:15:05.680
<v Speaker 1>the city would be poorer because it now has to

0:15:05.720 --> 0:15:08.640
<v Speaker 1>cover all of these services. This would be a classic

0:15:08.680 --> 0:15:11.600
<v Speaker 1>transfer mechanism, and it's something the Chinese have been talking

0:15:11.600 --> 0:15:14.880
<v Speaker 1>about for many years. It's just too politically difficult to

0:15:14.920 --> 0:15:40.520
<v Speaker 1>pull it off. So let's fast forward to the present day.

0:15:40.600 --> 0:15:43.880
<v Speaker 1>Because obviously, and this is something you've talked about in

0:15:43.920 --> 0:15:46.960
<v Speaker 1>your writing, is that you know, the the growth model

0:15:47.080 --> 0:15:50.840
<v Speaker 1>can continue even with all the dead even with all

0:15:50.840 --> 0:15:55.760
<v Speaker 1>the domestic imbalances, so long as there's a significant amount

0:15:55.800 --> 0:15:59.000
<v Speaker 1>of foreign demand for Chinese goods and as long as

0:15:59.000 --> 0:16:01.520
<v Speaker 1>someone is out there buying in. For a long time,

0:16:01.880 --> 0:16:04.280
<v Speaker 1>really for the whole world, but for China in particular,

0:16:04.400 --> 0:16:09.200
<v Speaker 1>the US has been a major contributor of demand for

0:16:09.440 --> 0:16:12.400
<v Speaker 1>goods of all of all sorts, and we see that

0:16:12.480 --> 0:16:16.400
<v Speaker 1>now running into an obvious problem, which is President Trump

0:16:16.480 --> 0:16:19.920
<v Speaker 1>and the trade war and this sort of general feeling

0:16:19.960 --> 0:16:23.000
<v Speaker 1>maybe in the US that the current system is going

0:16:23.040 --> 0:16:24.800
<v Speaker 1>on too far, and we don't want to be the

0:16:24.800 --> 0:16:29.119
<v Speaker 1>the demand creator of last resort for the Chinese economy.

0:16:30.000 --> 0:16:33.240
<v Speaker 1>How is that contributing to what we're seeing domestically? I mean,

0:16:33.240 --> 0:16:36.120
<v Speaker 1>we know the data for China has not been particularly good.

0:16:36.520 --> 0:16:40.120
<v Speaker 1>Some talk recently about giving up on the six percent

0:16:40.240 --> 0:16:43.760
<v Speaker 1>GDP growth goal. Talk to us about how you know

0:16:44.160 --> 0:16:46.760
<v Speaker 1>there's all these all these challenges, and how the additional

0:16:46.880 --> 0:16:50.160
<v Speaker 1>challenge of the US no no longer wanting to play

0:16:50.240 --> 0:16:53.240
<v Speaker 1>its UH the role it has been for the last

0:16:53.520 --> 0:16:57.840
<v Speaker 1>few decades. How that is affecting things. Everything that China produces,

0:16:57.880 --> 0:17:01.440
<v Speaker 1>everything that any countries has to be evolved in one

0:17:01.440 --> 0:17:06.520
<v Speaker 1>of three ways. It's either consumed domestically, or it's invested domestically,

0:17:07.240 --> 0:17:10.720
<v Speaker 1>or it's consumed or invested abroad, which is through the

0:17:11.000 --> 0:17:15.359
<v Speaker 1>through the trades, or plus. So the total UH, total

0:17:15.440 --> 0:17:18.640
<v Speaker 1>GDP that's produced in China goes into one of those

0:17:18.680 --> 0:17:22.000
<v Speaker 1>three things. Now, the consumption shares we discuss is very

0:17:22.119 --> 0:17:26.119
<v Speaker 1>very low, so much of it goes into investment and

0:17:26.280 --> 0:17:30.159
<v Speaker 1>the trades built plus investment we want to bring down

0:17:30.200 --> 0:17:34.679
<v Speaker 1>as quickly as possible because China is investing primarily and

0:17:34.760 --> 0:17:38.040
<v Speaker 1>stuff that's not productive. So that's just represents a growth

0:17:38.080 --> 0:17:42.280
<v Speaker 1>in the debt um But here's the problem. If the

0:17:42.400 --> 0:17:46.400
<v Speaker 1>US were to put in constraints that forced the Chinese

0:17:46.440 --> 0:17:51.480
<v Speaker 1>trade surplus to contract, then China either has to accept

0:17:51.520 --> 0:17:55.639
<v Speaker 1>lower growth because now it can't sell everything that it's producing,

0:17:55.720 --> 0:17:59.119
<v Speaker 1>so it has to close down factories and fireworkers, or

0:17:59.160 --> 0:18:00.960
<v Speaker 1>it has to make up for that growth in some

0:18:01.040 --> 0:18:03.840
<v Speaker 1>other way. And the only other way it can make

0:18:03.920 --> 0:18:07.280
<v Speaker 1>up for that growth is by increasing investment even further,

0:18:07.720 --> 0:18:11.800
<v Speaker 1>which means increasing the debt burden even more quickly. That's

0:18:11.800 --> 0:18:15.600
<v Speaker 1>why the trade conflict is so important for China. It's

0:18:15.600 --> 0:18:19.359
<v Speaker 1>sort of it sort of mediates the pace at which

0:18:19.400 --> 0:18:24.880
<v Speaker 1>they can bring down investment, and the smaller the trade surplus,

0:18:25.000 --> 0:18:28.000
<v Speaker 1>then the more slowly they're able to bring down investments.

0:18:28.000 --> 0:18:32.959
<v Speaker 1>And that's the big problem now, the the overall trade problem.

0:18:33.240 --> 0:18:35.240
<v Speaker 1>You know, China is not even the worst defender of

0:18:35.320 --> 0:18:38.120
<v Speaker 1>this case. The Germany and Japan have bigger current accounts

0:18:38.119 --> 0:18:42.240
<v Speaker 1>surfaces than China does, and the problem there is really

0:18:42.240 --> 0:18:45.440
<v Speaker 1>on the capital side. No, this gets a little bit technical,

0:18:45.560 --> 0:18:48.760
<v Speaker 1>but what ends up happening if you have a very

0:18:48.880 --> 0:18:52.760
<v Speaker 1>very high savings rate, uh and and and all countries

0:18:52.920 --> 0:18:56.400
<v Speaker 1>really high stavings rates. Contrary to popular opinion, they don't

0:18:56.440 --> 0:18:59.480
<v Speaker 1>have high savings rates because there are countries that value drift.

0:19:00.119 --> 0:19:04.560
<v Speaker 1>The Germans aren't particularly more thrifty than other Europeans. They

0:19:04.560 --> 0:19:08.399
<v Speaker 1>have high savings grades because the household share of DDP

0:19:08.720 --> 0:19:13.480
<v Speaker 1>is low and the share the controlled by businesses or

0:19:13.520 --> 0:19:16.679
<v Speaker 1>by the government or by the wealthiest quite high. So

0:19:16.840 --> 0:19:20.040
<v Speaker 1>those are high saving entities. You take money away from

0:19:20.280 --> 0:19:23.840
<v Speaker 1>a low saving, high confirming part of the economy and

0:19:23.880 --> 0:19:26.480
<v Speaker 1>give it to a high saving, low consuming part of

0:19:26.480 --> 0:19:30.400
<v Speaker 1>the economy, your savings right to automatically goes up. Now,

0:19:30.440 --> 0:19:34.480
<v Speaker 1>if your savings exceeds your investments, then you have to

0:19:34.640 --> 0:19:38.240
<v Speaker 1>export the excess savings, which is just the flip side

0:19:38.240 --> 0:19:42.080
<v Speaker 1>of running a current account or trade surplus. So countries

0:19:42.119 --> 0:19:46.840
<v Speaker 1>with excess savings have to export those savings somewhere. Trade

0:19:46.880 --> 0:19:49.560
<v Speaker 1>theory tells us that they export them to developing countries

0:19:49.600 --> 0:19:52.879
<v Speaker 1>that need the savings, but of course we know that's nonsense.

0:19:53.119 --> 0:19:56.960
<v Speaker 1>Most of it goes to wealthy countries that don't need

0:19:57.000 --> 0:20:01.200
<v Speaker 1>the savings, for example, the US, and as a result,

0:20:01.240 --> 0:20:07.719
<v Speaker 1>because the US is forced to absorb foreign capital that's

0:20:07.720 --> 0:20:11.160
<v Speaker 1>that's exported to the US. Then it must also run

0:20:11.160 --> 0:20:16.840
<v Speaker 1>the corresponding um current account or trade deficit. Now it's

0:20:16.880 --> 0:20:19.840
<v Speaker 1>a little pedantic, but the point of all of that

0:20:19.960 --> 0:20:23.520
<v Speaker 1>is to suggest that the reason the US runs a

0:20:23.560 --> 0:20:28.160
<v Speaker 1>trade deficit is because it runs a capital account surplus

0:20:28.200 --> 0:20:31.840
<v Speaker 1>over which it has no control. If that's the case,

0:20:32.640 --> 0:20:36.320
<v Speaker 1>then putting tariffs on Chinese goods is worse than useless.

0:20:36.359 --> 0:20:39.920
<v Speaker 1>It has no impact at all. It will reduce the

0:20:40.080 --> 0:20:45.320
<v Speaker 1>US deficit with China, but if Chinese savings continue to

0:20:45.440 --> 0:20:49.240
<v Speaker 1>pour into the US, China will continue to run a

0:20:49.320 --> 0:20:52.560
<v Speaker 1>surplus and the US will continue to run a deficit,

0:20:52.640 --> 0:20:55.800
<v Speaker 1>just not with each other. The only impact the tariffs

0:20:55.840 --> 0:20:59.119
<v Speaker 1>have is to shift trade around. They don't really affect

0:20:59.160 --> 0:21:02.359
<v Speaker 1>the overall sir plus of China or the overall deficit

0:21:02.400 --> 0:21:04.280
<v Speaker 1>of the United States. And you can see that in

0:21:04.320 --> 0:21:07.920
<v Speaker 1>the data. The US deficit with China has gone down,

0:21:08.560 --> 0:21:10.680
<v Speaker 1>the US deficit with the rest of the world has

0:21:10.720 --> 0:21:15.600
<v Speaker 1>gone up by even more, exactly as you would expect. So,

0:21:15.840 --> 0:21:18.159
<v Speaker 1>just to be clear, is the suggestion here that the

0:21:18.880 --> 0:21:21.200
<v Speaker 1>trade war between the U S and China is basically

0:21:21.680 --> 0:21:26.000
<v Speaker 1>sort of an excess money problem, and the US is

0:21:26.040 --> 0:21:31.760
<v Speaker 1>maybe indirectly trying to shrink these capital inflows by targeting

0:21:32.040 --> 0:21:36.520
<v Speaker 1>Chinese goods, because that's one way that it could possibly

0:21:36.760 --> 0:21:40.439
<v Speaker 1>alter those inflows. Yes, it's just the wrong way of

0:21:40.440 --> 0:21:43.639
<v Speaker 1>doing it, but but that's exactly right. So the country

0:21:43.680 --> 0:21:45.800
<v Speaker 1>like China has such a high savings and it's not

0:21:45.880 --> 0:21:51.200
<v Speaker 1>an accident. It's because when you have policies that force

0:21:51.400 --> 0:21:57.280
<v Speaker 1>the household sector to subsidize manufacturing, then of course that

0:21:57.359 --> 0:22:00.679
<v Speaker 1>means that ultimately the part of product she retained by

0:22:00.720 --> 0:22:03.520
<v Speaker 1>the household sector goes lower and lower. So you can

0:22:03.560 --> 0:22:06.680
<v Speaker 1>take the case of Germany in two thousands three, two

0:22:06.720 --> 0:22:11.160
<v Speaker 1>thousand four the Hearts reforms. Basically the Hearts reforms represented

0:22:11.720 --> 0:22:16.600
<v Speaker 1>a transfer of income from German workers two German businesses.

0:22:16.960 --> 0:22:21.680
<v Speaker 1>The households share went down profits sword that's why Germany

0:22:21.800 --> 0:22:26.200
<v Speaker 1>was so competitive in the international markets because basically workers

0:22:26.280 --> 0:22:30.479
<v Speaker 1>subsidize their exports. It's the same thing in China. And

0:22:30.520 --> 0:22:33.359
<v Speaker 1>that's really what the US has to address, not the

0:22:33.680 --> 0:22:36.640
<v Speaker 1>not the not through tariffs. So if you're President Trump,

0:22:37.480 --> 0:22:42.000
<v Speaker 1>or sorry, if you're advising President Trump, you'd say, don't uh,

0:22:42.119 --> 0:22:45.720
<v Speaker 1>you know, forget about all the terroraffs and soybeans or

0:22:45.720 --> 0:22:49.200
<v Speaker 1>and all these things. Pressure j and pink to get

0:22:49.280 --> 0:22:53.520
<v Speaker 1>rid of the JUCO system, transfer the domestic wealth of

0:22:53.560 --> 0:22:58.040
<v Speaker 1>the country to the workers, eliminate this excess savings that

0:22:58.160 --> 0:23:00.840
<v Speaker 1>causes all the excess money to come to the US

0:23:01.280 --> 0:23:03.800
<v Speaker 1>and actually put money in the hands of people who

0:23:03.880 --> 0:23:09.359
<v Speaker 1>might over time by stuff from the US. Absolutely, of course,

0:23:09.400 --> 0:23:12.119
<v Speaker 1>the US can't really go insane right right now, I know,

0:23:12.280 --> 0:23:15.760
<v Speaker 1>just exaggerating, But that's sort of like the contours here,

0:23:16.200 --> 0:23:20.040
<v Speaker 1>which is that And I have to admit just I know,

0:23:20.160 --> 0:23:22.479
<v Speaker 1>like you have a book coming out next year with

0:23:23.320 --> 0:23:26.920
<v Speaker 1>Matt Klein who's at Barrens, and I remember reading this,

0:23:27.080 --> 0:23:28.640
<v Speaker 1>I think a year ago. He had a really good

0:23:28.680 --> 0:23:31.960
<v Speaker 1>column sort of making this point, which is that the

0:23:32.040 --> 0:23:34.280
<v Speaker 1>real way for the US to make progress on the

0:23:34.320 --> 0:23:39.800
<v Speaker 1>trade war would be for essentially the US to pressure

0:23:40.040 --> 0:23:44.440
<v Speaker 1>a that domestic realignment that you've been talking about, so

0:23:44.560 --> 0:23:47.600
<v Speaker 1>that more of the money in China is in the

0:23:47.640 --> 0:23:50.199
<v Speaker 1>hands of consumers as opposed to people with a lot

0:23:50.240 --> 0:23:54.399
<v Speaker 1>of extra cash to put somewhere exact exactly right, you know,

0:23:54.800 --> 0:23:57.960
<v Speaker 1>when when the Chinese sell us something from a hundred dollars,

0:23:58.000 --> 0:24:00.680
<v Speaker 1>that's a hundred dollar flow from from that the US

0:24:00.720 --> 0:24:04.399
<v Speaker 1>to China. Ideally we want that money to flow back

0:24:05.080 --> 0:24:07.640
<v Speaker 1>in the form of imports of goods, it will flow back,

0:24:08.440 --> 0:24:11.400
<v Speaker 1>but it typically flows back in the form of imports

0:24:11.440 --> 0:24:15.320
<v Speaker 1>of capital. So the Chinese will buy US treasury bones

0:24:15.760 --> 0:24:20.359
<v Speaker 1>rather than US manufacturing equipment, and that's surely caused because

0:24:20.400 --> 0:24:24.280
<v Speaker 1>of the way income is distributed in China. Um. Now,

0:24:24.720 --> 0:24:27.439
<v Speaker 1>they're the only way the US can really pressure China

0:24:28.000 --> 0:24:30.800
<v Speaker 1>and Germany and Japan and the rest of them to

0:24:30.960 --> 0:24:35.480
<v Speaker 1>fix their domestic problems is by somehow refusing to allow

0:24:35.560 --> 0:24:39.440
<v Speaker 1>that capital to flow into the US, perhaps by taxing

0:24:39.480 --> 0:24:42.639
<v Speaker 1>and perhaps by quotas. I don't know, but that's really

0:24:42.720 --> 0:24:44.480
<v Speaker 1>the kind of pressure that the U s should be

0:24:44.480 --> 0:24:48.200
<v Speaker 1>able to resort, right, So this is something that keeps

0:24:48.240 --> 0:24:51.280
<v Speaker 1>coming up. And just to play Devil's advocate for a second,

0:24:52.280 --> 0:24:55.719
<v Speaker 1>can you walk us through both the positives and the

0:24:55.800 --> 0:24:59.680
<v Speaker 1>negatives of having a lot of foreign money basically poor

0:25:00.000 --> 0:25:02.919
<v Speaker 1>into the US, Because on the one hand, clearly it

0:25:03.000 --> 0:25:06.800
<v Speaker 1>affects employment through manufacturing, but on the other hand, it

0:25:06.880 --> 0:25:10.199
<v Speaker 1>does lower the US is funding costs and you know,

0:25:10.520 --> 0:25:13.840
<v Speaker 1>helps people maybe spend more than they would otherwise. So

0:25:14.080 --> 0:25:16.199
<v Speaker 1>there seem to be pros and cons. So could you

0:25:16.240 --> 0:25:18.440
<v Speaker 1>just walk us through them and how you see it?

0:25:18.760 --> 0:25:22.440
<v Speaker 1>Net net as a positive or negative. Yeah, So suppose

0:25:22.480 --> 0:25:26.119
<v Speaker 1>the rest of the world exports one hundred dollars to

0:25:26.200 --> 0:25:29.600
<v Speaker 1>the US. You know, we start from from balanced payments,

0:25:30.320 --> 0:25:32.840
<v Speaker 1>and then for whatever reason, their savings go up and

0:25:32.880 --> 0:25:36.280
<v Speaker 1>they export a hundred dollars to the US. That means

0:25:36.400 --> 0:25:40.440
<v Speaker 1>in the US we will have a hundred dollar capital

0:25:40.480 --> 0:25:44.760
<v Speaker 1>account of surplus and we must have a hundred dollar

0:25:45.280 --> 0:25:48.520
<v Speaker 1>current account deficits. So how do we get the deficit. Well,

0:25:48.560 --> 0:25:52.919
<v Speaker 1>if the US are developing country, then, for example, the

0:25:52.960 --> 0:25:56.639
<v Speaker 1>way it was in the nineteenth century, then investment in

0:25:56.680 --> 0:25:59.720
<v Speaker 1>the US there would be huge investment needs that would

0:25:59.720 --> 0:26:03.720
<v Speaker 1>be strained by the lack of domestic savings. In that case,

0:26:04.000 --> 0:26:06.520
<v Speaker 1>foreign money coming into the US would be a good thing.

0:26:07.280 --> 0:26:10.480
<v Speaker 1>It would cause American investment to go up. That's exactly

0:26:10.520 --> 0:26:13.520
<v Speaker 1>what happened in the nineteenth century when the US depended

0:26:13.640 --> 0:26:17.240
<v Speaker 1>very heavily on British capital for its domestic investment. But

0:26:17.320 --> 0:26:20.840
<v Speaker 1>the US isn't a developing country anymore. Uh. Now we

0:26:20.920 --> 0:26:24.359
<v Speaker 1>have a different problem. We have too much capital interest rate. Sorry,

0:26:24.520 --> 0:26:29.679
<v Speaker 1>historically historically low levels. American businesses have huge hordes of

0:26:29.720 --> 0:26:31.800
<v Speaker 1>cash on their balance sheet which they are unable to

0:26:31.840 --> 0:26:35.560
<v Speaker 1>invest so then they do stock buybacks and things like that.

0:26:36.119 --> 0:26:39.679
<v Speaker 1>Um So, if you increase the amount of um of

0:26:39.720 --> 0:26:42.480
<v Speaker 1>foreign savings, the increasing amount of capital and the US

0:26:42.520 --> 0:26:47.440
<v Speaker 1>by hundred doors, will US investment go up? Well, clearly

0:26:47.560 --> 0:26:51.160
<v Speaker 1>it doesn't, and we have evidence from other countries. So

0:26:51.400 --> 0:26:55.520
<v Speaker 1>for example, again Germany after two thousand three, two thousand four,

0:26:56.200 --> 0:26:59.720
<v Speaker 1>when they're savings went up and the cost of capital declimbed,

0:27:00.359 --> 0:27:03.800
<v Speaker 1>their investment didn't go up. It actually went down. And

0:27:03.840 --> 0:27:06.200
<v Speaker 1>I think that reflects the fact that we're no longer

0:27:06.280 --> 0:27:10.240
<v Speaker 1>living in a capital constrained world. We have even negative

0:27:10.280 --> 0:27:14.679
<v Speaker 1>interest rates to drive down the American savings rate, either

0:27:14.760 --> 0:27:19.920
<v Speaker 1>you increase unemployment, or you increase household debt, or you

0:27:20.000 --> 0:27:24.320
<v Speaker 1>increase the fiscal deficit. None of those are good things obviously.

0:27:24.840 --> 0:27:28.120
<v Speaker 1>So that's why for the US running a current account

0:27:28.119 --> 0:27:32.119
<v Speaker 1>deficit in a capital account surplus is a real problem.

0:27:32.160 --> 0:27:34.359
<v Speaker 1>And so that's why I think it does make sense

0:27:34.359 --> 0:27:38.000
<v Speaker 1>for the Trump administration. And Bernie Sanders said the same thing,

0:27:38.080 --> 0:27:40.639
<v Speaker 1>and and Liz with Orans said the same thing for

0:27:40.720 --> 0:27:44.320
<v Speaker 1>them to address the current account deficit. It's just that

0:27:44.359 --> 0:27:48.520
<v Speaker 1>they're addressing it the wrong way. Yeah, I thought it

0:27:48.600 --> 0:27:52.879
<v Speaker 1>was pretty striking that during one of the recent Democratic debates,

0:27:53.400 --> 0:27:58.679
<v Speaker 1>the moderator asked the candidate, who would uh immediately reverse

0:27:59.160 --> 0:28:02.359
<v Speaker 1>Trump's terror on China? And none of them raise their hands.

0:28:02.800 --> 0:28:05.159
<v Speaker 1>And so even to your point, maybe that's not the

0:28:05.280 --> 0:28:09.720
<v Speaker 1>right that's not the right approach. There is this political

0:28:09.760 --> 0:28:14.480
<v Speaker 1>alignment in the US between Trump and the Democrats where

0:28:14.520 --> 0:28:16.840
<v Speaker 1>none of them want to go back to the old

0:28:16.960 --> 0:28:20.600
<v Speaker 1>relationship with China right away. It's no one thinks it's

0:28:20.600 --> 0:28:24.200
<v Speaker 1>as simple as just reversing trumps um and that everything's fine.

0:28:24.960 --> 0:28:27.399
<v Speaker 1>And I know again, I know you have an upcoming

0:28:27.440 --> 0:28:30.639
<v Speaker 1>book sort of exploring this dimension or the sort of

0:28:30.680 --> 0:28:36.119
<v Speaker 1>the connection between class warfare and trade warfare, domestic inequality

0:28:36.240 --> 0:28:39.800
<v Speaker 1>and trade wars. Regardless of whether Trump is pursuing the

0:28:39.880 --> 0:28:42.360
<v Speaker 1>right approach, everything that you've laid out on what all

0:28:42.400 --> 0:28:44.960
<v Speaker 1>of our political leaders seemed to intuit is that there

0:28:45.000 --> 0:28:49.160
<v Speaker 1>really was something truly broken about the existing or the

0:28:49.680 --> 0:28:56.000
<v Speaker 1>the old relationship. Absolutely, it's the imbalances were much higher

0:28:56.000 --> 0:28:59.720
<v Speaker 1>than than than trade theory will submits. They last much

0:28:59.800 --> 0:29:02.920
<v Speaker 1>more more than trade theory would permit. They were created

0:29:02.920 --> 0:29:06.600
<v Speaker 1>by significant distortions. And you mentioned the book that Matt

0:29:06.720 --> 0:29:09.720
<v Speaker 1>Klein and I are are publishing. Sometimes I think it

0:29:09.840 --> 0:29:12.440
<v Speaker 1>may and and in in the book, what we try

0:29:12.480 --> 0:29:15.920
<v Speaker 1>to argue is that what looks like a conflict between

0:29:16.040 --> 0:29:21.000
<v Speaker 1>nations is really a conflict between economic sectors. The same

0:29:21.080 --> 0:29:25.480
<v Speaker 1>groups in China and in the US, or in Germany

0:29:25.520 --> 0:29:30.560
<v Speaker 1>and in Spain benefited from the imbalances, and the same

0:29:30.600 --> 0:29:34.400
<v Speaker 1>groups paid the cost of the imbalances. Who's the biggest

0:29:34.400 --> 0:29:37.880
<v Speaker 1>culprit when it comes to economic sectors? You mentioned both

0:29:37.920 --> 0:29:40.480
<v Speaker 1>in the case of the US and China, this idea

0:29:40.560 --> 0:29:44.720
<v Speaker 1>of corporates having a large size of national wealth. So

0:29:45.000 --> 0:29:48.720
<v Speaker 1>I'm just wondering, is there one particular entity that you

0:29:48.720 --> 0:29:52.880
<v Speaker 1>would say is worse than others? Well, you know, I've

0:29:52.880 --> 0:29:55.120
<v Speaker 1>spent most of my career on one street, so I

0:29:55.160 --> 0:29:58.240
<v Speaker 1>hate to say this, but the fact is, the global

0:29:58.280 --> 0:30:03.560
<v Speaker 1>banks benefit tremendous and this system from these international capital flows. Large,

0:30:04.280 --> 0:30:08.080
<v Speaker 1>large businesses that are easily able to move their operations

0:30:08.120 --> 0:30:12.560
<v Speaker 1>around benefit from it. Small producers and workers are there,

0:30:12.600 --> 0:30:16.600
<v Speaker 1>and household savers are ultimately the ones that pay for

0:30:16.640 --> 0:30:20.680
<v Speaker 1>this system. Before we go, we have to wrap it up. Surely,

0:30:20.680 --> 0:30:23.440
<v Speaker 1>I want to just turn to one other thing. It's

0:30:23.440 --> 0:30:27.000
<v Speaker 1>not directly related to this, but it touches on all

0:30:27.000 --> 0:30:29.600
<v Speaker 1>this stuff, of course, but these days there's a tremendous

0:30:29.640 --> 0:30:34.640
<v Speaker 1>amount of discussion and political pressure on Germany specifically to

0:30:35.640 --> 0:30:39.520
<v Speaker 1>expand engage in fiscal expansion. That when people look at

0:30:39.560 --> 0:30:42.000
<v Speaker 1>the imbalances in the world right now, obviously the U. S.

0:30:42.120 --> 0:30:44.920
<v Speaker 1>China trade relationship is all its issues, but that there's

0:30:44.960 --> 0:30:48.080
<v Speaker 1>this sort of obvious issue in Europe where the richest

0:30:48.080 --> 0:30:52.080
<v Speaker 1>country really should be spending a lot more and they

0:30:52.080 --> 0:30:55.040
<v Speaker 1>have this, uh, you know, obsession with balanced budgets doesn't

0:30:55.080 --> 0:30:58.000
<v Speaker 1>make any sense, and um, well, how big of a deal,

0:30:58.080 --> 0:31:02.960
<v Speaker 1>like how big of a problem is German fiscal rectitude

0:31:03.160 --> 0:31:07.320
<v Speaker 1>right now? And how what could happen if if they

0:31:07.400 --> 0:31:13.480
<v Speaker 1>don't do something to address their own imbalances. It's it's

0:31:13.520 --> 0:31:17.600
<v Speaker 1>a huge problem because you know, the problem that we

0:31:17.640 --> 0:31:21.760
<v Speaker 1>have globally is a demand side problem. We have insufficient demand.

0:31:22.520 --> 0:31:24.880
<v Speaker 1>And one of the reasons we have such weak demand

0:31:25.640 --> 0:31:29.760
<v Speaker 1>is because, thanks to income inequality and also thanks to

0:31:29.880 --> 0:31:34.360
<v Speaker 1>our cantilsm, the consuming part of the world is too small,

0:31:34.960 --> 0:31:39.600
<v Speaker 1>so there is insufficient consumption unless it's boosted by debt,

0:31:40.280 --> 0:31:43.680
<v Speaker 1>which of course is unsustainable and risky. And with that

0:31:43.760 --> 0:31:48.680
<v Speaker 1>insufficient consumption there's insufficient business investment to serve that consumption.

0:31:49.280 --> 0:31:52.520
<v Speaker 1>When Germany says that the solution for the world is

0:31:52.560 --> 0:31:55.880
<v Speaker 1>for everyone to be like us, that's a huge problem

0:31:55.920 --> 0:31:59.800
<v Speaker 1>because what that means is that everyone should continue lower

0:32:00.000 --> 0:32:03.080
<v Speaker 1>ages in order to become more competitive. But if we

0:32:03.160 --> 0:32:06.960
<v Speaker 1>all lower wages to become more competitive, we just get poor.

0:32:07.080 --> 0:32:10.160
<v Speaker 1>We run into the problem of the nineteen thirties, which

0:32:10.200 --> 0:32:14.080
<v Speaker 1>the then governor of the FED, a brilliant man by

0:32:14.120 --> 0:32:17.240
<v Speaker 1>the name of Mariner Echoes, explained it. He said that

0:32:17.400 --> 0:32:21.480
<v Speaker 1>as you keep pushing down workers wages in order to

0:32:21.560 --> 0:32:25.800
<v Speaker 1>benefit the wealthy, you're not even benefiting the wealthy because

0:32:25.840 --> 0:32:28.680
<v Speaker 1>if workers are unable to consume the things that the

0:32:28.720 --> 0:32:32.600
<v Speaker 1>wealthy produced, then everyone gets caught him this downward spiral,

0:32:33.360 --> 0:32:36.480
<v Speaker 1>and that's sort of what Germany forced onto the rest

0:32:36.520 --> 0:32:39.720
<v Speaker 1>of Europe. So I think that they're going to have

0:32:39.880 --> 0:32:44.280
<v Speaker 1>to change your fiscal rectitude, because I don't think they

0:32:44.320 --> 0:32:47.320
<v Speaker 1>really have a choice. Once the world is unable to

0:32:47.360 --> 0:32:50.840
<v Speaker 1>absorb all of Germany's excess production, and it's huge, it's

0:32:50.880 --> 0:32:53.560
<v Speaker 1>about nineotone percent a g d P, then what can

0:32:53.600 --> 0:32:57.200
<v Speaker 1>Germany do if it is unable to consume it domestically?

0:32:57.640 --> 0:33:01.080
<v Speaker 1>Then it must stop producing it, and stopping producing it

0:33:01.120 --> 0:33:05.440
<v Speaker 1>means closing down factories and firing workers, etcetera, etcetera. So ultimately,

0:33:05.480 --> 0:33:07.440
<v Speaker 1>I don't think they'll do that. I don't think. I

0:33:07.440 --> 0:33:10.080
<v Speaker 1>think they're smart enough to recognize that they have to

0:33:10.120 --> 0:33:13.280
<v Speaker 1>engage in domestic spending, and they will, but they'll only

0:33:13.320 --> 0:33:16.120
<v Speaker 1>do it when they're forced to. I think. So before

0:33:16.120 --> 0:33:18.959
<v Speaker 1>we go, one of our listeners said that we absolutely

0:33:19.080 --> 0:33:21.480
<v Speaker 1>have to ask you the following question. So I'm going

0:33:21.560 --> 0:33:24.120
<v Speaker 1>to try to tie it into some of the topics

0:33:24.240 --> 0:33:27.760
<v Speaker 1>that we've been discussing. But when you view China's economy,

0:33:27.920 --> 0:33:32.520
<v Speaker 1>are you confident that the rebalancing is going to happen?

0:33:33.080 --> 0:33:35.200
<v Speaker 1>And in what time frame do you think it might happen?

0:33:35.640 --> 0:33:39.360
<v Speaker 1>And also are you sort of positive about the direction

0:33:39.600 --> 0:33:43.400
<v Speaker 1>over of the overall China economy? And when you do

0:33:43.480 --> 0:33:45.520
<v Speaker 1>some of the other stuff that you do in Beijing,

0:33:45.680 --> 0:33:49.280
<v Speaker 1>which is you know a music label, you're involved in

0:33:49.320 --> 0:33:52.680
<v Speaker 1>the music scene over there, and I think at one

0:33:52.680 --> 0:33:54.640
<v Speaker 1>point you ran a club. I'm not sure if it's

0:33:54.680 --> 0:33:58.440
<v Speaker 1>still open or not. But what does that tell you

0:33:58.680 --> 0:34:03.320
<v Speaker 1>about the direction of the Chinese economy? Well, the question

0:34:03.440 --> 0:34:07.200
<v Speaker 1>is will rebalancing happen. Is is very obvious. Yes, it

0:34:07.320 --> 0:34:10.920
<v Speaker 1>has to happen, and it will happen. One thing historically

0:34:10.960 --> 0:34:14.279
<v Speaker 1>is we know that all great imbalances eventually reverse. The

0:34:14.400 --> 0:34:17.560
<v Speaker 1>question is how does it reverse. It could reverse in

0:34:17.640 --> 0:34:20.480
<v Speaker 1>the form of a crisis. So, for example, if you

0:34:20.520 --> 0:34:23.440
<v Speaker 1>look at the US in the early nine thirties, in

0:34:23.480 --> 0:34:26.480
<v Speaker 1>the US had many of the same problems that China did,

0:34:27.239 --> 0:34:30.560
<v Speaker 1>and the way it rebalanced was in the first three

0:34:30.640 --> 0:34:34.400
<v Speaker 1>years of the decade, GDP contracted by something like thirty

0:34:34.440 --> 0:34:40.520
<v Speaker 1>five the household income contracted by roughly half. That incredibly painful,

0:34:40.640 --> 0:34:44.279
<v Speaker 1>but it rebalanced. Another way of rebalancing is the way

0:34:44.320 --> 0:34:49.200
<v Speaker 1>the Japanese did after They also have the same imbalances

0:34:49.239 --> 0:34:53.560
<v Speaker 1>that China does. Nowhere needs the same imbalances, so they

0:34:53.640 --> 0:34:57.240
<v Speaker 1>rebalanced two, but they rebalanced in the form of two

0:34:57.280 --> 0:35:01.600
<v Speaker 1>lost decades of stagnant GDP growth. Those are basically the

0:35:01.640 --> 0:35:04.759
<v Speaker 1>models that the world gives us. Those are the two

0:35:04.760 --> 0:35:08.439
<v Speaker 1>ways you rebalance. And my guess is that China will

0:35:08.640 --> 0:35:13.200
<v Speaker 1>rebalance the Japanese way in a very long drawn out rebalancing.

0:35:14.200 --> 0:35:17.200
<v Speaker 1>Now for China, the sooner they start that process, the better,

0:35:17.640 --> 0:35:21.880
<v Speaker 1>which basically means the more rapidly GDP growth drops, the

0:35:21.960 --> 0:35:24.000
<v Speaker 1>better for China, and I have to say in the

0:35:24.080 --> 0:35:28.200
<v Speaker 1>last few months, I've been pretty impressed that they haven't

0:35:28.280 --> 0:35:31.920
<v Speaker 1>done what they always do when growth slows, and that

0:35:32.080 --> 0:35:35.360
<v Speaker 1>is the panic and stuff on the accelerator. They haven't

0:35:35.400 --> 0:35:39.120
<v Speaker 1>done that, and growth is slowing pretty sharply. I just

0:35:39.239 --> 0:35:41.759
<v Speaker 1>met with one of my former students, is very well

0:35:41.800 --> 0:35:44.839
<v Speaker 1>plugged in, and he thinks it's possible we may even

0:35:44.880 --> 0:35:48.759
<v Speaker 1>see months of five eight percent growth this year. That

0:35:48.920 --> 0:35:50.839
<v Speaker 1>I think would be a really good sign because that

0:35:50.880 --> 0:35:54.520
<v Speaker 1>means that China is really serious about getting its debt

0:35:54.600 --> 0:35:59.120
<v Speaker 1>under control. The problem is that I think they think

0:35:59.440 --> 0:36:02.719
<v Speaker 1>that is an are controlled somewhere around four and a

0:36:02.760 --> 0:36:06.200
<v Speaker 1>half the five, whereas I think it's it's got to

0:36:06.200 --> 0:36:10.040
<v Speaker 1>go below three before it gets under control. But we'll see,

0:36:10.080 --> 0:36:13.440
<v Speaker 1>We'll see what happens. And what about the music scene.

0:36:13.560 --> 0:36:16.280
<v Speaker 1>What does that tell you about the future of China.

0:36:16.520 --> 0:36:19.520
<v Speaker 1>There's been good and bad things, but one of the

0:36:19.680 --> 0:36:22.360
<v Speaker 1>one of the most exciting things about being in China,

0:36:22.920 --> 0:36:24.560
<v Speaker 1>and it's something that I think a lot of people

0:36:24.640 --> 0:36:27.600
<v Speaker 1>miss because they're looking for the wrong signals, and that

0:36:27.760 --> 0:36:32.760
<v Speaker 1>is there's this incredibly buoyant cultural explosion taking place among

0:36:32.800 --> 0:36:35.920
<v Speaker 1>the urban young China, and music is at the center

0:36:35.920 --> 0:36:37.480
<v Speaker 1>of it, but it's not the only part of it.

0:36:37.880 --> 0:36:39.839
<v Speaker 1>You see it in fashion, you see it in art,

0:36:39.880 --> 0:36:42.160
<v Speaker 1>you see it in comics, you see the movies, lots

0:36:42.160 --> 0:36:45.759
<v Speaker 1>of different things. It's really quite impressive what's happening here.

0:36:46.280 --> 0:36:49.400
<v Speaker 1>But I don't think that should be a surprise. Chinese

0:36:49.440 --> 0:36:52.279
<v Speaker 1>incomes have have have soared in the last twenty to

0:36:52.400 --> 0:36:55.319
<v Speaker 1>thirty years, and China has gone from a country that

0:36:55.480 --> 0:36:59.800
<v Speaker 1>is primarily rural to one that is primarily urban, and

0:37:00.000 --> 0:37:04.000
<v Speaker 1>and we've never seen anything take place at this speed before,

0:37:04.719 --> 0:37:06.799
<v Speaker 1>so we don't really know what the result is going

0:37:06.840 --> 0:37:09.640
<v Speaker 1>to be, but it's probably a safe bet that it's

0:37:09.640 --> 0:37:14.440
<v Speaker 1>going to be culturally extremely interesting, in something very vibrant. Alright,

0:37:14.520 --> 0:37:16.359
<v Speaker 1>Michael Pettis, we're going to have to have you come

0:37:16.400 --> 0:37:19.000
<v Speaker 1>back on just to talk about music for an episode.

0:37:19.040 --> 0:37:22.640
<v Speaker 1>I think I'd love to. That was great. Thank you

0:37:22.719 --> 0:37:24.719
<v Speaker 1>so much, Michael. That was I learned so much. I

0:37:24.719 --> 0:37:28.160
<v Speaker 1>really appreciate it. Thanks very much. I hope that was useful.

0:37:47.000 --> 0:37:49.480
<v Speaker 1>So I love that conversation and I love that we're

0:37:49.480 --> 0:37:52.239
<v Speaker 1>having at a sort of key political date in the

0:37:52.320 --> 0:37:56.880
<v Speaker 1>Chinese calendar, because I think the policy is so important

0:37:56.920 --> 0:38:00.440
<v Speaker 1>to all of this, right, absolutely, I really really liked

0:38:00.440 --> 0:38:05.080
<v Speaker 1>that conversation, and the way Michael explains things is so

0:38:05.200 --> 0:38:08.880
<v Speaker 1>clear because a lot of this type of analysis, a

0:38:08.960 --> 0:38:12.160
<v Speaker 1>lot of which is sort of based on seemingly accounting identities,

0:38:12.280 --> 0:38:17.600
<v Speaker 1>the sort of axiomatic relationship between savings investment and the

0:38:17.680 --> 0:38:20.600
<v Speaker 1>current account. It could seem like it can be. I

0:38:20.600 --> 0:38:25.000
<v Speaker 1>always have a slightly hard time keeping these relationships in

0:38:25.080 --> 0:38:27.799
<v Speaker 1>my head exactly like what moves up and so what

0:38:27.880 --> 0:38:30.080
<v Speaker 1>therefore then has to go down? And I just think

0:38:30.320 --> 0:38:33.399
<v Speaker 1>Michael did such a clear job explaining it and then

0:38:33.440 --> 0:38:37.759
<v Speaker 1>explaining how these things have real world out ramifications. Yeah,

0:38:37.800 --> 0:38:39.879
<v Speaker 1>And the other thing that seems to be coming through

0:38:40.400 --> 0:38:44.200
<v Speaker 1>on our episodes recently is the notion that there is

0:38:44.600 --> 0:38:48.560
<v Speaker 1>some sort of problem of imbalances with too much money

0:38:48.600 --> 0:38:51.200
<v Speaker 1>flowing into the US. We talked about it with David

0:38:51.200 --> 0:38:54.360
<v Speaker 1>Beckworth most recently, and Michael brought it up yet again,

0:38:54.520 --> 0:38:57.600
<v Speaker 1>and people seem to be moving towards a consensus that

0:38:57.680 --> 0:39:00.840
<v Speaker 1>there is an issue here. They just disagree how exactly

0:39:00.880 --> 0:39:03.319
<v Speaker 1>to fix it. And it's one of those things that

0:39:04.280 --> 0:39:06.600
<v Speaker 1>to the average person, they would have a really hard

0:39:06.640 --> 0:39:09.000
<v Speaker 1>time wrapping their head around why that's a problem. So

0:39:09.040 --> 0:39:12.560
<v Speaker 1>it's like, Okay, China is investing all this money, all

0:39:12.600 --> 0:39:16.120
<v Speaker 1>this exporting all this capital to the US. I think

0:39:16.200 --> 0:39:18.759
<v Speaker 1>intuitively to a lot of people like that's a good thing.

0:39:18.960 --> 0:39:21.239
<v Speaker 1>Why not have people bring their money here? But then

0:39:21.280 --> 0:39:24.680
<v Speaker 1>the way Michael explains it in terms of driving up

0:39:24.719 --> 0:39:29.560
<v Speaker 1>asset prices, driving up the dollar, etcetera, or closing ing

0:39:30.120 --> 0:39:33.759
<v Speaker 1>loosening of lending standards, and that hurts us savings. Uh,

0:39:33.920 --> 0:39:36.680
<v Speaker 1>you start to actually crystallize what it really means to

0:39:36.719 --> 0:39:40.280
<v Speaker 1>have capital flow to you as as opposed to demand

0:39:40.320 --> 0:39:43.160
<v Speaker 1>for our goods. So I just feel like that was

0:39:43.239 --> 0:39:46.279
<v Speaker 1>so instructive and just seems to explain so much of

0:39:46.280 --> 0:39:49.040
<v Speaker 1>what's happened in the economy over the last several decades. Yep,

0:39:49.280 --> 0:39:51.080
<v Speaker 1>for sure. And we'll have to hap him back on

0:39:51.239 --> 0:39:54.320
<v Speaker 1>to talk about his music label and his club as well.

0:39:54.600 --> 0:39:57.239
<v Speaker 1>All right, well, let's leave it there for now. This

0:39:57.320 --> 0:40:00.080
<v Speaker 1>has been another episode of the All Thoughts podcast on

0:40:00.160 --> 0:40:03.040
<v Speaker 1>Tracy Alloway. You can follow me on Twitter at Tracy

0:40:03.040 --> 0:40:05.640
<v Speaker 1>Alloway and I'm Joe. Why isn't thal? You could follow

0:40:05.719 --> 0:40:08.880
<v Speaker 1>me on Twitter at the Stalwart and you should definitely

0:40:08.960 --> 0:40:12.120
<v Speaker 1>follow our guest on Twitter. He's way underfollowed for how

0:40:12.200 --> 0:40:16.479
<v Speaker 1>much he knows, criminally underfollowed, criminally underfollowed. Michael Pettis, He's

0:40:16.520 --> 0:40:19.919
<v Speaker 1>at Michael X Patris. Check him out and be sure

0:40:19.960 --> 0:40:23.919
<v Speaker 1>to follow our producer on Twitter, Laura Carlson. She's at

0:40:24.040 --> 0:40:28.960
<v Speaker 1>Laura M. Carlson, as well as the Bloomberg community of podcasts,

0:40:29.360 --> 0:40:32.880
<v Speaker 1>which is under the handle at podcasts. Thanks for listening.