WEBVTT - Anthony Kennedy

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<v Speaker 1>Anthony Kennedy's decision to retire from the Supreme Court was

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<v Speaker 1>overshadowed by the intense confirmation battle that surrounded his eventual successor,

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<v Speaker 1>Brett Kavanaugh, but it's important to remember Kennedy's contributions to

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<v Speaker 1>the Court as an associate Justice since in nearly three

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<v Speaker 1>decades on the Court, Kennedy provided the swing vote in

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<v Speaker 1>a variety of cases, siding with the liberal wing of

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<v Speaker 1>the Court on gay rights and abortion rights, while aligning

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<v Speaker 1>himself with conservatives in the Citizens United case in two

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<v Speaker 1>and joining the majority in handing George W. Bush a

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<v Speaker 1>presidential victory in the two thousand election. Kennedy recently sat

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<v Speaker 1>down with Carlisle Group co founder David Rubinstein for an

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<v Speaker 1>interview recorded at the University of Virginia Law School. They

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<v Speaker 1>spoke on David Rubinstein's Bloomberg television program Peer to Peer Conversations.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's talk about some of the opinions that you're very

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<v Speaker 1>well known for, uh somewhere five or four somewhere not um,

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<v Speaker 1>But let me talk about, for example, on gay lesbian rights. UM,

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<v Speaker 1>you are been a strong advocate that everybody should be

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<v Speaker 1>treated equally and that there should be no discrimination and

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<v Speaker 1>in fact, you authored the opinion that allowed gay marriage

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<v Speaker 1>to occur. Is that something that surprised your conservative let's say, supporters,

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<v Speaker 1>And this is something you're very proud of having written

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<v Speaker 1>that opinion. In a sense, it surprised me. What surprised

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<v Speaker 1>you the the the reaction or not your decision. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, because my religious beliefs these are That's one

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<v Speaker 1>of the reasons I wrote it. It. It seemed to

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<v Speaker 1>me that I couldn't hide and the nature of injustice

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<v Speaker 1>as you can't see it in your own time. And uh,

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<v Speaker 1>as we thought about this, and I thought about it

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<v Speaker 1>more and more, it seemed to me that just wrong

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<v Speaker 1>under the Constitution to say that over a hundred thousand

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<v Speaker 1>adopted children of gay parents could not have their parents

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<v Speaker 1>mary did. I just thought that this was this was wrong.

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<v Speaker 1>But it took and I struggled with it and wrote

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<v Speaker 1>the case over a weekend, and that's the way I

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<v Speaker 1>came out. But as I say, you, you, you, as

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<v Speaker 1>you write the reasons either compel themselves or not. I

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<v Speaker 1>tell judges, I tell young judges, old judges, your duty

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<v Speaker 1>in every case is to ask why are you doing

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<v Speaker 1>what you're about to do? What are the reasons, and

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<v Speaker 1>even if you've done it a hundred times, you have

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<v Speaker 1>to ask what those reasons are again and see if

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<v Speaker 1>they are still valid. That's what you must do is introspectively.

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<v Speaker 1>You take an oath that you're going to listen to

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<v Speaker 1>each side, and if you make up your mind in advance,

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<v Speaker 1>you're not following that. So Um and abortion rights, many

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<v Speaker 1>people who were your supporters, generally of your judicial philosophy

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<v Speaker 1>were disappointed. I think it's fair to say that you

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<v Speaker 1>were not in favor of overturning Roe v. Wade. In fact,

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<v Speaker 1>while you may have narrowed it to some extent, you

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<v Speaker 1>never voted to overturn it. Um. What was your thinking

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<v Speaker 1>on that particular area. Well, our thinking is the set

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<v Speaker 1>forth in the opinions. We give reasons for what we do.

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<v Speaker 1>We don't go around later explaining it is. It's in

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<v Speaker 1>the opinion, and we hope, we hope that the opinion

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<v Speaker 1>is convincing. Now, one of your famous five to four

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<v Speaker 1>decisions is Citizens United, which you upheld the right of

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<v Speaker 1>corporations to basically make political contributions. Any second thoughts about

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<v Speaker 1>that decision, ever, I again, the decision stands to answer

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<v Speaker 1>our stuffs. Of course, all of us are concerned with

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<v Speaker 1>money in politics. The government of the United States in

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<v Speaker 1>that case argued before the Supreme Court, we're in the

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<v Speaker 1>court and the podium is down there. The attorney for

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<v Speaker 1>the Government of the United States argued that, uh, and

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<v Speaker 1>if there was an upcoming political campaign, I forget that. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe six weeks h and a book was being published

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<v Speaker 1>or a movie being produced and it was critical of

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<v Speaker 1>a candidate, that you could stop publication. It was unbelievable. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>this is the first amendment right now. It's true that

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<v Speaker 1>there's a problem of money in politics, but I think

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<v Speaker 1>we just have to address it some other way. And

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<v Speaker 1>notice that the press was exempt, so the major newspapers

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<v Speaker 1>could print what they want, but you couldn't have a

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<v Speaker 1>book or a movie the other ways. It's now The

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<v Speaker 1>result was, as you know, uh, that money flows into

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<v Speaker 1>these campaigns, and it seems to me we have to

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<v Speaker 1>think about it, but that the voters are the ones

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<v Speaker 1>that if they see money coming in from the campaign

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<v Speaker 1>for wrong source, that they should be disclosure and they

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<v Speaker 1>can vote against the candidate if they don't like it.

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<v Speaker 1>So when you were in the court the last number

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<v Speaker 1>of years, after Justice O'Connor retired. You were basically seeing

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<v Speaker 1>rightly or wrongly as the swing vote with that put

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<v Speaker 1>undue pressure on you and making decisions because you were

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<v Speaker 1>the Prince will be the person who could make the

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<v Speaker 1>court go one way or the other. Well, I think

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<v Speaker 1>every one of the justices feels pressure in every in

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<v Speaker 1>every case, Yes, it was. It was a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>a little bit harder and swing vote. I said, Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>the swing vote has this um uh symbolism uh of

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<v Speaker 1>of this swinging back and forth in space, And I

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<v Speaker 1>say the cases swing I don't. I'm consisted about. Now

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<v Speaker 1>you carry the Constitution with you everywhere you go, is

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<v Speaker 1>that right? Yeah? I have it in your view. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>when you carry the Constitution obviously know it very well.

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<v Speaker 1>What do you think about the theory that you should

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<v Speaker 1>look at the intent of the drafters of the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>about what you should decide in a case this This

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<v Speaker 1>is one of the hardest questions in constitutional law and

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<v Speaker 1>that we have to to wrestle with. Look at that

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<v Speaker 1>this is a written document that the framers wanted handed down.

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<v Speaker 1>You can't just ignore what the words are. On the

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<v Speaker 1>other hand, I don't think Jefferson, you're a great Jeffersonian scholar.

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<v Speaker 1>UH and and and and and Medisine spent a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of time writing dictionaries, and they use spacious language. Life, liberty, property.

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<v Speaker 1>If they had known all its specifics of a jet society,

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<v Speaker 1>they would have written down. They didn't do that in it.

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<v Speaker 1>And these words have to have meaning over time, UM

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<v Speaker 1>and Jefferson. Uh. People sometimes give me declaration of independent

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<v Speaker 1>is life, liberty, pursuit of happiness. That's declaration of independent life,

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<v Speaker 1>liberty property is what Madison put in the fifth Modment UH.

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<v Speaker 1>And it's also in the fourteen UM. And happiness was

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<v Speaker 1>was interesting U. Happiness of the Greek board is you

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<v Speaker 1>delia And they even in the Greek times there they

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<v Speaker 1>had two meanings UH. And one was happiness that you're

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<v Speaker 1>have material possessions. The other is you're happy because you

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<v Speaker 1>have contributed to civic life and this enhances your own dignity.

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<v Speaker 1>And Jefferson used it in this second sense. The happiness

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<v Speaker 1>UH was to give to your community and the result

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<v Speaker 1>was enriching to you. You've shoved in the corp for

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<v Speaker 1>thirty years, You've written enormous number of opinions. You're quite

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<v Speaker 1>respected throughout the legal committee. But what would you like

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<v Speaker 1>your legacy to be? I hope that people would look

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<v Speaker 1>at the court and realize that not only is it possible,

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<v Speaker 1>but necessary for a democracy to have a civil, rational, thoughtful,

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<v Speaker 1>decent discussion so that we can plan our own destiny. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>We are are in time with an uncivil disco. Aristotle,

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<v Speaker 1>UM and Plato both gave a low grade to democracy. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>And I went back to two summers ago and read um. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>We read Plato and Aristotle is that a common thing?

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<v Speaker 1>That justice is due? Going back and reading Plato and

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<v Speaker 1>I I wanted to do it because I was concerned.

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<v Speaker 1>And my interpretation was that Aristotle thought democracy should be

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<v Speaker 1>given in a low grade because it did not have

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<v Speaker 1>the capacity to mature. And our duty, our destiny, is

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<v Speaker 1>to prove him wrong. Look at the rest of the

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<v Speaker 1>world is looking at us to see what democracy means,

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<v Speaker 1>what freedom means. And Uh, they see this hostile, fractious discourse,

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<v Speaker 1>and we're not making the case for democrac At the end, David,

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<v Speaker 1>of the last century, the last quarter, last twenty five

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<v Speaker 1>years of the last century was the birth of democracy.

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<v Speaker 1>Democracy has come in all over the world. Um. The

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<v Speaker 1>first part of this century, we're seeing the death of democracies,

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<v Speaker 1>and in part is because of the example that we're

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<v Speaker 1>not setting. Aristotle. Um said that in a civil discussion, UH,

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<v Speaker 1>there has to be UH respect, moderation, thought, and he

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<v Speaker 1>said the participants and UH discussion in the democratic society,

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<v Speaker 1>UM must have NIA, which means kindness and respect. I

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<v Speaker 1>disagree with you and proposition X, but I respect you

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<v Speaker 1>immensely and we must restore that to our public discourse.

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<v Speaker 1>What would you like the American people to most know

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<v Speaker 1>about the United States Supreme Court? That it is dedicated

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<v Speaker 1>to finding what the law is, and the law has

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<v Speaker 1>a moral foundation. The is interested in truth. Truth is

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<v Speaker 1>often the facts. Was the light red? Was the light green?

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<v Speaker 1>And you begin there And this isn't the partisan exercise.

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<v Speaker 1>We want to show that facts count and that facts

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<v Speaker 1>are found in a thoughtful, rational, respectful way. And after

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<v Speaker 1>that we know what principles have to come from the facts.

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<v Speaker 1>And those principles are are the principles of the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>and the principles of freedom or heritage. The work of

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<v Speaker 1>freedom is never done