WEBVTT - Trump Does Not Have Presidential Immunity

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>For the purpose of this criminal case, former President Trump

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<v Speaker 2>has become citizen Trump. That's what the DC's Circuit Court

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<v Speaker 2>of Appeals wrote as it moved Donald Trump one step

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<v Speaker 2>closer to standing trial for trying to overturn the twenty

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<v Speaker 2>twenty election. In a decisive, unanimous ruling, the three judge

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<v Speaker 2>panel found that Trump can't claim that the office of

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<v Speaker 2>the presidency protects him from criminal prosecution. The judges wrote,

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<v Speaker 2>we cannot accept that the Office of the Presidency places

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<v Speaker 2>its former occupants above the law for all time. Thereafter,

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<v Speaker 2>the judges had made their skepticism of Trump's immunity claims

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<v Speaker 2>clear during the oral arguments last month. Here's Judge Karen

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<v Speaker 2>Lacraft Henderson.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's paradoxical to say that his constitutional duty

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<v Speaker 1>to take care that the laws be faithfully executed allows

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<v Speaker 1>him to violate criminal laws.

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<v Speaker 2>And in the opinion, the judges repeatedly used Trump's words

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<v Speaker 2>and positions against him, for example, pointing to Trump's position

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<v Speaker 2>during his impeachment that he could still be criminally charged,

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<v Speaker 2>something Judge Florence panpointed out during the arguments.

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<v Speaker 3>You took the position or your client did during the

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<v Speaker 3>impeachment proceedings that there would be an option for criminal

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<v Speaker 3>prosecution later, and it's in the congressional record, and I

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<v Speaker 3>guess the question is what has changed or why have

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<v Speaker 3>you changed your position.

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<v Speaker 2>The court put the ruling on hold for Trump to

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<v Speaker 2>appeal to the Supreme Court, but only until Monday. Joining

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<v Speaker 2>me is former federal prosecutor Jessica Roth, a professor at

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<v Speaker 2>Cardozo Law School. The court said, our analysis is guided

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<v Speaker 2>by the Constitution, federal statutes, and his as well as

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<v Speaker 2>concerns of public policy. What's your impression broadly of the opinion?

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<v Speaker 4>My opinion broadly is that it is a resounding rejection

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<v Speaker 4>of Trump's claim of immunity from criminal prosecution, and that

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<v Speaker 4>it's an extremely thorough well written and well reasoned opinion

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<v Speaker 4>that is unanimous issued on behalf of a panel that

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<v Speaker 4>included one judge appointed by a Republican president, all speaking

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<v Speaker 4>in one calm but clear voice, holding that a former

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<v Speaker 4>president is not above the law.

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<v Speaker 2>They address all of Trump's arguments for immunity and shoot

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<v Speaker 2>them down one by one, starting with his argument that

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<v Speaker 2>separation of power's doctrine immunizes him.

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<v Speaker 4>The Court took that argument seriously and addressed it thoroughly,

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<v Speaker 4>but found that there was no problem in separation of

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<v Speaker 4>powers concerns with a former president being held criminally responsible

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<v Speaker 4>for actions taken while in office that were in violation

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<v Speaker 4>of federal criminal laws passed by the United States Congress.

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<v Speaker 4>And it cited precedents in which presidential actions had been

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<v Speaker 4>subject to judicial review, including former President truman seizure of

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<v Speaker 4>the steel mills, and the Court said it did not

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<v Speaker 4>find that separation of powers concerns prevented the Court from

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<v Speaker 4>exercising oversight through the adjudication of the criminal laws over

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<v Speaker 4>acts committed by a former president while in office that

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<v Speaker 4>in fact were violations of criminal law.

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<v Speaker 2>As you mentioned, there was a measured tone, but I

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<v Speaker 2>thought that the tone was a little less measured when

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<v Speaker 2>they had concerns about quote at bottom, former President Trump's

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<v Speaker 2>stance would collapse our system of separated powers by placing

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<v Speaker 2>the president beyond the reach of all three branches. At

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<v Speaker 2>different points, I just thought that they raised some heightened concerns.

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<v Speaker 4>They certainly raised concerns, and there were a number of

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<v Speaker 4>really striking portions of the opinion that in a sense

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<v Speaker 4>in a very measured way, I thought, expressed a sense

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<v Speaker 4>of outrage over the implications of the former president's arguments.

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<v Speaker 4>So you just read one portion of it. There's another

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<v Speaker 4>portion where the court said, it would be a striking

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<v Speaker 4>paradox if the president, who alone is vested with the

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<v Speaker 4>constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,

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<v Speaker 4>were the sole officer capable of defying those laws with impunity.

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<v Speaker 4>So there are a number of statements like that that

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<v Speaker 4>are just really strong rejections of the notion that a

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<v Speaker 4>former president would be immune from prosecution and from his

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<v Speaker 4>actions being reviewed by the court.

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<v Speaker 2>They also took on policy considerations that he'd raised. Trump's

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<v Speaker 2>lawyer had said, and Trump himself has said this on

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<v Speaker 2>the road, that if presidents didn't have immunity, it would

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<v Speaker 2>risk chilling their actions, and that presidence would be routinely

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<v Speaker 2>indicted after they left office.

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<v Speaker 4>Yes, the court did into account those policy considerations and

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<v Speaker 4>said that not only was there no historical precedent for

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<v Speaker 4>immunity from criminal prosecution of the kind that former President

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<v Speaker 4>Trump thought, but that these policy considerations did not weigh

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<v Speaker 4>in favor of recognizing such immunity. For the first time.

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<v Speaker 4>In this case, they said that it has always been

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<v Speaker 4>understood that former presidents could be subject to criminal prosecution

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<v Speaker 4>when they left office. For example, that's why former President

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<v Speaker 4>Ford pardoned former President Nixon. They cited the example of

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<v Speaker 4>former President Bill Clinton, who entered into an agreement with

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<v Speaker 4>the special counsel who had been investigating him with various sanctions,

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<v Speaker 4>including forfeiting his law license, in part to settle the

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<v Speaker 4>prospect of a future criminal prosecution. And then, most importantly,

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<v Speaker 4>they cited statements by attorneys for former President Trump during

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<v Speaker 4>his impeachment trial his second impeachment trial, they argued that

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<v Speaker 4>impeachment was not the proper remedy, but rather the possibility

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<v Speaker 4>of a criminal prosecution would be the proper remedy. And

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<v Speaker 4>so they said these examples that point toward an understanding

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<v Speaker 4>that former presidents could be subject to criminal prosecution when

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<v Speaker 4>they left office for acts taken while president, and that

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<v Speaker 4>there was no suggestion in the historical record that that

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<v Speaker 4>prospect had chilled presidents while they were in office from

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<v Speaker 4>exercising their duties without too much concern. And in fact,

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<v Speaker 4>there was a quote from the district court opinion that

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<v Speaker 4>they reiterated in the appellate opinion that I just thought

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<v Speaker 4>was very telling. The District Court had said, every president

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<v Speaker 4>will face difficult decisions, whether to intentionally commit a federal

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<v Speaker 4>crime should not be one of them. And the DC

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<v Speaker 4>Circuit quoted that language, saying, basically, they don't think that

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<v Speaker 4>they're holding that there is no immunity from criminal prosecution

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<v Speaker 4>is going to actually chill presidents in the exercise.

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<v Speaker 2>Of their duties. They sort of turned the argument around

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<v Speaker 2>against Trump. During the oral arguments, Trump's lawyer spent seemed

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<v Speaker 2>like most of the time on the impeachment clause and

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<v Speaker 2>this argument that Donald Trump would first have to have

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<v Speaker 2>been convicted by the Senate in order to then be

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<v Speaker 2>tried criminally after he left office.

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<v Speaker 5>So, as the Lascimenta points out very clearly, then the founders,

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<v Speaker 5>the framers actually in the Constitution Convention clearly contemplated that

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<v Speaker 5>that sequence that I've described would be mandatory. He would

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<v Speaker 5>have to be impeached and convicted first of them.

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<v Speaker 2>And they took that on and they said, the strongest

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<v Speaker 2>evidence against Trump's claim of immunity is found in the

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<v Speaker 2>words of the Constitution's impeachment clause.

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<v Speaker 4>They did treat thoroughly this argument that he could not

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<v Speaker 4>be prosecuted criminally because he had not been convicted in

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<v Speaker 4>the Senate relying on the impeachment clause. They addressed it

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<v Speaker 4>thoroughly and said that they rejected it, that they thought

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<v Speaker 4>it was a strained reading of the clause that he offered,

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<v Speaker 4>and that although the clause makes clear that a president

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<v Speaker 4>can be criminally prosecuted after being impeached and convicted, that

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<v Speaker 4>the negative implication that Trump was arguing from that clause

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<v Speaker 4>that he could only be criminally prosecuted if he had

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<v Speaker 4>been convicted in the Senate following impeachment simply did not follow.

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<v Speaker 2>So in the opinion, you had the legal arguments based

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<v Speaker 2>on precedent and history and the Constitution, and then there

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<v Speaker 2>were the sort of logical, sensible arguments, and one here

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<v Speaker 2>was that, you know, the founders knew how to grant

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<v Speaker 2>immunity if they wanted to, and they didn't want to hear.

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<v Speaker 6>Yes, absolutely.

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<v Speaker 4>They cited to other portions of the Constitution that were

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<v Speaker 4>explicit about granted immunity, for example, with respect to the

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<v Speaker 4>speaking debate clause and making clear that there would be

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<v Speaker 4>immunity there for actions in the course of speech and debate.

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<v Speaker 4>By members of Congress, And so if the framers knew

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<v Speaker 4>how to be explicit about grants of immunity, it follows

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<v Speaker 4>that if they didn't explicitly grant it to presidents in

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<v Speaker 4>this context, that it doesn't exist.

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<v Speaker 2>Is there any part of this opinion that you think

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<v Speaker 2>is weak or subject to attack on appeal?

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<v Speaker 4>It is a really sorrow opinion, and I think that

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<v Speaker 4>the fact that the Court took its time to write

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<v Speaker 4>this and to speak in one voice clearly was time

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<v Speaker 4>well used to write such a sorrow opinion. I do

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<v Speaker 4>not see any weak points in this opinion. I thought

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<v Speaker 4>it was interesting that the court wrote in a footnote

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<v Speaker 4>that it was not addressing the situation of a criminal

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<v Speaker 4>prosecution by a state prosecutor for ax undertaken in office,

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<v Speaker 4>and nor was it addressing the prospect of immunity of

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<v Speaker 4>a sitting president from criminal prosecution. So in a sense,

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<v Speaker 4>it's very much narrowly tailored to the situation before the court.

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<v Speaker 2>And where did Trump's arguments about official acts go?

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<v Speaker 4>I thought it was really interesting that the DC Circuit

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<v Speaker 4>held categorically that there was no immunity from criminal prosecution

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<v Speaker 4>for a former president, even for official acts at the

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<v Speaker 4>oral argument, and given the briefing, much of which was

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<v Speaker 4>dedicated to whether these were official acts of the president,

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<v Speaker 4>I thought it was possible that the court would say,

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<v Speaker 4>we're not going to deal with the categorical question because

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<v Speaker 4>we're going to find that there is no immunity here

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<v Speaker 4>because these were not official acts. In other words, they

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<v Speaker 4>might have said, arguendos, we're going to apply the framework

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<v Speaker 4>for immunity from the civil context to the criminal context,

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<v Speaker 4>which is what Trump invited them to do, that we

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<v Speaker 4>would find that even within that framework, these actions by

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<v Speaker 4>Trump fall outside of his official acts. Have written an

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<v Speaker 4>opinion along those lines, but they didn't, and I think

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<v Speaker 4>that that is significant. It's a really sort of resounding

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<v Speaker 4>rejection of the idea that there could be immunity from

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<v Speaker 4>criminal prosecution even for official acts. The Court didn't really

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<v Speaker 4>discuss whether or not these were official acts in the

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<v Speaker 4>body of its opinion. They dropped a footnote where they said,

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<v Speaker 4>even if we were to apply that framework, which asks

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<v Speaker 4>whether the actions were within the outer perimeter of the

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<v Speaker 4>presence responsibilities, which is the civil suit immunity framework, they said,

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<v Speaker 4>we are doubtful that these most of these acts is

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<v Speaker 4>alleged to the indictment would constitute official acts, and they

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<v Speaker 4>cited to their recent's opinion in the Blastingham case, which

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<v Speaker 4>was the civil suit against Trump and others involved in

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<v Speaker 4>the January sixth riot, where the court did apply the

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<v Speaker 4>civil immunity framework and found that most of the actions

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<v Speaker 4>as alleged in those civil complaints outside the outer perimeter

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<v Speaker 4>of official actions. And so although the court didn't squarely

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<v Speaker 4>address that question in this opinion, because it didn't need to,

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<v Speaker 4>given that it said categorically there is no immunity from

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<v Speaker 4>criminal prosecution, I thought it was interesting that it did

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<v Speaker 4>drop that footnote essentially expressing doubt that these would be

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<v Speaker 4>deemed to be official acts.

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<v Speaker 2>Didn't the judges also throw cold water on any claims

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<v Speaker 2>that the counting of the ballots, that part of the

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<v Speaker 2>electoral process has anything to do with the president.

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<v Speaker 6>They did.

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<v Speaker 7>They talked about how these were not actually acts that

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<v Speaker 7>were within the president's duty, that these were not matters

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<v Speaker 7>entrusted to him, and to the extented he claims that

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<v Speaker 7>his actions were an effort to see that the laws

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<v Speaker 7>were faithfully executed, that that essentially was a disingenuous argument

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<v Speaker 7>here because he had no role to play with respect

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<v Speaker 7>to the administration of the state elections and the county

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<v Speaker 7>of the electoral votes, and that, in fact, what he

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<v Speaker 7>did was an effort, as alleged, it's an effort to

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<v Speaker 7>actually undermine the working of the laws that do govern

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<v Speaker 7>the election of the president. It's a one other sort

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<v Speaker 7>of notable quote from the opinion in that regard is

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<v Speaker 7>the court said former President Trump's alleged efforts to remain

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<v Speaker 7>in power despite losing the twenty twenty election were, if proven,

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<v Speaker 7>an unprecedented assault on the structure of our government. He

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<v Speaker 7>allegedly injected himself into a process in which the president

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<v Speaker 7>has no role the counting and certifying of the Electoral

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<v Speaker 7>College votes, thereby undermining constitutionally established procedures and the will.

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<v Speaker 4>Of the Congress.

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<v Speaker 2>Jessica, you're going to stay with me. Coming up, we're

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<v Speaker 2>going to discuss whether the Supreme Court will take this

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<v Speaker 2>case on appeal. I'm June Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg.

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<v Speaker 2>In a unanimous ruling, the DC Court of Appeals has

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<v Speaker 2>found that Donald Trump cannot claim that the office of

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<v Speaker 2>the presidency protects him from prosecution. Quote. Former President Trump

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<v Speaker 2>has become citizen Trump with all the defenses of any

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<v Speaker 2>other criminal defendant, but any executive immunity that may have

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<v Speaker 2>protected him while he served as president no longer protects

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<v Speaker 2>him against this prosecution. This decision moves Trump closer to

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<v Speaker 2>standing trial for trying to overturn the twenty twenty election,

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<v Speaker 2>but it may not be the last word. The court

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<v Speaker 2>put the ruling against Trump on hold until February twelfth

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<v Speaker 2>for him to appeal to the U. S. Supreme Court.

0:14:38.640 --> 0:14:41.200
<v Speaker 2>He might also ask the full d C. Circuit to

0:14:41.280 --> 0:14:44.720
<v Speaker 2>rehear the case. Neither court is required to take up

0:14:44.760 --> 0:14:48.720
<v Speaker 2>his appeal. I've been talking to former federal prosecutor Jessica Roth,

0:14:49.120 --> 0:14:53.560
<v Speaker 2>a professor at Cardozo Law School. The court gave Trump

0:14:53.720 --> 0:14:58.320
<v Speaker 2>until Monday only to appeal to the Supreme Court to

0:14:58.360 --> 0:15:00.800
<v Speaker 2>have this case on hold. Do you think they were

0:15:00.960 --> 0:15:04.120
<v Speaker 2>looking at his strategy of delayed delay delay.

0:15:04.880 --> 0:15:07.960
<v Speaker 4>I can't speak to what was in the judge's vines

0:15:08.800 --> 0:15:11.960
<v Speaker 4>in their decision about the timing here. It is notable

0:15:12.000 --> 0:15:14.600
<v Speaker 4>that they gave him a short time frame in which

0:15:14.640 --> 0:15:18.040
<v Speaker 4>to appeal to the US Supreme Court before they would

0:15:18.080 --> 0:15:21.320
<v Speaker 4>issue the mandate. I think it speaks to the urgency

0:15:21.480 --> 0:15:24.760
<v Speaker 4>of the matters involved in this case, and you see

0:15:24.800 --> 0:15:28.920
<v Speaker 4>that sense of the significance of this case throughout the

0:15:28.960 --> 0:15:33.560
<v Speaker 4>Court's opinion when it talks about how the alleged conduct

0:15:33.760 --> 0:15:37.760
<v Speaker 4>was an effort to overturn the results of a democratic

0:15:38.120 --> 0:15:42.720
<v Speaker 4>election and the public's interest in the enforcement of criminal laws.

0:15:42.920 --> 0:15:46.800
<v Speaker 4>So I think that those substantive aspects of the case

0:15:47.440 --> 0:15:49.520
<v Speaker 4>may carry over to the court sense of what is

0:15:49.520 --> 0:15:53.760
<v Speaker 4>an appropriate time frame in which to allow resort to

0:15:53.800 --> 0:15:57.320
<v Speaker 4>further appellate review before the case goes forward in the

0:15:57.360 --> 0:15:58.280
<v Speaker 4>district Court.

0:15:58.440 --> 0:16:01.200
<v Speaker 2>Does that order the way it's it's raised mean that

0:16:01.560 --> 0:16:05.800
<v Speaker 2>if Trump decides to appeal on Bank to the DC

0:16:06.080 --> 0:16:09.440
<v Speaker 2>Circuit that the order won't be stayed.

0:16:10.560 --> 0:16:10.880
<v Speaker 1>Yes.

0:16:11.200 --> 0:16:15.680
<v Speaker 4>So the order makes clear that although Trump could file

0:16:15.720 --> 0:16:19.080
<v Speaker 4>a petition for rehearing in Bank from the full DC Circuit,

0:16:19.760 --> 0:16:24.200
<v Speaker 4>that motion would not stay the mandate. The only thing

0:16:24.240 --> 0:16:27.560
<v Speaker 4>that will stay the mandate beyond Monday would be Trump

0:16:27.640 --> 0:16:31.840
<v Speaker 4>filing an application for a stay from the United States

0:16:31.920 --> 0:16:35.360
<v Speaker 4>Supreme Court. And as I read the DC Circuit order,

0:16:35.800 --> 0:16:39.000
<v Speaker 4>its mandate will be stayed tending the US Supreme Court's

0:16:39.080 --> 0:16:43.120
<v Speaker 4>resolution of a motion by Trump for a stay. So,

0:16:43.280 --> 0:16:47.240
<v Speaker 4>if the Supreme Court considers an application by Trump for

0:16:47.320 --> 0:16:50.840
<v Speaker 4>a stay and rejects it. Then the case goes back

0:16:50.880 --> 0:16:54.880
<v Speaker 4>to the trial court, even if the US Supreme Court

0:16:54.920 --> 0:16:56.880
<v Speaker 4>subsequently grants circiora.

0:16:57.800 --> 0:16:59.800
<v Speaker 2>No one knows whether the Supreme Court will take the

0:16:59.840 --> 0:17:03.000
<v Speaker 2>case or not, but they already have a couple of

0:17:03.280 --> 0:17:07.720
<v Speaker 2>Trump cases on the docket, including this Thursday, the case

0:17:07.760 --> 0:17:11.159
<v Speaker 2>over Colorado barring him from the ballot. What would be

0:17:11.200 --> 0:17:13.679
<v Speaker 2>your guess as to whether they'll take the case or not.

0:17:14.400 --> 0:17:18.800
<v Speaker 4>This is such a well reasoned and thoughtful opinion that

0:17:18.920 --> 0:17:22.280
<v Speaker 4>I think they are very compelling reasons why the Court

0:17:22.359 --> 0:17:26.320
<v Speaker 4>wouldn't take this case. There's no circuit split on this issue,

0:17:26.840 --> 0:17:31.200
<v Speaker 4>and they certainly have their plateful with other really important

0:17:31.400 --> 0:17:35.159
<v Speaker 4>cases that they need to decide, including the ballot access question.

0:17:35.640 --> 0:17:40.000
<v Speaker 4>On the other hand, this is an enormously significant issue

0:17:40.200 --> 0:17:43.800
<v Speaker 4>whether a former president is entitled to immunity from criminal prosecution.

0:17:44.160 --> 0:17:46.439
<v Speaker 4>One could imagine the Justice is saying this is an

0:17:46.440 --> 0:17:49.359
<v Speaker 4>issue on which we should open. But on the other hand,

0:17:49.520 --> 0:17:52.800
<v Speaker 4>unless there are enough justices who think that the DC's

0:17:52.800 --> 0:17:55.760
<v Speaker 4>circuit opinion is wrong, then I could also see them

0:17:55.960 --> 0:17:58.920
<v Speaker 4>letting the DC opinion be the final word on this subject.

0:17:59.440 --> 0:18:04.600
<v Speaker 2>So is everything here because the federal election case was

0:18:04.920 --> 0:18:07.520
<v Speaker 2>on for March fourth, but then the judge had to

0:18:07.600 --> 0:18:11.520
<v Speaker 2>take it off the calendar. If the Supreme Court decides

0:18:11.560 --> 0:18:14.040
<v Speaker 2>not to take the case, how fast could the trial

0:18:14.119 --> 0:18:17.600
<v Speaker 2>be put back on the calendar and move forward.

0:18:18.359 --> 0:18:21.680
<v Speaker 4>Well, the Trial court has indicated that she will give

0:18:21.840 --> 0:18:26.240
<v Speaker 4>the former president additional time to respond to motions that

0:18:26.280 --> 0:18:29.560
<v Speaker 4>were filed by the special counsel to file any additional

0:18:29.600 --> 0:18:33.919
<v Speaker 4>motions on his own behalf time that but for the

0:18:34.000 --> 0:18:37.800
<v Speaker 4>stay of the trial court proceedings, he would have had

0:18:37.840 --> 0:18:40.840
<v Speaker 4>to work on these motions in this last month or so.

0:18:40.840 --> 0:18:43.760
<v Speaker 4>So she's going to give him that time. That means

0:18:43.800 --> 0:18:47.399
<v Speaker 4>we're probably looking at some time at the earliest in

0:18:47.560 --> 0:18:51.880
<v Speaker 4>late summer, perhaps late July, early August, for a trial date.

0:18:52.320 --> 0:18:55.119
<v Speaker 4>But we really don't know what's going to happen. I mean,

0:18:55.160 --> 0:18:57.320
<v Speaker 4>if the US Supreme Court were to take the case

0:18:57.400 --> 0:19:00.280
<v Speaker 4>in grant to stay, that would mean that things would

0:19:00.280 --> 0:19:03.920
<v Speaker 4>remain frozen. We really don't know, But we do see

0:19:03.960 --> 0:19:07.080
<v Speaker 4>coming from the Trial Court in DC, Judge Chutkin every

0:19:07.080 --> 0:19:10.240
<v Speaker 4>effort to move the case along as expeditiously as possible.

0:19:10.560 --> 0:19:12.320
<v Speaker 4>So I think we may have a better sense by

0:19:12.359 --> 0:19:15.919
<v Speaker 4>next week, by Monday, when and if Trump files an

0:19:15.920 --> 0:19:18.639
<v Speaker 4>application in the US Supreme Court for a stay. Whether

0:19:18.680 --> 0:19:20.960
<v Speaker 4>that's going to happen, I expect it will, and then

0:19:21.000 --> 0:19:23.400
<v Speaker 4>I would imagine within a week or so after that,

0:19:23.560 --> 0:19:25.919
<v Speaker 4>perhaps we would have some indication from the US Supreme

0:19:25.920 --> 0:19:28.200
<v Speaker 4>Court about how quickly they're going to move, and if

0:19:28.200 --> 0:19:30.040
<v Speaker 4>they're not going to take the case at all, then

0:19:30.480 --> 0:19:32.919
<v Speaker 4>these things may start proceeding even more quickly in the

0:19:32.920 --> 0:19:33.400
<v Speaker 4>trial court.

0:19:34.400 --> 0:19:36.920
<v Speaker 2>So I know that what they say here, or as

0:19:36.960 --> 0:19:41.120
<v Speaker 2>they said it has no application to what's happening in Georgia.

0:19:41.720 --> 0:19:46.000
<v Speaker 2>But Trump did make a similar argument in Georgia, and

0:19:46.080 --> 0:19:49.480
<v Speaker 2>I'm wondering if the courts there might look to what

0:19:49.520 --> 0:19:50.520
<v Speaker 2>this court has said.

0:19:50.920 --> 0:19:53.080
<v Speaker 4>I think the courts there will look to what this

0:19:53.160 --> 0:19:58.080
<v Speaker 4>court has said as persuasive authority. Certainly, the analysis about

0:19:58.200 --> 0:20:03.280
<v Speaker 4>the functional considerations about what impact would a holding that

0:20:03.320 --> 0:20:05.679
<v Speaker 4>a case, a criminal case could go forward have on

0:20:06.520 --> 0:20:10.480
<v Speaker 4>a president's ability to conduct their official duties without too

0:20:10.560 --> 0:20:13.840
<v Speaker 4>much concern. I think that would be persuasive to state

0:20:13.840 --> 0:20:18.240
<v Speaker 4>courts considering whether immunity should apply from a state prosecution.

0:20:18.960 --> 0:20:22.080
<v Speaker 4>But I do think that some of the language might

0:20:22.119 --> 0:20:25.000
<v Speaker 4>cut the other way, in the sense that one of

0:20:25.040 --> 0:20:28.720
<v Speaker 4>the things that the Court says about why federal criminal

0:20:28.800 --> 0:20:32.359
<v Speaker 4>prosecutions don't pose as great a concern as the prospect

0:20:32.400 --> 0:20:35.919
<v Speaker 4>of civil lawsuits is. They said, well, essentially, there are

0:20:35.960 --> 0:20:39.359
<v Speaker 4>so many private parties who might file civil lawsuits against

0:20:39.359 --> 0:20:43.520
<v Speaker 4>a former president, and that prospect is significant enough for

0:20:43.640 --> 0:20:46.959
<v Speaker 4>us to be concerned about not granting immunity. Those are

0:20:46.960 --> 0:20:50.000
<v Speaker 4>statements that the US Supreme Court had made in the

0:20:50.000 --> 0:20:54.840
<v Speaker 4>Fitzgerald's case, where it did recognize immunity from civil lawsuits

0:20:54.920 --> 0:20:57.760
<v Speaker 4>for presidents for actions taken in the course of their

0:20:58.160 --> 0:21:01.960
<v Speaker 4>official duties. DC Circuit said, well, we don't think those

0:21:01.960 --> 0:21:06.240
<v Speaker 4>considerations apply with the same force with respect to federal

0:21:06.280 --> 0:21:11.280
<v Speaker 4>criminal prosecutions, because prosecutors are subject to a number of

0:21:11.320 --> 0:21:15.000
<v Speaker 4>constraints before they can bring criminal charges, including a code

0:21:15.040 --> 0:21:18.520
<v Speaker 4>of ethics and also having to present their cases to

0:21:18.800 --> 0:21:21.680
<v Speaker 4>a grand jury composed of ordinary citizens before the case

0:21:21.720 --> 0:21:25.520
<v Speaker 4>can proceed. So much of that language I think works

0:21:25.880 --> 0:21:30.040
<v Speaker 4>in the same way with respect to date criminal prosecutions.

0:21:30.080 --> 0:21:33.040
<v Speaker 4>Prosecutors in the States also are subject to codes of

0:21:33.040 --> 0:21:36.320
<v Speaker 4>ethics before they can bring charges. They also generally have

0:21:36.400 --> 0:21:39.080
<v Speaker 4>to present them before a grand jury. But on the

0:21:39.080 --> 0:21:42.320
<v Speaker 4>other hand, there are many more state prosecutors in a

0:21:42.400 --> 0:21:45.560
<v Speaker 4>sense than there are federal prosecutors who are all encompassed

0:21:45.560 --> 0:21:47.879
<v Speaker 4>within the Department of Justice. So I could see that

0:21:48.080 --> 0:21:52.199
<v Speaker 4>discussion parts of it being used to help establish immunity

0:21:52.280 --> 0:21:55.119
<v Speaker 4>from state prosecution, and parts of it being used to

0:21:55.160 --> 0:21:58.959
<v Speaker 4>establish it there is no immunity from state prosecutions. And

0:21:59.000 --> 0:22:01.280
<v Speaker 4>then of course there's a whole issue of the supremacy

0:22:01.280 --> 0:22:03.639
<v Speaker 4>clause on how that would work in the context of

0:22:03.720 --> 0:22:07.159
<v Speaker 4>state prosecutions of a former president. That wasn't a consideration

0:22:07.240 --> 0:22:10.119
<v Speaker 4>in this case because it is a federal prosecution of

0:22:10.119 --> 0:22:10.919
<v Speaker 4>a former president.

0:22:11.520 --> 0:22:13.400
<v Speaker 2>So now we'll be keeping our eye on the calendar

0:22:13.480 --> 0:22:17.320
<v Speaker 2>until Monday to see what happens with the appeal. Thanks

0:22:17.400 --> 0:22:22.399
<v Speaker 2>so much, Jessica. That's Professor Jessica Roth of Cardozo Law School,

0:22:22.960 --> 0:22:26.280
<v Speaker 2>coming up next on the Bloomberg Lawn Show. The Pennsylvania

0:22:26.359 --> 0:22:28.960
<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court has made a ruling in a case over

0:22:29.000 --> 0:22:32.760
<v Speaker 2>the use of Medicaid dollars to cover the cost of abortions,

0:22:33.280 --> 0:22:36.680
<v Speaker 2>and the reasoning in that ruling signals a possible new

0:22:36.760 --> 0:22:40.760
<v Speaker 2>path for reasserting abortion rights. I'm June Gross when you're

0:22:40.800 --> 0:22:44.879
<v Speaker 2>listening to Bloomberg. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court has ordered a

0:22:44.920 --> 0:22:48.720
<v Speaker 2>lower court to reconsider a challenge to the states decades

0:22:48.760 --> 0:22:52.600
<v Speaker 2>old ban on using medicaid funds for abortions except in

0:22:52.680 --> 0:22:56.280
<v Speaker 2>cases of rape or incest. But the State Supreme Court's

0:22:56.359 --> 0:23:01.600
<v Speaker 2>reasoning has far wider implications. A law school professor Jessica

0:23:01.680 --> 0:23:05.840
<v Speaker 2>Levinson has written in a column for MSNBC, the majority

0:23:05.880 --> 0:23:10.320
<v Speaker 2>opinion signals a possible new path for reasserting abortion rights,

0:23:10.560 --> 0:23:14.360
<v Speaker 2>as well as thoroughly rebutting the Supreme Court's Dobb's decision,

0:23:14.400 --> 0:23:19.680
<v Speaker 2>which overturned Roe v. Wade, and Professor Levinson joins me, Now, Jessica,

0:23:19.720 --> 0:23:22.320
<v Speaker 2>in order to put this in context, where you have

0:23:22.400 --> 0:23:24.719
<v Speaker 2>to go back to the Roe v. Wade decision in

0:23:24.800 --> 0:23:30.359
<v Speaker 2>nineteen seventy three, explain how the court used the Fourteenth Amendment. There. Rov.

0:23:30.560 --> 0:23:34.879
<v Speaker 6>Wade is the Supreme Court deciding what is included in

0:23:34.920 --> 0:23:39.480
<v Speaker 6>the word liberty in the Fourteenth Amendment, what is constitutionally protected,

0:23:39.960 --> 0:23:42.880
<v Speaker 6>And leading up to Roe v. Wade, what the Supreme

0:23:42.880 --> 0:23:46.720
<v Speaker 6>Court had concluded is that broadly, there is this right

0:23:46.800 --> 0:23:50.760
<v Speaker 6>to privacy that's included in that word liberty. That broadly

0:23:50.880 --> 0:23:55.040
<v Speaker 6>that includes, for instance, the right to obtain contraception. But

0:23:55.080 --> 0:23:58.320
<v Speaker 6>the question in Roe v. Wade was does the word

0:23:58.440 --> 0:24:03.359
<v Speaker 6>liberty include the right to obtain an abortion? And back

0:24:03.400 --> 0:24:06.840
<v Speaker 6>in that case, the court answered in the affirmative, they said, yes,

0:24:06.960 --> 0:24:11.240
<v Speaker 6>it's not written anywhere in the Constitution, but we find

0:24:11.280 --> 0:24:16.520
<v Speaker 6>these unwritten rights and we conclude that they are included

0:24:16.600 --> 0:24:19.360
<v Speaker 6>in this word liberty. That the drafters of the fourteenth

0:24:19.359 --> 0:24:21.960
<v Speaker 6>Amendment knew that we were going to have to fill

0:24:22.040 --> 0:24:24.720
<v Speaker 6>in meaning to that word. And one of the things

0:24:24.720 --> 0:24:28.200
<v Speaker 6>that must mean is the right not just to contraception,

0:24:28.480 --> 0:24:29.959
<v Speaker 6>but also to an abortion.

0:24:30.720 --> 0:24:34.480
<v Speaker 2>And you right that Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the attorney Ruth

0:24:34.520 --> 0:24:38.840
<v Speaker 2>Bader Ginsburg, would have chosen a different legal theory.

0:24:39.520 --> 0:24:43.440
<v Speaker 6>That's right, in part because I think Justice Ginsberg knew

0:24:43.480 --> 0:24:47.000
<v Speaker 6>that a decision like Dobbs could come down, and I

0:24:47.000 --> 0:24:50.520
<v Speaker 6>think her feeling was instead of locating the right to

0:24:50.560 --> 0:24:54.359
<v Speaker 6>obtain an abortion in the due process clause of the

0:24:54.400 --> 0:24:58.120
<v Speaker 6>fourteenth Amendment, instead of saying it's an unwritten right that's

0:24:58.119 --> 0:25:01.480
<v Speaker 6>included in the word liberty, let's instead look to a

0:25:01.560 --> 0:25:04.280
<v Speaker 6>different part of the fourteenth Amendment. Let's list to the

0:25:04.320 --> 0:25:10.800
<v Speaker 6>equal Protection clause, and let's look at how abortions obviously

0:25:10.880 --> 0:25:14.879
<v Speaker 6>and the right to obtain an abortion disproportionately falls along

0:25:15.200 --> 0:25:20.160
<v Speaker 6>gender lines. It is women and now trans men who

0:25:20.359 --> 0:25:25.040
<v Speaker 6>can obtain abortions, And what she thought is that it's

0:25:25.119 --> 0:25:28.360
<v Speaker 6>much cleaner to look at this as an equal protection

0:25:28.600 --> 0:25:33.600
<v Speaker 6>clause analysis. Obviously, if you limit abortions, that is something

0:25:33.640 --> 0:25:36.200
<v Speaker 6>that will have an impact on women in a very

0:25:36.240 --> 0:25:39.520
<v Speaker 6>different way than it will impact men. And I think

0:25:39.560 --> 0:25:44.320
<v Speaker 6>she was worried about writing rights into the Constitution that

0:25:44.520 --> 0:25:49.399
<v Speaker 6>weren't written and therefore could potentially be overturned by a

0:25:49.440 --> 0:25:50.080
<v Speaker 6>future court.

0:25:50.680 --> 0:25:53.240
<v Speaker 2>Is that why she was a critic of Roe.

0:25:53.720 --> 0:25:56.800
<v Speaker 6>I think that Jessice Ginsberg was a critic of Roe

0:25:56.880 --> 0:25:59.879
<v Speaker 6>in part because she thought that this was cleaner and

0:26:00.280 --> 0:26:04.120
<v Speaker 6>more legally elegant not to ever put words in her

0:26:04.160 --> 0:26:07.439
<v Speaker 6>mouth as an equal protection cause analysis saying this is

0:26:07.520 --> 0:26:11.600
<v Speaker 6>really amounts to gender discrimination when you limit or ban abortions.

0:26:11.720 --> 0:26:15.240
<v Speaker 6>I think part of it was that Justice Ginsberg was

0:26:15.280 --> 0:26:18.679
<v Speaker 6>somebody who, when she looked at women's rights, understood that

0:26:18.720 --> 0:26:22.000
<v Speaker 6>we needed to move incrementally. And I think some of

0:26:22.040 --> 0:26:25.399
<v Speaker 6>her writing and some of her speeches indicate that she

0:26:25.600 --> 0:26:29.280
<v Speaker 6>thought maybe we needed to move more slowly when it

0:26:29.320 --> 0:26:32.320
<v Speaker 6>comes to finding a constitutional right to obtain an abortion.

0:26:32.880 --> 0:26:36.160
<v Speaker 6>Not because she personally didn't believe in that or didn't

0:26:36.200 --> 0:26:39.159
<v Speaker 6>believe that it was legally correct, but that she worried

0:26:39.200 --> 0:26:42.639
<v Speaker 6>about the court and a gap between the court and

0:26:42.680 --> 0:26:43.400
<v Speaker 6>public opinion.

0:26:44.280 --> 0:26:48.040
<v Speaker 2>And now we have the Pennsylvania Supreme Court tell us

0:26:48.080 --> 0:26:52.400
<v Speaker 2>about the decision on the state law banning the use

0:26:52.600 --> 0:26:54.760
<v Speaker 2>of medicaid funds for abortions.

0:26:55.760 --> 0:26:59.280
<v Speaker 6>So this is a case that's fascinating where we see

0:26:59.400 --> 0:27:03.919
<v Speaker 6>now the question largely about abortion rights is going back

0:27:04.080 --> 0:27:07.080
<v Speaker 6>to states, and in this case, the state Supreme Court.

0:27:07.560 --> 0:27:11.120
<v Speaker 6>And this is a state Supreme Court that isn't looking

0:27:11.200 --> 0:27:15.800
<v Speaker 6>directly at that state's equal protection clause, but is instead

0:27:15.880 --> 0:27:19.720
<v Speaker 6>looking at that state's equal rights amendments. Now, I think

0:27:19.760 --> 0:27:23.480
<v Speaker 6>that's worth noting, but it's also worth noting that the court,

0:27:23.520 --> 0:27:26.880
<v Speaker 6>in my view, kind of got very close to talking

0:27:27.000 --> 0:27:31.840
<v Speaker 6>directly about that state constitution in the equal protection clause.

0:27:32.359 --> 0:27:38.159
<v Speaker 6>But essentially, I read that State Supreme Court decision as saying,

0:27:38.560 --> 0:27:42.680
<v Speaker 6>when we look at restrictions on abortions in this case,

0:27:42.720 --> 0:27:46.560
<v Speaker 6>you cannot use government funds to obtain an abortion, we

0:27:46.680 --> 0:27:50.440
<v Speaker 6>have to acknowledge that the impact is falling on gender lines.

0:27:51.000 --> 0:27:55.480
<v Speaker 6>The court also acknowledge that you are treating certain women

0:27:55.880 --> 0:27:59.200
<v Speaker 6>women who want to end a pregnancy as different from

0:27:59.240 --> 0:28:01.840
<v Speaker 6>those who want to care continue a pregnancy, where the

0:28:01.880 --> 0:28:05.040
<v Speaker 6>women who want an end of pregnancy get no funding

0:28:05.080 --> 0:28:07.679
<v Speaker 6>from the government, but those who want to continue and

0:28:07.880 --> 0:28:11.560
<v Speaker 6>carry a child to term do get funding from the government.

0:28:11.680 --> 0:28:16.960
<v Speaker 6>So they saw different places where the government is treating

0:28:17.240 --> 0:28:21.560
<v Speaker 6>arguably similarly situated people differently, and that is what gives

0:28:21.680 --> 0:28:24.000
<v Speaker 6>rise to this the quality question.

0:28:24.440 --> 0:28:28.720
<v Speaker 2>And you think it's a much cleaner argument, Well, I think.

0:28:28.640 --> 0:28:32.680
<v Speaker 6>The argument when it comes to substance who due process

0:28:32.800 --> 0:28:35.840
<v Speaker 6>on the federal level is obviously done for now. The

0:28:35.920 --> 0:28:40.920
<v Speaker 6>Supreme Court said indabbs in no uncertain terms that there

0:28:41.000 --> 0:28:44.240
<v Speaker 6>is no constitutionally protected rights to an abortion under the

0:28:44.240 --> 0:28:48.360
<v Speaker 6>federal constitution. Now, there are some states that could look

0:28:48.480 --> 0:28:53.920
<v Speaker 6>at their states to process clauses and decide that abortion

0:28:54.120 --> 0:28:59.200
<v Speaker 6>is protected. But I think the equality argument does have

0:28:59.280 --> 0:29:01.920
<v Speaker 6>a lot of a peace you'll legally speaking, now there's

0:29:01.960 --> 0:29:04.240
<v Speaker 6>still questions that you need to look at. You still

0:29:04.280 --> 0:29:07.120
<v Speaker 6>need to look at how different state if and when

0:29:07.160 --> 0:29:11.360
<v Speaker 6>they have equal rights amendments the specific wording. You still

0:29:11.400 --> 0:29:14.000
<v Speaker 6>have to look at the equal protection clause state by

0:29:14.080 --> 0:29:19.360
<v Speaker 6>state in those states constitutions and figure out if in fact,

0:29:19.920 --> 0:29:23.960
<v Speaker 6>we're going to say a restriction on abortion amount to

0:29:24.680 --> 0:29:29.320
<v Speaker 6>gender based discrimination. So it's not that we're absolutely there,

0:29:29.600 --> 0:29:32.760
<v Speaker 6>it's that there's a new framework that at least the

0:29:32.760 --> 0:29:36.480
<v Speaker 6>Pennsylvania Supreme Court is looking at. And then I think

0:29:36.520 --> 0:29:40.600
<v Speaker 6>offers hope for those who do want legal protections for

0:29:40.880 --> 0:29:43.080
<v Speaker 6>women in their ability to obtain abortions.

0:29:43.520 --> 0:29:46.160
<v Speaker 2>This could work in some of the states. Could it

0:29:46.240 --> 0:29:47.560
<v Speaker 2>work federally as well?

0:29:48.040 --> 0:29:51.160
<v Speaker 6>So I believe it could work federally if we want

0:29:51.240 --> 0:29:54.680
<v Speaker 6>to change our paradigm. And again, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court

0:29:54.680 --> 0:29:56.840
<v Speaker 6>looking at the state Equal Rights Amendment, But if we

0:29:56.880 --> 0:29:59.840
<v Speaker 6>want to make this conversation broader, and if we want

0:29:59.880 --> 0:30:05.120
<v Speaker 6>to look at restrictions on abortions as discrimination based on gender,

0:30:05.360 --> 0:30:08.160
<v Speaker 6>then that is a conversation that we can have under

0:30:08.160 --> 0:30:11.760
<v Speaker 6>the Equal Rights Amendment. Now, it would take the Supreme

0:30:11.840 --> 0:30:16.600
<v Speaker 6>Court using a different strategy and espousing a different task

0:30:16.680 --> 0:30:20.080
<v Speaker 6>than it otherwise has. This is not a theory that

0:30:20.120 --> 0:30:24.240
<v Speaker 6>the Supreme Court has ever previously espoused. But I think

0:30:24.320 --> 0:30:28.920
<v Speaker 6>that you could say, again, because the vast majority of

0:30:28.960 --> 0:30:32.960
<v Speaker 6>people who speak an abortion are women. There are some transmen,

0:30:33.400 --> 0:30:37.800
<v Speaker 6>but we're talking about disparate impact here. Then if you're

0:30:37.840 --> 0:30:41.160
<v Speaker 6>looking at the Court's current jurisprudence. What you need to

0:30:41.360 --> 0:30:46.080
<v Speaker 6>ask is about discriminatory intent. That's a difficult threshold, But

0:30:46.160 --> 0:30:49.800
<v Speaker 6>I think that this is a legal framework that could

0:30:49.840 --> 0:30:51.440
<v Speaker 6>be employed on the federal level.

0:30:52.120 --> 0:30:53.920
<v Speaker 2>How would that work on the ground. You'd have to

0:30:53.960 --> 0:30:59.240
<v Speaker 2>have a case where someone challenges an abortion restriction based

0:30:59.280 --> 0:31:02.000
<v Speaker 2>on the equal protection.

0:31:01.760 --> 0:31:06.840
<v Speaker 6>Argument exactly, and then that case has to move up

0:31:06.880 --> 0:31:09.720
<v Speaker 6>the system. The Supreme Court has to decide to take

0:31:09.760 --> 0:31:13.360
<v Speaker 6>that case, which I frankly think is not likely. The

0:31:13.400 --> 0:31:17.280
<v Speaker 6>Supreme Court in Dobbs already said basically, now we're done,

0:31:17.360 --> 0:31:20.320
<v Speaker 6>We're not deciding more abortion cases, and of course that

0:31:20.600 --> 0:31:23.800
<v Speaker 6>is not true at all. The Court is looking at

0:31:24.000 --> 0:31:26.040
<v Speaker 6>midf for Priston, but they're also looking at a case

0:31:26.200 --> 0:31:29.000
<v Speaker 6>dealing with whether or not there's a federal statute that

0:31:29.240 --> 0:31:33.960
<v Speaker 6>requires people to obtain be able to obtain free emergency

0:31:34.040 --> 0:31:37.520
<v Speaker 6>treatment in emergency rooms, whether or not that applies to

0:31:37.640 --> 0:31:41.200
<v Speaker 6>women seeking abortions. So they're certainly not out of this question.

0:31:41.520 --> 0:31:46.480
<v Speaker 2>The Pennsylvania Supreme Court also attacked Justice Alito's reasoning in

0:31:46.720 --> 0:31:47.800
<v Speaker 2>the Dobbs decision.

0:31:48.400 --> 0:31:51.680
<v Speaker 6>Yes, what we saw from the Pennsylvania Supreme Court was

0:31:51.800 --> 0:31:57.640
<v Speaker 6>a strong rebuke of the US Supreme Court's majority opinion

0:31:57.720 --> 0:32:03.440
<v Speaker 6>in Dobbs, and what they really reminded us of, and

0:32:03.480 --> 0:32:06.200
<v Speaker 6>this was specifically in a concurrence as well, is that

0:32:06.240 --> 0:32:10.880
<v Speaker 6>when you're looking at history, there are often different lenses

0:32:10.920 --> 0:32:13.800
<v Speaker 6>through which you can look at history. And part of

0:32:13.880 --> 0:32:18.440
<v Speaker 6>the problem I think in grounding constitutional rights based on

0:32:18.880 --> 0:32:22.560
<v Speaker 6>the time that either the Constitution was ratified or an

0:32:22.560 --> 0:32:26.000
<v Speaker 6>amendment was ratified, is that that was often a time

0:32:26.320 --> 0:32:32.400
<v Speaker 6>in society where we had gross inequality. So looking at,

0:32:32.680 --> 0:32:35.680
<v Speaker 6>for instance, the fourteenth Amendment and when that was added

0:32:35.720 --> 0:32:40.560
<v Speaker 6>to the Constitution and asking at that moment whether or

0:32:40.600 --> 0:32:45.640
<v Speaker 6>not abortions were legal, I think is problematic because it

0:32:46.160 --> 0:32:51.640
<v Speaker 6>has the effect of kind entrenching inequality. It has the

0:32:51.680 --> 0:32:54.560
<v Speaker 6>effect of saying, let's locate this right at a time

0:32:54.680 --> 0:32:59.400
<v Speaker 6>when women, frankly were second class citizens, women couldn't vote.

0:32:59.640 --> 0:33:04.280
<v Speaker 6>I believe at the time spousal rape laws were rare,

0:33:04.560 --> 0:33:07.320
<v Speaker 6>or at the very least not the majority. I think

0:33:07.360 --> 0:33:10.360
<v Speaker 6>the answer is quite rare. But women were not full

0:33:10.400 --> 0:33:14.080
<v Speaker 6>participants in society, And so there's a problem when you

0:33:14.240 --> 0:33:18.320
<v Speaker 6>locate rights at a time when our society looked very different.

0:33:18.960 --> 0:33:22.040
<v Speaker 2>How do we get to this point where constitutional interpretation

0:33:22.320 --> 0:33:26.160
<v Speaker 2>means relying on tradition and history, going back to a

0:33:26.200 --> 0:33:28.920
<v Speaker 2>time when society was so different. I mean, look at

0:33:28.920 --> 0:33:33.120
<v Speaker 2>the Second Amendment cases where they're comparing modern weapons to weapons,

0:33:33.120 --> 0:33:34.800
<v Speaker 2>you know, back in the eighteen hundreds.

0:33:35.160 --> 0:33:39.760
<v Speaker 6>Well, I think people who are originalists or constructionists, what

0:33:39.960 --> 0:33:43.600
<v Speaker 6>they would say is I'm a judge, not a lawmaker,

0:33:43.880 --> 0:33:48.280
<v Speaker 6>and I'm interpreting what provisions of the Constitution mean, and

0:33:48.400 --> 0:33:51.280
<v Speaker 6>it's not up to me to say what I think

0:33:51.360 --> 0:33:55.479
<v Speaker 6>is wise or unwise. I don't make policy. I just

0:33:55.680 --> 0:33:59.280
<v Speaker 6>apply the facts of cases to existing laws, and I

0:33:59.360 --> 0:34:03.400
<v Speaker 6>helped to inter for those laws. And I think proponents

0:34:03.440 --> 0:34:05.920
<v Speaker 6>of originalism would say it's the only way to make

0:34:06.000 --> 0:34:10.040
<v Speaker 6>sure that we don't have judicial activism, that we just

0:34:10.160 --> 0:34:13.240
<v Speaker 6>need to look at the time that the Second Amendment

0:34:13.280 --> 0:34:16.520
<v Speaker 6>was ratified or the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified and figure

0:34:16.560 --> 0:34:22.920
<v Speaker 6>out what was allowed and or prohibited at that time. Now,

0:34:23.400 --> 0:34:26.560
<v Speaker 6>obviously those who are proponents of originalism, I'm sure would

0:34:26.560 --> 0:34:30.200
<v Speaker 6>say much more than I just said, But it is

0:34:30.239 --> 0:34:34.239
<v Speaker 6>certainly a judicial philosophy that I think has now been

0:34:34.360 --> 0:34:37.440
<v Speaker 6>espoused by a majority of the Supreme Court. And again,

0:34:37.520 --> 0:34:40.560
<v Speaker 6>what people what supporters would say is I'm not somebody

0:34:40.600 --> 0:34:44.520
<v Speaker 6>who's elected. I'm the furthest away as a judge from

0:34:44.600 --> 0:34:47.920
<v Speaker 6>we the people, and so I shouldn't be acting as

0:34:47.960 --> 0:34:51.920
<v Speaker 6>a super legislator. I should be acting as somebody in chief,

0:34:52.080 --> 0:34:55.080
<v Speaker 6>Justice Roberts Words, who just calls balls and strikes. And

0:34:55.120 --> 0:34:57.600
<v Speaker 6>the only way I can do that is just looking

0:34:57.760 --> 0:35:01.759
<v Speaker 6>at the plain language of these when they were adopted.

0:35:02.520 --> 0:35:06.600
<v Speaker 2>I remember when the late Justice Antonin Scalia and Justice

0:35:06.640 --> 0:35:11.759
<v Speaker 2>Stephen Breyer used to debate Originalism versus the living Constitution,

0:35:12.440 --> 0:35:16.560
<v Speaker 2>and it appears the living Constitution has lost. Thanks so much, Jessica.

0:35:16.960 --> 0:35:20.919
<v Speaker 2>That's Professor Jessica Levinson of Loyola Law School. And that's

0:35:20.960 --> 0:35:23.399
<v Speaker 2>it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. I'm

0:35:23.480 --> 0:35:26.640
<v Speaker 2>June Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg. And that's it

0:35:26.680 --> 0:35:29.640
<v Speaker 2>for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Podcast. Remember you

0:35:29.640 --> 0:35:32.360
<v Speaker 2>can always get the latest legal news by subscribing and

0:35:32.440 --> 0:35:36.000
<v Speaker 2>listening to the show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at

0:35:36.000 --> 0:35:40.320
<v Speaker 2>Bloomberg dot com, Slash podcast, Slash Law. I'm June Grosso,

0:35:40.520 --> 0:35:42.000
<v Speaker 2>and this is Bloomberg