WEBVTT - Is the U.S. Bankruptcy Code Racist?

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>And the protests of racial inequality have been heard from Kenosha,

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<v Speaker 1>Wisconsin to Rochester, New York. And the economic impacts of

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<v Speaker 1>COVID nineteen, from job losses to business closures, have disproportionately

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<v Speaker 1>affected Black Americans as much as the virus itself has.

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<v Speaker 1>Even the last resort, the lifeline of bankruptcy, may not

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<v Speaker 1>be equipped to give black debtors a fresh start. My

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<v Speaker 1>guest is Michelle Dickerson, a professor at the University of

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<v Speaker 1>Texas at Austin Law School and an early researcher on

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<v Speaker 1>race and bankruptcy. Michelle, dozens of academic studies show that

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<v Speaker 1>Blacks file for bankruptcy more than any other racial group,

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<v Speaker 1>yet get less permanent relief. Can you explore there are

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<v Speaker 1>a number of reasons why that may be happening. The

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<v Speaker 1>reason I phrase the answer that way is because the

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<v Speaker 1>studies themselves weren't able to pinpoint exactly why that is occurring.

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<v Speaker 1>But one thing that we're seeing painfully during COVID right

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<v Speaker 1>now is that Blacks in this country for a whole

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<v Speaker 1>host of reasons, meaning because of systemic racism, profile worth

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<v Speaker 1>financially lower savings rates, lower household income, higher students loans rates,

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<v Speaker 1>so it's not terribly surprising that blacks would have higher

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<v Speaker 1>filing rates. One of the academic studies a few years

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<v Speaker 1>ago suggested that blacks were being steered into Chapter thirteen,

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<v Speaker 1>which is a bankruptcy plan where you repay your bills

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<v Speaker 1>or like some of your bills over a five year period,

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<v Speaker 1>as opposed to Chapter seven, which is a much quicker

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<v Speaker 1>and easier process, so to the extent that blacks profile

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<v Speaker 1>as more financially fragile, and then they pushed into chapter

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<v Speaker 1>thirteen and told try to repay your bills. That would explain,

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<v Speaker 1>at least for me, why you have more blacks filings

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<v Speaker 1>but fewer blacks actually getting the release that bankruptcy is

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<v Speaker 1>in series supposed to provide. Why do you think blacks

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<v Speaker 1>are being steered to chapter thirteen if chapter seven would

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<v Speaker 1>work better for them? Again, I'll say that the studies

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<v Speaker 1>were not able to say why. Lots of theories, and

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<v Speaker 1>again they're just series. One theory could be that the

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<v Speaker 1>bankruptcy professionals, whether we're talking about lawyers or trustees or judges,

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<v Speaker 1>may have concluded that somehow chapter thirteen is better for

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<v Speaker 1>blacks the chapter seven. That makes no sense because, at

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<v Speaker 1>least for the academic studies, the one that was done

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<v Speaker 1>about five or six years ago actually probably closer to ten. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>it certainly seemed as if whites were being steered away

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<v Speaker 1>from chapter thirteen and two chapter seven, whereas blacks were

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<v Speaker 1>being steered two chapter thirteen and away from chapter seven.

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<v Speaker 1>Whether racial biases are playing a role, we don't know,

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<v Speaker 1>at least we don't know from the studies, but it

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<v Speaker 1>is hard to imagine why it would be deemed better

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<v Speaker 1>for blacks to attempt to repay their bills but not

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<v Speaker 1>for whites to attempt to repay their bills. So, for

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<v Speaker 1>those who are not in the know, would you explain

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<v Speaker 1>a little more about the differences between chapter thirteen and

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<v Speaker 1>chapter seven and why more people actually get out of

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<v Speaker 1>bankruptcy with chapter seven. Yeah, chapter seven is a much

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<v Speaker 1>quicker process to sort of, you know, phrase the colloquially.

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<v Speaker 1>This is not what the bankruptcy Code says, but essentially

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<v Speaker 1>the debtor says, Look, I don't have much property that

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<v Speaker 1>I'm trying to keep. I want this to be a

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<v Speaker 1>quick and simple process. Here's the little property that you

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<v Speaker 1>are allowed to get as creditors that the code says

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<v Speaker 1>I don't get to keep. Take a little amount that

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<v Speaker 1>you're allowed to get creditors, and discharge my debt. So

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<v Speaker 1>it's a quick process. In contrast, Chapter thirteen, even if

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<v Speaker 1>it is successful and the success rates are not great

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<v Speaker 1>in terms of the number of people that actually make

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<v Speaker 1>all of the payments over five year periods. But Chapter

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<v Speaker 1>thirteen can last for up to five years. That's a

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<v Speaker 1>very different process and a very different thing also psychologically,

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<v Speaker 1>because effectively, in Chapter thirteen, you have to be able

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<v Speaker 1>to get I am going to be able to repay

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<v Speaker 1>a certain percentage of my bill over up five year period,

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<v Speaker 1>not knowing that am I going to have the same

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<v Speaker 1>jobs in five years? I mean, imagine if people had

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<v Speaker 1>entered into a Chapter thirteen plan in November of nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>only to have COVID hit and they lose their jobs. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>COVID obviously is sort of the once in a lifetime

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<v Speaker 1>at least we cope economic and health pandemic. But for

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<v Speaker 1>lots of people blacks and other sort of middle income,

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<v Speaker 1>lower income workers, there isn't great stability in terms of

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<v Speaker 1>their employment So the notion that you can commit right

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<v Speaker 1>now that you know you're going to be able to

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<v Speaker 1>make a certain amount of plan payments over the next

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<v Speaker 1>five years is given our current economic climate, an unrealistic expectations.

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<v Speaker 1>There's been a lot of talk about systemic racism in

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<v Speaker 1>the justice system. Is there a racist element in the

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<v Speaker 1>US Bankruptcy Code? Intentional? No, But if you look at

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<v Speaker 1>the way the code is structured for human beings that

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<v Speaker 1>follow for bankruptcy, there are clear biases, and it's just

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<v Speaker 1>so happens that those biases favor a certain profile, which

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<v Speaker 1>I have called in the past the ideal debtor. So,

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<v Speaker 1>if you are a homeowner and you want to be

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<v Speaker 1>able to restructure your debts to keep your home, bankruptcy

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<v Speaker 1>is a good thing. Well, when you look at the

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<v Speaker 1>differences in the home ownership rate for white, blacks and Latinos,

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<v Speaker 1>that favors white because white are more likely to own

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<v Speaker 1>homes than blacks and Latinos. If you look at other

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<v Speaker 1>things like the type of property that you're allowed to keep,

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<v Speaker 1>intangible property like a retirement of pension, well, if you

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<v Speaker 1>look at the pension participation rates, Whites are disproportionately likely

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<v Speaker 1>to have both an employer provided pension and also private

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<v Speaker 1>saving through an i RA. So the code has this

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<v Speaker 1>model of who they think the debtor is that is

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<v Speaker 1>deserving of protection in bankruptcy, and when they created the

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<v Speaker 1>provisions to protect certain types of debtors, a certain debtor

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<v Speaker 1>was in mind, and that debtor is not a typical

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<v Speaker 1>Black or Latino America. There's been a lot of news

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<v Speaker 1>about how COVID nineteen has disproportionately hit the black community

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<v Speaker 1>as far as number of cases, but it's also hit

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<v Speaker 1>the black community more harshly than whites economically. So during

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<v Speaker 1>the pandemic, of black owned business is closed compared to

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen percent of white owned businesses. How do you account

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<v Speaker 1>for that that's a huge difference. Well, one thing, and

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<v Speaker 1>this isn't sort of a bankruptcy results, but one thing

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<v Speaker 1>that happened is when at the very beginning of the

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<v Speaker 1>p P P Blane program, there were lots of problems

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<v Speaker 1>as we all painfully saw a play out, certainly in

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<v Speaker 1>the media. And if you're a small um sort of

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<v Speaker 1>mom and pop are so propriet to black business and

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<v Speaker 1>you don't and you didn't have a longstanding relationship with

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<v Speaker 1>the lender, it was highly unlikely that you were going

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<v Speaker 1>to get one of those loans. They tried to fix

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<v Speaker 1>some of those problems in the second waves of the

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<v Speaker 1>p PP loans, but the simple reality is that if

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<v Speaker 1>you are someone that isn't being favored by a lender,

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<v Speaker 1>and you weren't favored by a lender pre COVID, then

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<v Speaker 1>it was going to be hard for you to get

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<v Speaker 1>those loans. And also, uh, there there are some studies

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<v Speaker 1>out there that indicate that black businesses in general, notwithstanding

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<v Speaker 1>all of the anti discrimination laws, have a harder time

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<v Speaker 1>getting access to capital and particularly to low interest rate blows.

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<v Speaker 1>So I was surprised to learn that personal bankruptcy filings

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<v Speaker 1>have dropped rather than spiked during the pandemic. A big

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<v Speaker 1>drop of is that because people aren't getting to their

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<v Speaker 1>lawyer's offices or is there you know a reason why

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<v Speaker 1>bankruptcy filings would have dropped? Will There would be a

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<v Speaker 1>host of reasons, and again I'm somewhat speculating. First, you

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<v Speaker 1>can't get to your lawyer's office. Second, your lawyer's offices

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<v Speaker 1>or lawyer's offices are backed up um But third, to

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<v Speaker 1>the extent that someone is going to fill for Chapter

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<v Speaker 1>thirteen and they have no income. There's really no reason

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<v Speaker 1>to propose a plan when you know that you don't

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<v Speaker 1>have a job and you won't be able to propose

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<v Speaker 1>any planned payments. So, I mean, it could be a

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<v Speaker 1>sort of a whole range of reasons why people haven't filed.

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<v Speaker 1>It doesn't mean, of course, that there is not economic

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<v Speaker 1>desperation that's out there. Um. And the other thing I

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<v Speaker 1>would add is for some of those folks, that could

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<v Speaker 1>also be that they have filed in the last few

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<v Speaker 1>years and therefore they're not eligible to refile. But it

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<v Speaker 1>is sort of a bit um. It seems to be

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<v Speaker 1>a bit of a disconnect that we're in this horrendous

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<v Speaker 1>economic crisis and yet bankruptcy filings are down. I will

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<v Speaker 1>be surprised if they remain low, but it is a

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<v Speaker 1>bit shocking that they're still long now. There was some

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<v Speaker 1>relief for those already in Chapter thirteen from the Cares Act.

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<v Speaker 1>They allowed you to modify your plans, extend the time

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<v Speaker 1>of your Chapter thirteen bankruptcy things like that. Was there

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<v Speaker 1>enough relief so to the extent that you're going to

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<v Speaker 1>extend and you have no income, the extension really doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>help you and also one of the things that I

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<v Speaker 1>have said repeatedly is bankruptcy works. Well, if you have

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<v Speaker 1>sort of a one off problem, you know, you have

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<v Speaker 1>an unexpected financial catastrophe and you can't afford to pay it,

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<v Speaker 1>you file for bankruptcy, you're able to get that discharge.

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<v Speaker 1>The problem that we're seeing now with America, certainly the

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<v Speaker 1>middle class and also to some extent our lower income

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<v Speaker 1>workers as well, is there is instability. And so even

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<v Speaker 1>if you get an extension or if you're told you

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<v Speaker 1>can file for bankruptcy, if you don't know that you

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<v Speaker 1>are going to have any income to repay any bills

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<v Speaker 1>Interchapter thirteen plans, there's no reason to file. And again,

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<v Speaker 1>as I said earlier, the extension doesn't help you if

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<v Speaker 1>you have no income to pay. Are there any solutions

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<v Speaker 1>to help make bankruptcy a better prospect for black debtors. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I've been on a pair for the last couple of years.

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<v Speaker 1>One of the things that we don't know in bankruptcy

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<v Speaker 1>is anything about race because they're not required to collect

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<v Speaker 1>that data. And so the academic studies have been terrific,

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<v Speaker 1>but these are professors who went about to collect the data.

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<v Speaker 1>There's absolutely no reason that the Administrative office can't say

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<v Speaker 1>that bankruptcy courts, you know, as part of filing for bankruptcy,

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<v Speaker 1>we need to have information about race because it's hard

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<v Speaker 1>to figure out exactly what's going on in bankruptcy. If

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<v Speaker 1>we're not keeping track of what's going on in bankruptcy,

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<v Speaker 1>and so we want to know what's going on with

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<v Speaker 1>respect to race, then we need to count it. And

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<v Speaker 1>for example, if we then see that, you know, blacks

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<v Speaker 1>are disproportionately you know, three times, it's like that I'm

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<v Speaker 1>just making up a number here three times, it's likely

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<v Speaker 1>to be pushed into a more expensive, longer term Chapter

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<v Speaker 1>thirteen than to be pushed into a shorter, cheaper Chapter seven.

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<v Speaker 1>We can then go about asking the trustees officers, to judges,

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<v Speaker 1>the lawyers, why are you doing this? But one of

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<v Speaker 1>the problems that we have right now is we don't

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<v Speaker 1>have comprehensive data. That was another surprise, because it seems

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<v Speaker 1>like every form you fill out, any official form, they

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<v Speaker 1>ask about your race or ethnicity. So it's kind of

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<v Speaker 1>odd that they don't ask that in the bankruptcy court.

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<v Speaker 1>You can say, odd, I hope it is not intentional,

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<v Speaker 1>but certainly when we see what's going on now with

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<v Speaker 1>the census, and you know, ending things early in the

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<v Speaker 1>potential of an undercount. One wonders if no one wants

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<v Speaker 1>to see the data. But there's absolutely no reason. You're right.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean every time we see out of perform about

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<v Speaker 1>almost anything there as you know what, gender, which race,

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<v Speaker 1>but not in bankruptcy. Thanks for being on the Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>Laws shell. Michelle. That's Michelle Dickerson, a professor of bankruptcy

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<v Speaker 1>law at the University of Texas at Austin Law School.

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<v Speaker 1>What would a president Biden mean for employers and employees,

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<v Speaker 1>at least according to his policy initiatives, Well, if you

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<v Speaker 1>live in California, you may already have a notion of

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<v Speaker 1>what the legal landscape is likely to be. Joining me

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<v Speaker 1>is employment law expert Amphony on c, a partner at

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<v Speaker 1>Proscouer Rose give us an overview. Will change as in

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<v Speaker 1>the Biden administration in employment laws benefit employers or employees?

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<v Speaker 1>I think the changes that are proposed will overwhelmingly benefit

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<v Speaker 1>employees and in particular labor unions. Many of the proposals

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<v Speaker 1>fulfill a wish list that organized labor has had for

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<v Speaker 1>many years. Indeed, in some cases decades, all of which

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<v Speaker 1>are addressed in some way or another by the Biden proposals.

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<v Speaker 1>So I guess by indirect association, employees will be benefited

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<v Speaker 1>by that, but principally labor unions will be assisted and

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<v Speaker 1>aided by much of the legislation that is proposed by

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<v Speaker 1>the prospective Biden administration. Unions have been losing power for years,

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<v Speaker 1>even as if freeing court has added to their woes.

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<v Speaker 1>Is it even possible to dial that back? Well, that's

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<v Speaker 1>really what much of this legislation looks like. It appears

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<v Speaker 1>to be a rearguard action on the part of labor

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<v Speaker 1>unions to try to at least hold on to the

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<v Speaker 1>percentage of the workforce that they currently represent, and perhaps

0:15:20.920 --> 0:15:24.040
<v Speaker 1>even reverse the trend that has been going on since

0:15:24.200 --> 0:15:29.520
<v Speaker 1>nineteen fifties, which has seen consistent reductions in the number

0:15:29.680 --> 0:15:34.080
<v Speaker 1>and percentage of employees that are represented by labor unions.

0:15:34.160 --> 0:15:37.560
<v Speaker 1>We are in a situation today in the United States

0:15:37.640 --> 0:15:43.960
<v Speaker 1>where approximately ten percent of the workforce is unionized. That's

0:15:44.000 --> 0:15:49.520
<v Speaker 1>down from over in the and if you break down

0:15:49.520 --> 0:15:53.560
<v Speaker 1>that ten percent that exists today, that's only about six

0:15:54.640 --> 0:15:58.280
<v Speaker 1>of the private sector and approximately a third of the

0:15:58.320 --> 0:16:02.480
<v Speaker 1>public sector. So public employe unions are really quite robust

0:16:02.600 --> 0:16:06.640
<v Speaker 1>still in today's environment. But where unions have really lost

0:16:06.760 --> 0:16:11.320
<v Speaker 1>ground is among private sector employers. What do you see

0:16:11.320 --> 0:16:15.160
<v Speaker 1>as some of the most important changes that would directly

0:16:15.200 --> 0:16:19.080
<v Speaker 1>affect unions? Sort of job one, if you will. The

0:16:19.160 --> 0:16:21.920
<v Speaker 1>unions have been in effect. This was true in the

0:16:21.960 --> 0:16:24.200
<v Speaker 1>early years of the Obama administration. To try to get

0:16:24.240 --> 0:16:27.720
<v Speaker 1>this pass as well, something known as card check. The

0:16:27.760 --> 0:16:32.880
<v Speaker 1>proposed legislation sometimes goes by the acronym f E f

0:16:33.000 --> 0:16:36.000
<v Speaker 1>C A, which stands for the Employee Free Choice Act.

0:16:36.720 --> 0:16:38.920
<v Speaker 1>It's somewhat of an ironic name for it because really

0:16:38.960 --> 0:16:43.120
<v Speaker 1>what it does is it eliminates the need for elections

0:16:43.240 --> 0:16:46.920
<v Speaker 1>in unionization campaigns. Today, what we have is, if you

0:16:47.000 --> 0:16:52.760
<v Speaker 1>have a non unionized workforce, the union needs to qualify

0:16:52.880 --> 0:16:57.680
<v Speaker 1>to have an election, which is federally supervised and by

0:16:57.680 --> 0:17:00.680
<v Speaker 1>the National Relations Board, And of course a union wins

0:17:00.720 --> 0:17:04.800
<v Speaker 1>that election, the employer and the employees have union then

0:17:04.840 --> 0:17:07.560
<v Speaker 1>collect the bargaining takes place. The Employee Free Choice Act

0:17:07.760 --> 0:17:13.040
<v Speaker 1>approaches the situation somewhat differently. It allows union officials organizers

0:17:13.080 --> 0:17:18.760
<v Speaker 1>to get employees to sign cards without there being any election,

0:17:18.840 --> 0:17:22.800
<v Speaker 1>without there being any campaign and if the union can

0:17:22.840 --> 0:17:27.240
<v Speaker 1>get enough cards the majority of the workforce to sign

0:17:27.320 --> 0:17:30.240
<v Speaker 1>these cards. UH. And of course it's very difficult to

0:17:30.240 --> 0:17:34.480
<v Speaker 1>tell what the circumstance center which UH those cards are signed.

0:17:34.720 --> 0:17:36.639
<v Speaker 1>That there could be threats, there could be promises that

0:17:36.800 --> 0:17:40.679
<v Speaker 1>are unmonitored by the government, unmonitored by the employer. But

0:17:40.720 --> 0:17:44.800
<v Speaker 1>if if the union shows up with plus one of

0:17:44.920 --> 0:17:48.440
<v Speaker 1>those cards, the union exists at the union will then

0:17:48.480 --> 0:17:52.720
<v Speaker 1>be subject to collective bargaining with the employer and there

0:17:52.720 --> 0:17:55.040
<v Speaker 1>will be no election. So, although it's called the Employee

0:17:55.040 --> 0:17:58.520
<v Speaker 1>Free Choice Act BAC, employees will be deprived of the

0:17:58.680 --> 0:18:01.159
<v Speaker 1>right to have an election in the event that the

0:18:01.280 --> 0:18:05.879
<v Speaker 1>percent plus one cards are gotten by the union behind

0:18:05.880 --> 0:18:10.480
<v Speaker 1>the scenes. Usually, what about right to work? States? Will

0:18:10.520 --> 0:18:17.600
<v Speaker 1>that sept interfere. Most union policy involving collective bargaining rights, etcetera.

0:18:18.080 --> 0:18:23.480
<v Speaker 1>Exists on the federal level, but as a result of

0:18:24.480 --> 0:18:27.240
<v Speaker 1>along of the Taft partly Acts was passed in the

0:18:27.280 --> 0:18:32.400
<v Speaker 1>nineteen fifties. UH. There is the right for and has

0:18:32.520 --> 0:18:36.640
<v Speaker 1>been amended. There's the right for states to regulate some

0:18:36.840 --> 0:18:41.119
<v Speaker 1>of the aspects of this, and approximately twenty seven states

0:18:41.119 --> 0:18:43.560
<v Speaker 1>in the United States have what are called right to

0:18:43.600 --> 0:18:48.280
<v Speaker 1>work laws, and essentially what they do is they prohibit

0:18:48.640 --> 0:18:53.040
<v Speaker 1>so called union security clauses. Union security clauses say that

0:18:53.119 --> 0:18:56.720
<v Speaker 1>anybody who works and gets a job in this workplace,

0:18:56.720 --> 0:18:59.560
<v Speaker 1>whether they belong to union or not, must pay union dudes.

0:19:00.200 --> 0:19:03.120
<v Speaker 1>And in those states seven or so that have these

0:19:03.200 --> 0:19:05.960
<v Speaker 1>right to work laws, that kind of provision is illegal.

0:19:06.200 --> 0:19:09.320
<v Speaker 1>One of the proposals in the Biden Plan is to

0:19:09.760 --> 0:19:13.639
<v Speaker 1>make it illegal for states to have right to work laws,

0:19:13.680 --> 0:19:17.679
<v Speaker 1>meaning that these union security clauses will once again return

0:19:17.720 --> 0:19:20.400
<v Speaker 1>to all states, and that no state will be able

0:19:20.400 --> 0:19:24.879
<v Speaker 1>to have a different policy with respect to not recognizing

0:19:25.400 --> 0:19:28.399
<v Speaker 1>the obligation of an employee, whether he or she is

0:19:28.440 --> 0:19:31.080
<v Speaker 1>a member of the union or not, she who pay

0:19:31.240 --> 0:19:34.080
<v Speaker 1>union dues. And that will be obviously a significant impact,

0:19:34.359 --> 0:19:37.359
<v Speaker 1>primarily in the Midwest and in many southern states that

0:19:37.400 --> 0:19:40.119
<v Speaker 1>have these right to work laws. Diversity and inclusion in

0:19:40.160 --> 0:19:43.720
<v Speaker 1>the workplace have been issues for some time now. How

0:19:43.760 --> 0:19:48.560
<v Speaker 1>would a Biden administration promote those policies. It's interesting I

0:19:49.000 --> 0:19:53.159
<v Speaker 1>practice in California, and many of the proposals in the

0:19:53.200 --> 0:19:57.600
<v Speaker 1>Biden Plans come almost directly from the laws and the

0:19:57.720 --> 0:20:01.000
<v Speaker 1>policies that exist here in California. For that are or worse.

0:20:01.400 --> 0:20:06.159
<v Speaker 1>One of the primary tenets of the Biden Plan is

0:20:06.200 --> 0:20:09.919
<v Speaker 1>something called the Paychecks Fairness Act, which would enact on

0:20:10.000 --> 0:20:12.800
<v Speaker 1>the federal level for therefore would apply to all states,

0:20:13.040 --> 0:20:18.200
<v Speaker 1>a sort of supercharge bill that would address wage disparity

0:20:18.280 --> 0:20:21.320
<v Speaker 1>on the basis of sex. Both California and New York

0:20:21.359 --> 0:20:26.159
<v Speaker 1>already have fairly robust laws with respect to this issue,

0:20:26.880 --> 0:20:29.240
<v Speaker 1>and this would again federalize that so that it would

0:20:29.280 --> 0:20:33.240
<v Speaker 1>apply in all jurisdictions. What it would do, among other things,

0:20:33.400 --> 0:20:38.800
<v Speaker 1>is narrow the employer defenses that would exist for explaining

0:20:38.880 --> 0:20:43.359
<v Speaker 1>or trying to defend against who wage disparity claims. UH.

0:20:43.400 --> 0:20:48.479
<v Speaker 1>It would also restrict employers from preventing employees who might

0:20:48.520 --> 0:20:51.840
<v Speaker 1>otherwise discuss wage information. There are already our provisions about

0:20:51.840 --> 0:20:55.119
<v Speaker 1>that in some statutes, but this would elevate that so

0:20:55.160 --> 0:20:58.480
<v Speaker 1>that employees could discuss wage information among themselves. It would

0:20:58.520 --> 0:21:02.679
<v Speaker 1>increase civil penalties or employers that violate the provisions, and

0:21:02.800 --> 0:21:06.040
<v Speaker 1>also importantly, it would require employers to provide compensation data

0:21:06.080 --> 0:21:08.639
<v Speaker 1>to the e o C, which is the federal anti

0:21:08.640 --> 0:21:13.760
<v Speaker 1>discrimination agency. Employers would have to break down employee populations

0:21:13.760 --> 0:21:16.800
<v Speaker 1>by race, sex, and national origin. Again, many of the

0:21:16.920 --> 0:21:20.640
<v Speaker 1>aspects of that already exist in California and New York.

0:21:20.960 --> 0:21:26.800
<v Speaker 1>Another really major and important anti discrimination civil rights provision

0:21:26.880 --> 0:21:28.879
<v Speaker 1>is going to be called the Equality Act. And what

0:21:29.000 --> 0:21:31.000
<v Speaker 1>this would do with prohibit discrimination on the base of

0:21:31.040 --> 0:21:35.720
<v Speaker 1>sexual orientation or gender identity on the federal level. Now,

0:21:36.080 --> 0:21:39.439
<v Speaker 1>by the way, there is no statutory formulation on that topic.

0:21:39.520 --> 0:21:43.520
<v Speaker 1>Many many states already have anti discrimination provisions that touch

0:21:43.680 --> 0:21:47.080
<v Speaker 1>on sexual orientation and gender identity. But to some extent,

0:21:47.480 --> 0:21:51.680
<v Speaker 1>this proposed Act has been overtaken by events because we

0:21:51.800 --> 0:21:54.960
<v Speaker 1>know you've reported in past shows of the United States

0:21:54.960 --> 0:21:58.520
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court in June decided a case called bow Stock

0:21:58.920 --> 0:22:02.560
<v Speaker 1>versus Clayton County, Georgia. And in that case, the United

0:22:02.560 --> 0:22:08.160
<v Speaker 1>States Supreme Court decided by interpreting the existing statutory language

0:22:08.160 --> 0:22:12.520
<v Speaker 1>from titled Southern to include anti discrimination provisions that aren't

0:22:12.640 --> 0:22:16.440
<v Speaker 1>expressly stated in the statute. So, to some extent, the

0:22:16.480 --> 0:22:19.879
<v Speaker 1>Equality Act has become less of a major priority because

0:22:19.920 --> 0:22:21.879
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court has done a happy lifting on that

0:22:22.000 --> 0:22:27.120
<v Speaker 1>already by interpreting existing law to include anti discrimination provisions

0:22:27.160 --> 0:22:32.639
<v Speaker 1>based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Despite the CARES Act,

0:22:32.960 --> 0:22:36.400
<v Speaker 1>a lot of employees right now are having trouble with

0:22:36.600 --> 0:22:40.320
<v Speaker 1>paid sick and family leave during COVID nineteen, and there

0:22:40.320 --> 0:22:42.840
<v Speaker 1>have been a lot of lawsuits filed. How would the

0:22:42.880 --> 0:22:47.720
<v Speaker 1>Biden administration deal with those on a more permanent level.

0:22:48.440 --> 0:22:52.320
<v Speaker 1>There is another proposed piece of legislation called the Healthy

0:22:52.400 --> 0:22:57.080
<v Speaker 1>Families Act that would require employers to provide paid sickly,

0:22:57.520 --> 0:23:00.560
<v Speaker 1>which again is already mandatory and telep barn in many

0:23:00.560 --> 0:23:03.880
<v Speaker 1>other major cities in some other states. Specifically, the bill

0:23:03.920 --> 0:23:08.080
<v Speaker 1>would require that employers for fifteen or more employees would

0:23:08.119 --> 0:23:11.560
<v Speaker 1>need to provide paidsickly for employees to use for themselves

0:23:11.560 --> 0:23:14.159
<v Speaker 1>in their families, and they will earn it at a

0:23:14.240 --> 0:23:16.879
<v Speaker 1>rate of one hour of paid sickly for every thirty

0:23:16.880 --> 0:23:20.919
<v Speaker 1>hours worked. People require employers with fewer than fifteen employees

0:23:21.320 --> 0:23:25.000
<v Speaker 1>to write either that rate of paidsickly or at least

0:23:25.040 --> 0:23:28.680
<v Speaker 1>fifty six hours of unpaid sickly. So again, this would

0:23:28.760 --> 0:23:31.600
<v Speaker 1>federalize an initiative that already exists on a number of

0:23:31.760 --> 0:23:35.439
<v Speaker 1>statute books in the state and local levels. Changes in

0:23:35.560 --> 0:23:39.720
<v Speaker 1>technology will continue to eliminate jobs for many workers. You

0:23:39.720 --> 0:23:43.000
<v Speaker 1>don't want to stop progress, So how would Biden deal

0:23:43.080 --> 0:23:46.800
<v Speaker 1>with those kinds of changes? Among other things? If the

0:23:46.920 --> 0:23:49.840
<v Speaker 1>laws that are proposed and the policies that are proposed

0:23:49.840 --> 0:23:53.840
<v Speaker 1>by the potential by administration get passed. It would require

0:23:54.280 --> 0:23:57.959
<v Speaker 1>employers that receive federal funds to give employees notice of

0:23:57.960 --> 0:24:02.040
<v Speaker 1>technology changes in automation that might affect them. Biden would

0:24:02.080 --> 0:24:05.840
<v Speaker 1>also seek to claw back certain tax benefits and public

0:24:05.960 --> 0:24:10.320
<v Speaker 1>funding from companies that would offshore American jobs. Some of

0:24:10.320 --> 0:24:12.280
<v Speaker 1>these is not a great deal specificity about, but that

0:24:12.400 --> 0:24:16.640
<v Speaker 1>is something that clearly is contemplated as well. How much

0:24:16.680 --> 0:24:23.120
<v Speaker 1>are these proposals like what California already has in law, Well,

0:24:23.160 --> 0:24:25.919
<v Speaker 1>it's interesting. Some of them are provisions that have been

0:24:25.960 --> 0:24:28.240
<v Speaker 1>tried in that have failed for one reason or another.

0:24:28.280 --> 0:24:33.040
<v Speaker 1>For example, one of the important Democratic backed provisions, which

0:24:33.080 --> 0:24:37.639
<v Speaker 1>isn't specifically stated in the Biden proposals, but which he

0:24:37.720 --> 0:24:43.000
<v Speaker 1>presumably would be receptive to, involved the outlawing essentially of

0:24:43.320 --> 0:24:47.320
<v Speaker 1>arbitration agreements in the employment setting, as well as those

0:24:47.320 --> 0:24:50.600
<v Speaker 1>stuttings in some other contexts as well. But with respect

0:24:50.640 --> 0:24:54.800
<v Speaker 1>to employment, this means that employers and employees would no

0:24:54.880 --> 0:24:58.959
<v Speaker 1>longer be able to lawfully enter into arbitration agreements by

0:24:59.040 --> 0:25:02.560
<v Speaker 1>which beute that might be heard now in front of

0:25:02.560 --> 0:25:06.600
<v Speaker 1>an arbitrator involving discrimination, harassment, wrongful termination, or whatever it

0:25:06.640 --> 0:25:09.280
<v Speaker 1>may be, would have to be heard by a jury,

0:25:09.320 --> 0:25:12.320
<v Speaker 1>and of course that would result in a huge number

0:25:12.440 --> 0:25:15.560
<v Speaker 1>of increased claims being brought in front of juries all

0:25:15.560 --> 0:25:18.679
<v Speaker 1>over the country. I think that would significantly clawed courts.

0:25:18.880 --> 0:25:20.679
<v Speaker 1>But this has been again on the wish list, not

0:25:20.800 --> 0:25:22.960
<v Speaker 1>of unions in this case, but on the part of

0:25:22.960 --> 0:25:26.680
<v Speaker 1>the trial lawyers that represent employees, because they obviously would

0:25:26.760 --> 0:25:29.000
<v Speaker 1>much prefer to be in front of a jury in

0:25:29.080 --> 0:25:31.960
<v Speaker 1>most of these cases rather than in front of a

0:25:32.000 --> 0:25:37.720
<v Speaker 1>retired judge or senior employment law practitioner who typically populates

0:25:37.760 --> 0:25:41.000
<v Speaker 1>the arbitration ranks. And so one of the statutes that

0:25:41.080 --> 0:25:45.760
<v Speaker 1>has already passed the House and has support among Democrats

0:25:45.760 --> 0:25:50.040
<v Speaker 1>in the Senators something called the Forced Arbitration Injustice Repeal Act,

0:25:50.600 --> 0:25:53.240
<v Speaker 1>the Fair Act, And what that would do would make

0:25:53.400 --> 0:25:57.360
<v Speaker 1>pre dispute arbitration agreements illegal in California and everywhere else.

0:25:57.400 --> 0:26:00.840
<v Speaker 1>I say California, because we did pass a law a

0:26:00.920 --> 0:26:03.560
<v Speaker 1>year or so ago, as in New York, to do

0:26:03.680 --> 0:26:07.640
<v Speaker 1>the same thing to outlaw arbitration, but those provisions came

0:26:07.720 --> 0:26:11.119
<v Speaker 1>up against the federal law. The Federal Arbitration Act, and

0:26:11.160 --> 0:26:14.439
<v Speaker 1>in both instances, federal courts struck down those state laws.

0:26:14.760 --> 0:26:18.359
<v Speaker 1>So what this would do would federalize that rule, which

0:26:18.400 --> 0:26:20.640
<v Speaker 1>is that there would no longer be any arbitration between

0:26:20.680 --> 0:26:24.199
<v Speaker 1>employers and employees in these cases. Another major aspect of

0:26:24.320 --> 0:26:27.600
<v Speaker 1>what some travelers have been advocating for a long time

0:26:27.760 --> 0:26:32.359
<v Speaker 1>is the elimination of class action waivers, which can become

0:26:32.440 --> 0:26:36.200
<v Speaker 1>fairly commonplace in California and elsewhere. One of the things

0:26:36.200 --> 0:26:39.399
<v Speaker 1>that is usually a feature of an arbitration agreement is

0:26:39.440 --> 0:26:42.720
<v Speaker 1>a provision that states that the employee agrees not to

0:26:43.160 --> 0:26:46.560
<v Speaker 1>participate or lead a class action or a collective action

0:26:46.640 --> 0:26:50.119
<v Speaker 1>against the employer. The United States Supreme Court has determined

0:26:50.119 --> 0:26:53.240
<v Speaker 1>that those are legal. That rule would be repealed by

0:26:53.280 --> 0:26:57.280
<v Speaker 1>something called the Protecting the Right to Organize Act. One

0:26:57.320 --> 0:26:59.880
<v Speaker 1>of the provisions in that act states that class Act

0:27:00.080 --> 0:27:03.720
<v Speaker 1>waivers will no longer be enforceable, meaning that employees will

0:27:03.720 --> 0:27:06.639
<v Speaker 1>be free to cloud class actions against their employers and

0:27:06.840 --> 0:27:09.320
<v Speaker 1>to participate in such a class action. Thanks so much

0:27:09.320 --> 0:27:12.320
<v Speaker 1>for being on the Bloomberg Last Show, Tony, That's Anthony

0:27:12.359 --> 0:27:16.520
<v Speaker 1>on cd A partner Proskauer Rose. I'm June Grosso. Thanks

0:27:16.560 --> 0:27:19.120
<v Speaker 1>so much for listening. And please tune into The Bloomberg

0:27:19.160 --> 0:27:21.600
<v Speaker 1>Last Show every week night to ten pm Eastern on

0:27:21.680 --> 0:27:25.080
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Radio than