WEBVTT - Spotlight at Jan. 6 Hearings

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The January six Committee continues to build its case that

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<v Speaker 1>former President Donald Trump instigated the violence at the Capitol.

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<v Speaker 1>This week, we heard from Trump insiders like former Attorney

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<v Speaker 1>General William Barr that Trump was not interested in hearing

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<v Speaker 1>the facts about his false claims of election fraud. And

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<v Speaker 1>I went into this and would you know, tell them

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<v Speaker 1>how crazy some of these allegations were. There was never

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<v Speaker 1>there was never an indication of interest and what the

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<v Speaker 1>actual facts were. Attorney General Merrick Garland says he and

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<v Speaker 1>the Justice Department are listening to the hearings, but the

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<v Speaker 1>question is whether they'll act on them. Joining me as

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<v Speaker 1>former federal prosecutor Eli Hoenig, the Committee is obviously laying

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<v Speaker 1>out a roadmap for prosecuting former President Trump. Do you

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<v Speaker 1>think the evidence presented so far provides the basis for

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<v Speaker 1>potential criminal charges? So, jan let me say, first of all,

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<v Speaker 1>there's been a notable change in tone from the committee members.

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<v Speaker 1>If you think back a few weeks and months ago,

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<v Speaker 1>whenever they were asked about are you trying to encourage

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<v Speaker 1>or pressure prosecutors to bring charges, they would always sort

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<v Speaker 1>of demur. They would say, well, it's not up to us.

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<v Speaker 1>Now they are openly talking about illegality and conspiracy, so

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<v Speaker 1>there's no question to me that they're trying to send

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<v Speaker 1>a message here to prosecutors. Is there enough to prosecute,

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<v Speaker 1>that's a complicated question. I think that there is a

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<v Speaker 1>compelling foundation being laid that Donald Trump and others had

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<v Speaker 1>potentially criminal intent, and that the intent was to obstruct

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<v Speaker 1>Congress and potentially to defraud the United States. Not I

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<v Speaker 1>don't usually like to use so many hedge words potential, potential,

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<v Speaker 1>but let me tell you why I'm doing that. We

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<v Speaker 1>should not look at these committee hearings and assume that

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<v Speaker 1>everything we're seeing would translate over one to one to

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<v Speaker 1>a criminal prosecution, because there are two very different ball games,

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<v Speaker 1>and some of the evidence of the committee is playing

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<v Speaker 1>would not be admissible in a trial, and there's no

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<v Speaker 1>defense lawyers, there's no cross examination at the committee. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think we need to keep that in mind, that

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<v Speaker 1>this is sort of the committee having the floor all

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<v Speaker 1>to itself. But a criminal trial is very different. A

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<v Speaker 1>prosecutor has to prove the case beyond a reasonable doubt,

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<v Speaker 1>and of course the accused the defendant would have a

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<v Speaker 1>zealous defect. So I'm reluctant to draw a straight yes,

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<v Speaker 1>this can be prosecuted and convicted, just based on what

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<v Speaker 1>the committee has done so far. What are some of

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<v Speaker 1>the possible crimes that could be charged? Not saying that

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<v Speaker 1>they will be charged, but what are some of the

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<v Speaker 1>possible crimes you see? Well, I see three big ones

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<v Speaker 1>if we're talking about with respected Donald Trump or other

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<v Speaker 1>powerful people. The first one is conspiracy to defraud the

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<v Speaker 1>United States. Though normally that means to steal money from

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<v Speaker 1>the United States, but legally it does not have to

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<v Speaker 1>be a financial loss. It can be to deprive the

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<v Speaker 1>United States of a fair election. In fact, Robertmuller charged

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<v Speaker 1>some of the Russian nationals who interfered with the elections

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<v Speaker 1>under that theory. The second big one I see is

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<v Speaker 1>an attempt to obstruct an official proceeding. Here, the official

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<v Speaker 1>proceeding is the counting of the electoral votes by Congress,

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<v Speaker 1>and the argument would be that Trump or potentially this

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<v Speaker 1>lawyer John Eastman, had corrupt intent. They knew what they

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<v Speaker 1>were doing was wrong, and they still tried to block

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<v Speaker 1>essentially Mike Pencil counting the votes and then the third one,

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<v Speaker 1>the most dramatic charge, would be seditious conspiracy, which is

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<v Speaker 1>essentially the same thing as trying to obstruct a proceeding,

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<v Speaker 1>only with an element of use of force. So you

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<v Speaker 1>would need to tie the person to the physical force

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<v Speaker 1>that we've used to break into the Capitol. I don't

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<v Speaker 1>see any evidence establishing that link to Donald Trump at

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<v Speaker 1>the moment, but d o J has charged various members

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<v Speaker 1>and leaders of the Oath Keepers and Proud Boys with that,

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<v Speaker 1>and if you can show that anybody else was involved

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<v Speaker 1>with that use of force, then you can charge that

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<v Speaker 1>crime as well. Prosecutors, of course, have to believe that

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<v Speaker 1>they can prove their case to a jury beyond a

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<v Speaker 1>reasonable doubt. What else goes into a charging decision? That's

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<v Speaker 1>issue number one. You have to believe that you can

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<v Speaker 1>prove your case of a journy beyond a reasonable doubt.

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<v Speaker 1>You want to look at the equities of it. You

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<v Speaker 1>want to look at is this a fair and righteous prosecution?

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<v Speaker 1>And I think the big question here is how do

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<v Speaker 1>you take into account the fact that this is a

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<v Speaker 1>former president and an indictment of him will cause all

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<v Speaker 1>manner of protests and perhaps worse than that we've heard

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<v Speaker 1>Trump sort of rally his followers. If they indict me,

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to have some civil unrest. Um paraphrasing what

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<v Speaker 1>he said, you know, d O J internal guidance and

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<v Speaker 1>this is public tells prosecutors you're not to consider that

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<v Speaker 1>kind of thing. You're not to consider whether a person

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<v Speaker 1>is politically popular or unpopular in whether to charge them.

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<v Speaker 1>But I do think as a practical matter, June, I

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<v Speaker 1>assure you prosecutors are cognizant of the fact that if

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<v Speaker 1>they do charge Donald Trump, it will be unlike any

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<v Speaker 1>prosecution in prior the United States history, and it will

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<v Speaker 1>be uniquely fraught and uniquely difficult. Yeah, because we hear

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General Merrick Garland say over and over that you know,

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<v Speaker 1>will go wherever the evidence leads us. But if the

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<v Speaker 1>evidence does lead to Donald Trump, one wonders if they'll be,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, worry of breaking the norm against indicting former

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<v Speaker 1>presidents and also of the division that it will likely

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<v Speaker 1>cause in the country. Here's my response to what we've

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<v Speaker 1>seen from Marrick Arland. Two things I can say for sure.

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<v Speaker 1>Number One, this idea we're going to start at the

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<v Speaker 1>ground level and build up which he says over and over,

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<v Speaker 1>that's not really true. That's not really how good prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>build their cases. I can't tell you how many times

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<v Speaker 1>I had evidence that led me write to a powerful person.

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<v Speaker 1>I used to do mob cases. I had evidence where

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<v Speaker 1>I would go, Wow, okay, great, I have a shot

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<v Speaker 1>at the boss here, I have a shot at a

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<v Speaker 1>capo here. I wouldn't stop and go okay, hold on,

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<v Speaker 1>let me go start with the low level guys on

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<v Speaker 1>the street and see if I can put them, and

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<v Speaker 1>see if then I can flip those guys and get

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<v Speaker 1>back up to the top. So that, to me is

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<v Speaker 1>not really an accurate view of what good prosecutors do

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<v Speaker 1>or ought to do. The other thing that I think

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<v Speaker 1>is sort of indisputable about Merrick Arland. You know, there's

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of will here, won't he What I think

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<v Speaker 1>is beyond dispute is this is taking too long. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>we are a year and a half out from January

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<v Speaker 1>six at this point. Arland came in March, so he's

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<v Speaker 1>been there sixteen months at this point. But if this

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<v Speaker 1>is a crime by Donald Trump and others, it is

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<v Speaker 1>the greatest crime ever committed against our democracy and to

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<v Speaker 1>take this long and counting to charge it, I think

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<v Speaker 1>is not at all commensurate with the seriousness of the

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<v Speaker 1>crime that we're talking about, or of the ongoing threat.

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<v Speaker 1>And the thing is, if Garland doesn't charge this by

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<v Speaker 1>the end of the summer, d o J policy says

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<v Speaker 1>you don't charge a big political case within sixty days

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<v Speaker 1>or ninety days. People sort of vary on what the

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<v Speaker 1>number is before an election. So if we don't see

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<v Speaker 1>Merrick Garland charging Donald Trump or anyone around him by August,

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<v Speaker 1>and I don't think anyone realistically thinks that's going to happen.

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<v Speaker 1>Now we're talking end of early three. We're talking two

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<v Speaker 1>full years out, by which time Donald Trump they well

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<v Speaker 1>have declared his candidacy for four and if he does that,

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<v Speaker 1>he will be called immediately the prohibitive Republican front runner,

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<v Speaker 1>which I think makes it even more difficult as a

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<v Speaker 1>practical measure to charge it. Thanks Ellie. That's from our

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<v Speaker 1>federal prosecutor, Ellie Honing. The January six Committee explored former

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<v Speaker 1>Vice President Mike Pence's decision not to violate the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>by ignoring the votes of states offering fake or alternate

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<v Speaker 1>boards of electors. Pence's former general counsel, Greg Jacob, testified

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<v Speaker 1>that the Vice president was clear from the outset that

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<v Speaker 1>obeying Trump's wishes would have been unconstitutional the vice president's

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<v Speaker 1>first instinct on that point, there is no uh justifiable

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<v Speaker 1>basis to conclude that the vice president has that kind

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<v Speaker 1>of authority. Joining me is Bloomberg Law team leader Christopher

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<v Speaker 1>opfor Chris tell us about what happened to Greg Jacob

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<v Speaker 1>on January six. Sure, so, at the time, Jacob was

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<v Speaker 1>serving as chief council to Mike Pence, and of course

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<v Speaker 1>Pence and his top staffers were there at the Capitol

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<v Speaker 1>preparing to go through the imaginations of certifying the vote.

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<v Speaker 1>And at this point, certainly Pence and his staff, including Jacob,

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<v Speaker 1>were aware of the crowd gathering outside and were aware

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<v Speaker 1>of the back and forth, particularly from various Trump supporters

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<v Speaker 1>are urging Pence to do something to overturn the election results.

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<v Speaker 1>But it wasn't until Jacob went downstairs into the battles

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<v Speaker 1>of the Capitol with a couple of the staffiss to

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<v Speaker 1>actually get a cup of coffee that he heard, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the mob outside storming the Capitol. He literally heard glass

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<v Speaker 1>breaking and people filing in, and that's when he and

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<v Speaker 1>the others hustled back upstairs. They were ushered by Capitol

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<v Speaker 1>police and secret Service to the Senate floor at first,

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<v Speaker 1>and then they were taken to a secure location with Pence,

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<v Speaker 1>his wife, pence brother who's a Republican congressman, and others,

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<v Speaker 1>and they really hunkered down there for the next six

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<v Speaker 1>hours or so as the mob wineled in. So as

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<v Speaker 1>he was being shuffled from the Senate floor to the

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<v Speaker 1>secure location, Jacob fired off an email Eastman. And the

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<v Speaker 1>backstory there is that over the last two days leading

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<v Speaker 1>up to the Capitol, right on January six, he and

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<v Speaker 1>Eastman had been having this ongoing back and forth debating

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<v Speaker 1>the merits of Eastman's argument, in which Eastman was trying

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<v Speaker 1>to convince Pence to step in and overturn the election.

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<v Speaker 1>Those arguments had been rejected roundly. And once the mob

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<v Speaker 1>had had forced its way into the Capitol and Jacob

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<v Speaker 1>is being shuffled off first, he's fielding frantic text messages

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<v Speaker 1>from family members and his pastor about are you all right?

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<v Speaker 1>Are you say? He takes this moment to fire off

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<v Speaker 1>an email the Eastman which says something to the effect

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<v Speaker 1>that we are now under siege and this is all

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<v Speaker 1>thanks to your BIA. So how did he become Pence's

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<v Speaker 1>top lawyer? Since his background is employment benefits law. It's

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<v Speaker 1>a really unlikely story. It's not something that Jacob had

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<v Speaker 1>in mind for sure. Uh, certainly not when Trump and

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<v Speaker 1>Pence were elected, and not even you know, probably midway

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<v Speaker 1>into the four years of the Trump administration. He is

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<v Speaker 1>an employment lawyer by trade. He is an expert in RISSA,

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<v Speaker 1>which is this very wonky but also complicated and and

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<v Speaker 1>incredibly important federal law that governs employee pensioned plans, retirement benefits, etcetera.

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<v Speaker 1>He's been in and out of government in Republican administration.

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<v Speaker 1>He's had some top roles at the Labor Department. Earlier

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<v Speaker 1>in his career he had worked at the d J

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<v Speaker 1>in the Office of Legal Counsel, so he did have

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<v Speaker 1>some experience and expertise outside of the labor and employment world,

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<v Speaker 1>but that was certainly his bread and butter. And in fact, Jacob,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, once Trump was elected, had his eyes on

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<v Speaker 1>a return to the Labor Department and was really focused

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<v Speaker 1>there and for a number of reasons that fell through.

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<v Speaker 1>He had made some connections with the Pence folks, because

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<v Speaker 1>Jacob had been recruited by a b called the House,

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<v Speaker 1>who's a long time GOP lawyer to work on this

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<v Speaker 1>team that was actually vetting VP candidates for Trump, And

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<v Speaker 1>so that's how he had come into Pence his orbits

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<v Speaker 1>in the first place. Pence's long time chief council, a

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<v Speaker 1>guy named Matt Morgan, had decided he needed to go

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<v Speaker 1>back to Indiana for family reasons, and when they went

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<v Speaker 1>looking for somebody, it was suggested that they take a

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<v Speaker 1>look at Jacob. I mean so that although there was

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<v Speaker 1>some familiarity of this was not a guy who was

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<v Speaker 1>like a long time Pence guy, Pence supporter or anything

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<v Speaker 1>like that. But on the other hand, they really did

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<v Speaker 1>jibe pretty well. It sounds like, from from everyone involved,

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<v Speaker 1>sort of a similar worldview, very conservative, also a very

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<v Speaker 1>devout Christian, which of course Mike Pence in his family

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<v Speaker 1>are as well. Now what is his connection to eat.

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<v Speaker 1>It's interesting these are two guys that are sort of

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<v Speaker 1>cut from the same cloth in many ways. They went

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<v Speaker 1>to the same law school at different times. They've been

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<v Speaker 1>running in GOP lawyer circles for decades, but they had

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<v Speaker 1>never actually met until two days before the riot, and

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<v Speaker 1>that was when Eastman came in. He had been hired

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<v Speaker 1>by Trump to come in and work on some of

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<v Speaker 1>the election issues, and it was on January fourth that

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<v Speaker 1>he started reaching out to the Pence folks, including Greg Jacob,

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<v Speaker 1>pitching this argument, which was basically that Pence could de

0:12:22.720 --> 0:12:26.760
<v Speaker 1>certify the vote or send the vote back to certain

0:12:26.800 --> 0:12:30.520
<v Speaker 1>states and UH six states, states including places like Michigan

0:12:30.559 --> 0:12:34.680
<v Speaker 1>and Arizona where Trump supporters had been arguing that there was,

0:12:35.120 --> 0:12:38.040
<v Speaker 1>you know, reason to take another look at those states

0:12:38.040 --> 0:12:41.120
<v Speaker 1>on the one hand, or that he could simply effectively

0:12:41.200 --> 0:12:44.240
<v Speaker 1>wave a magic wand and say that Trump is going

0:12:44.320 --> 0:12:46.960
<v Speaker 1>to remain president. And he laid this out in detail

0:12:47.080 --> 0:12:50.079
<v Speaker 1>in a memo that has become public as part of

0:12:50.120 --> 0:12:53.400
<v Speaker 1>the hearing proceedings. He also laid it out in a

0:12:53.480 --> 0:12:56.520
<v Speaker 1>series of emails that have become public since then, and

0:12:56.720 --> 0:13:00.600
<v Speaker 1>now this chain of emails on January six between Jacob

0:13:00.600 --> 0:13:04.600
<v Speaker 1>and Eastman have also become public. You're right that friends

0:13:04.640 --> 0:13:09.520
<v Speaker 1>and colleagues call him humble, careful under the radar, not exactly,

0:13:09.880 --> 0:13:13.080
<v Speaker 1>Mr Social. This is a guy, by all accounts, who

0:13:13.160 --> 0:13:16.840
<v Speaker 1>has not thought the spotlight and somebody who is just

0:13:17.320 --> 0:13:21.360
<v Speaker 1>super smart, super well respected in d C. And could

0:13:21.400 --> 0:13:24.720
<v Speaker 1>have gone for a more public facing position had he

0:13:24.840 --> 0:13:28.040
<v Speaker 1>thought that. And it's just not something that he personally

0:13:28.080 --> 0:13:30.920
<v Speaker 1>has gone after. And I get the sense that, you know,

0:13:30.960 --> 0:13:33.200
<v Speaker 1>if you left it up to Greg Jacob, he would

0:13:33.320 --> 0:13:37.360
<v Speaker 1>rather not be going before the House Committee in a

0:13:37.400 --> 0:13:41.520
<v Speaker 1>televised event before the world. He's a low key guy,

0:13:41.880 --> 0:13:44.600
<v Speaker 1>you know. I think from his position, he's already sat

0:13:44.760 --> 0:13:47.679
<v Speaker 1>for closed door testimony with the committee there. But on

0:13:47.720 --> 0:13:50.400
<v Speaker 1>the other hand, here's someone who people close to him

0:13:50.640 --> 0:13:54.200
<v Speaker 1>they believed in the rule of law. And certainly, by

0:13:54.200 --> 0:13:57.760
<v Speaker 1>the time the mob was storming the Capitol, it became

0:13:57.800 --> 0:14:02.440
<v Speaker 1>clear to Jacob that this of Trump's own doing and

0:14:02.520 --> 0:14:06.520
<v Speaker 1>of trump supporters own doing, and and that Eastman in particular,

0:14:06.640 --> 0:14:09.640
<v Speaker 1>according to Jacob, should shoulder some of the blame for

0:14:09.920 --> 0:14:12.800
<v Speaker 1>spewing this narrative that somehow Trump was going to be

0:14:12.800 --> 0:14:15.560
<v Speaker 1>able to remain in office. And I think for him

0:14:15.600 --> 0:14:19.160
<v Speaker 1>it's more of a rule of law patriotism type of

0:14:19.160 --> 0:14:21.600
<v Speaker 1>thing here where he feels like, you know, this is

0:14:21.640 --> 0:14:23.640
<v Speaker 1>something where he has to step up and you know,

0:14:23.680 --> 0:14:27.680
<v Speaker 1>explain what happened. Thanks Chris, that's Christopher up for a

0:14:27.800 --> 0:14:33.040
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg law. The Supreme Court sided with the Southwest Airlines

0:14:33.120 --> 0:14:36.640
<v Speaker 1>baggage handling supervisor, who was trying to avoid having to

0:14:36.640 --> 0:14:39.920
<v Speaker 1>go to arbitration with her claims for overtime pay. In

0:14:39.960 --> 0:14:43.640
<v Speaker 1>a unanimous opinion, the Justice has said the supervisor isn't

0:14:43.680 --> 0:14:47.600
<v Speaker 1>covered by the Federal Arbitration Act, which requires the enforcement

0:14:47.600 --> 0:14:51.480
<v Speaker 1>of agreements to take claims to arbitration rather than to trial.

0:14:52.080 --> 0:14:55.800
<v Speaker 1>In the majority opinion, Justice Clarence Thomas said the supervisor

0:14:56.000 --> 0:14:59.640
<v Speaker 1>qualified for an exception in the law for workers engaged

0:14:59.680 --> 0:15:03.560
<v Speaker 1>in foreign or interstate commerce. Joining me is Mark Rifkin,

0:15:03.720 --> 0:15:07.240
<v Speaker 1>a partner Wolf Haldenstein. This is the second time in

0:15:07.360 --> 0:15:10.760
<v Speaker 1>two weeks that the Court has shot down a company's

0:15:10.800 --> 0:15:15.600
<v Speaker 1>attempt to force an employee into arbitration rather than going

0:15:15.640 --> 0:15:21.000
<v Speaker 1>to trial and a unanimous decision. Is that surprising to you, No,

0:15:21.240 --> 0:15:24.360
<v Speaker 1>I don't think so. I think that the first decision

0:15:24.600 --> 0:15:28.560
<v Speaker 1>in the case involving the worker who was trying to

0:15:28.760 --> 0:15:33.440
<v Speaker 1>invoke waiver as a defense to arbitration, was a straightforward

0:15:33.440 --> 0:15:36.800
<v Speaker 1>application of the principle that arbitration should be put on

0:15:36.840 --> 0:15:40.520
<v Speaker 1>the same footing as every other contract. And then the

0:15:40.560 --> 0:15:43.800
<v Speaker 1>Southwest Airlines case, the second case is again just a

0:15:43.880 --> 0:15:48.840
<v Speaker 1>straightforward application of simple definitions and principles that you can

0:15:48.880 --> 0:15:51.520
<v Speaker 1>find in Black Law Dictionary. And so I think in

0:15:51.560 --> 0:15:56.000
<v Speaker 1>the in that vein, they're both simple, straightforward applications of

0:15:56.560 --> 0:16:01.880
<v Speaker 1>basic fundamental principles to arbitration agreements. So tell us about

0:16:01.920 --> 0:16:05.200
<v Speaker 1>the facts here. So, the plaintiff in the Southwest Airlines

0:16:05.280 --> 0:16:10.400
<v Speaker 1>case was ramp supervisor and part of her job included

0:16:10.520 --> 0:16:15.640
<v Speaker 1>helping the ramp workers load baggage and airmail and cargo

0:16:15.880 --> 0:16:19.240
<v Speaker 1>on and off airplanes that obviously travel across the country

0:16:19.280 --> 0:16:23.160
<v Speaker 1>and presumably internationally as well. And the question is whether

0:16:23.200 --> 0:16:27.200
<v Speaker 1>those workers who are involved in that kind of work

0:16:27.640 --> 0:16:30.880
<v Speaker 1>belonged to a class of workers engaged in foreign or

0:16:30.920 --> 0:16:36.320
<v Speaker 1>interstate commerce. Because the Federal Arbitration Act exempts those workers

0:16:36.880 --> 0:16:40.520
<v Speaker 1>from the protection of the f a A, they can't

0:16:40.560 --> 0:16:43.800
<v Speaker 1>be compelled to arbitrate, And so the question is do

0:16:43.920 --> 0:16:48.360
<v Speaker 1>those baggage handlers fall within that class of workers. It

0:16:48.440 --> 0:16:51.440
<v Speaker 1>seems obvious what her argument would be. What was the

0:16:51.560 --> 0:16:55.520
<v Speaker 1>argument of Southwest as to why she shouldn't fall under

0:16:55.560 --> 0:17:01.760
<v Speaker 1>this exemption. So Southwest Airlines said that the airline is

0:17:01.800 --> 0:17:05.920
<v Speaker 1>engaged in interstate commerce, but the workers at the airport

0:17:06.119 --> 0:17:12.280
<v Speaker 1>who don't themselves travel across state lines or across international lines.

0:17:12.840 --> 0:17:17.359
<v Speaker 1>That the workers are not engaged in interstate commerce, even

0:17:17.359 --> 0:17:19.760
<v Speaker 1>though they work for a company that is. And and

0:17:19.800 --> 0:17:24.720
<v Speaker 1>the question that the Supreme Court addressed is whether those

0:17:24.760 --> 0:17:30.840
<v Speaker 1>workers who are part of that effort of commerce are

0:17:30.880 --> 0:17:35.920
<v Speaker 1>themselves engaged in foreign or interstate commerce even though they

0:17:35.960 --> 0:17:40.320
<v Speaker 1>work within one state rather than traveling interstate or internationally.

0:17:41.240 --> 0:17:47.120
<v Speaker 1>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote the majority opinion, explain his reasoning, Well,

0:17:47.160 --> 0:17:50.920
<v Speaker 1>it's a unanimous decision, so so all the judges who

0:17:50.960 --> 0:17:56.720
<v Speaker 1>participated in the decision agreed, and Justice Barrett did not participate,

0:17:56.840 --> 0:18:01.399
<v Speaker 1>but everybody who participated agreed. And Justice Thomas, writing for

0:18:01.560 --> 0:18:05.639
<v Speaker 1>the court, said that, um, if we look at how

0:18:06.000 --> 0:18:11.960
<v Speaker 1>black slaw a dictionary defines the words engaged and commerce,

0:18:12.480 --> 0:18:18.080
<v Speaker 1>then we conclude that anyone is engaged in commerce who

0:18:18.200 --> 0:18:21.600
<v Speaker 1>is occupied in it, employed in it, or involved in it.

0:18:22.160 --> 0:18:25.320
<v Speaker 1>And the Court took a very broad approach to applying

0:18:25.800 --> 0:18:31.359
<v Speaker 1>that definition. And since the ramp supervisors who actually handle

0:18:31.640 --> 0:18:37.840
<v Speaker 1>the cargo are certainly involved in interstate commerce, the Court said, well,

0:18:37.880 --> 0:18:41.080
<v Speaker 1>they fall within that class of workers who are exempt

0:18:41.200 --> 0:18:45.160
<v Speaker 1>under Section one of the Federal arbitration. I love when

0:18:45.160 --> 0:18:49.960
<v Speaker 1>they go to the dictionary to decide a case of

0:18:50.119 --> 0:18:53.560
<v Speaker 1>national importance. Well, you would think if a case was

0:18:53.880 --> 0:18:57.560
<v Speaker 1>complicated enough and important enough to be adjudicated by the

0:18:57.600 --> 0:19:02.520
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court, it should require some more sophisticated analysis than

0:19:02.720 --> 0:19:06.960
<v Speaker 1>looking in the dictionary. But here the dictionary help. And

0:19:07.280 --> 0:19:10.119
<v Speaker 1>so Justice Thomas looked in the dictionary and saw the

0:19:10.480 --> 0:19:15.119
<v Speaker 1>how those terms were interpreted, and uh said, works for

0:19:15.240 --> 0:19:20.600
<v Speaker 1>US Uber Lift and Amazon all file briefs backing Southwest.

0:19:21.160 --> 0:19:24.720
<v Speaker 1>What are the implications for those workers? Well, I think

0:19:24.720 --> 0:19:28.040
<v Speaker 1>the principle is fairly well established. Now, if you work

0:19:28.280 --> 0:19:33.120
<v Speaker 1>in an industry that participates in either interstate or international commerce,

0:19:33.320 --> 0:19:37.119
<v Speaker 1>and so for example, Amazon plainly participates in interstate and

0:19:37.359 --> 0:19:41.400
<v Speaker 1>international commerce, if you work for a company that does that,

0:19:41.680 --> 0:19:46.560
<v Speaker 1>and your job is closely enough tied to that commerce,

0:19:47.000 --> 0:19:51.320
<v Speaker 1>then the same rationale would apply to that worker as

0:19:51.480 --> 0:19:54.600
<v Speaker 1>as applied to Saxon in the Southwest Airlines case. Now,

0:19:54.720 --> 0:19:58.920
<v Speaker 1>not everybody who works for Southwest Airlines would fall within

0:19:59.280 --> 0:20:03.680
<v Speaker 1>the courts rational So I could imagine an accountant who

0:20:03.800 --> 0:20:06.960
<v Speaker 1>works for Southwest Airlines. I could imagine that a court

0:20:07.000 --> 0:20:10.720
<v Speaker 1>would say, well, that person is not engaged in interstate

0:20:10.880 --> 0:20:15.080
<v Speaker 1>or international commerce. But you know, obviously, if a baggage

0:20:15.080 --> 0:20:19.720
<v Speaker 1>handler is engaged in interstate or international commerce, a flight

0:20:19.760 --> 0:20:24.160
<v Speaker 1>attendant is engaged in interstate or international commerce, and presumably

0:20:24.200 --> 0:20:28.359
<v Speaker 1>others as well, even though their jobs don't cross state

0:20:28.440 --> 0:20:33.400
<v Speaker 1>lines or international lines, still could be engaged in interstate

0:20:33.400 --> 0:20:37.280
<v Speaker 1>commerce within the meaning of Supreme Court's decision here, I

0:20:37.280 --> 0:20:39.639
<v Speaker 1>want you to tell me what you think Southwest is

0:20:39.680 --> 0:20:44.240
<v Speaker 1>saying here. They said, because non union employees rarely handle

0:20:44.400 --> 0:20:48.280
<v Speaker 1>cargo on a regular basis, Southwest will continue to rely

0:20:48.359 --> 0:20:52.159
<v Speaker 1>on the Federal Arbitration Act to enforce its arbitration program

0:20:52.240 --> 0:20:54.240
<v Speaker 1>in the future. Are they saying they're not going to

0:20:54.240 --> 0:20:57.000
<v Speaker 1>pay attention to the Supreme Court? Well, I think they're

0:20:57.040 --> 0:20:59.720
<v Speaker 1>trying to look for a move all around through this

0:21:00.040 --> 0:21:04.360
<v Speaker 1>free Courts decisions. They conceded in the case that at

0:21:04.440 --> 0:21:09.080
<v Speaker 1>least Saxon, this ramp supervisor, that a significant part of

0:21:09.119 --> 0:21:13.240
<v Speaker 1>her job was to transport cargo, that she helped the

0:21:13.359 --> 0:21:18.359
<v Speaker 1>ramp workers by frequently loading and unloading cargo. So because

0:21:18.440 --> 0:21:22.480
<v Speaker 1>Southwest conceded the issue there, they're now looking for a

0:21:22.520 --> 0:21:27.440
<v Speaker 1>way to distinguish some other kinds of workers from Saxon

0:21:27.720 --> 0:21:30.320
<v Speaker 1>and I guess the way they're trying to do that

0:21:30.520 --> 0:21:36.080
<v Speaker 1>is the extent to which any particular worker actually handles

0:21:36.800 --> 0:21:39.640
<v Speaker 1>baggage or cargo or whatever it may be that gets

0:21:39.680 --> 0:21:43.840
<v Speaker 1>loaded and unloaded from from airplanes. Um. You know, these

0:21:43.880 --> 0:21:46.919
<v Speaker 1>are the kinds of grain lines that courts often have

0:21:47.119 --> 0:21:51.040
<v Speaker 1>to draw. And I guess in the next case brought

0:21:51.080 --> 0:21:54.240
<v Speaker 1>by a Southwest Airlines employee who doesn't handle as much

0:21:54.240 --> 0:21:57.560
<v Speaker 1>baggage as Saxon did, maybe the court would find that

0:21:57.560 --> 0:22:01.960
<v Speaker 1>that person falls outside the exemption. But that's another case

0:22:02.000 --> 0:22:05.159
<v Speaker 1>for another day. We've talked about the Supreme Court and

0:22:05.240 --> 0:22:09.840
<v Speaker 1>arbitration before. Before these two cases, has the Supreme Court

0:22:09.840 --> 0:22:15.640
<v Speaker 1>been interpreting arbitration in ways that are favorable to businesses

0:22:15.880 --> 0:22:19.199
<v Speaker 1>for the most part, well, I think the Supreme Court's

0:22:19.520 --> 0:22:23.120
<v Speaker 1>approach to arbitration has been favorable to business. The f

0:22:23.119 --> 0:22:27.879
<v Speaker 1>a A says you can't disfavor arbitration, and that was

0:22:28.200 --> 0:22:32.399
<v Speaker 1>the rationale for the Morgan Versus Sundance opinion that Justice

0:22:32.440 --> 0:22:35.879
<v Speaker 1>Kagan wrote is that arbitration agreements have to be on

0:22:36.119 --> 0:22:39.800
<v Speaker 1>exactly the same footing as all other contracts, and so

0:22:40.160 --> 0:22:44.000
<v Speaker 1>in that case in Morgan Versus Sundance, the Supreme Court said,

0:22:44.200 --> 0:22:50.439
<v Speaker 1>you can't favor arbitration by creating an artificial barrier to

0:22:50.560 --> 0:22:53.560
<v Speaker 1>a waiver defense that doesn't exist to the defense of

0:22:53.600 --> 0:22:58.199
<v Speaker 1>any other contractual right. And so when the Sixth Circuit

0:22:58.320 --> 0:23:04.600
<v Speaker 1>imposed this additional requirement of prejudice to the defendant who

0:23:04.720 --> 0:23:10.520
<v Speaker 1>was trying to enforce arbitration after litigating a case or

0:23:10.720 --> 0:23:14.080
<v Speaker 1>some prolonged period of time, the Supreme Court said, you've

0:23:14.160 --> 0:23:19.040
<v Speaker 1>weighed that right, whether you're prejudiced by by the inability

0:23:19.080 --> 0:23:24.440
<v Speaker 1>to arbitrate or not. And so the Court now says,

0:23:24.480 --> 0:23:27.760
<v Speaker 1>you know, equal footing means equal footing both ways. But

0:23:28.160 --> 0:23:33.480
<v Speaker 1>the reason that the approach to arbitration favors business is

0:23:33.520 --> 0:23:36.840
<v Speaker 1>because it's an expansion of what the f a A

0:23:37.160 --> 0:23:42.600
<v Speaker 1>really was created to do. You know, decades ago, federal

0:23:42.640 --> 0:23:49.080
<v Speaker 1>courts were very unwilling to enforce arbitration agreements between sophisticated

0:23:49.080 --> 0:23:53.359
<v Speaker 1>commercial parties, which is primarily where arbitration agreements were found.

0:23:53.800 --> 0:23:57.120
<v Speaker 1>And when two big companies decide they want to arbitrate

0:23:57.320 --> 0:24:02.120
<v Speaker 1>their disputes, they're able to make a decision and negotiate

0:24:02.280 --> 0:24:05.119
<v Speaker 1>over whether to include a provision like that or not

0:24:05.240 --> 0:24:07.760
<v Speaker 1>include a provision like that. In a contract, and so

0:24:07.960 --> 0:24:11.719
<v Speaker 1>it really does make sense to say that arbitration is

0:24:12.359 --> 0:24:15.560
<v Speaker 1>a matter of mutual consent between the parties, and we're

0:24:15.560 --> 0:24:19.560
<v Speaker 1>going to treat that the decision to arbitrate and agreement

0:24:19.560 --> 0:24:23.840
<v Speaker 1>to arbitrate like any other agreement that we routinely have

0:24:23.920 --> 0:24:29.040
<v Speaker 1>to enforce. But today businesses imposed these arbitration agreements on

0:24:29.240 --> 0:24:32.200
<v Speaker 1>consumers who don't really have a choice and don't really

0:24:32.240 --> 0:24:37.080
<v Speaker 1>have the opportunity to negotiate, and can't say to a

0:24:37.160 --> 0:24:39.680
<v Speaker 1>company that they want to buy a product from, I'd

0:24:39.680 --> 0:24:42.160
<v Speaker 1>like your product, but I don't want to agree to arbitrate.

0:24:42.760 --> 0:24:45.560
<v Speaker 1>It's to take it or leave it kind of of

0:24:45.640 --> 0:24:50.880
<v Speaker 1>a contract. And it's hard to imagine that there's really

0:24:50.920 --> 0:24:56.159
<v Speaker 1>any voluntary consent to an arbitration clause that's inserted in,

0:24:56.680 --> 0:24:59.800
<v Speaker 1>you know, in a click through page on a website

0:24:59.800 --> 0:25:03.480
<v Speaker 1>where you order goods or services online, for example. But

0:25:03.600 --> 0:25:07.560
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court has expressed the view that if there's

0:25:07.560 --> 0:25:12.480
<v Speaker 1>an arbitration agreement anywhere around, whether you can be said

0:25:12.520 --> 0:25:15.040
<v Speaker 1>to consent to it in any meaningful sense or not,

0:25:15.680 --> 0:25:18.280
<v Speaker 1>you're bound by it. And that's why I think the

0:25:18.320 --> 0:25:22.600
<v Speaker 1>way the Court has approached arbitration agreements is very business

0:25:22.600 --> 0:25:26.360
<v Speaker 1>friendly because in the consumer context there really is not

0:25:26.560 --> 0:25:29.800
<v Speaker 1>any meaningful choice. I know I've asked you this many

0:25:29.840 --> 0:25:35.080
<v Speaker 1>many times before, but just explain how arbitration favors the

0:25:35.200 --> 0:25:39.720
<v Speaker 1>large companies. So there's there's two or three principle advantages

0:25:39.840 --> 0:25:42.960
<v Speaker 1>to a big company. One is that you don't have

0:25:43.280 --> 0:25:48.240
<v Speaker 1>the ability to conduct broad discovery, so that prevents a plaintiff,

0:25:48.280 --> 0:25:51.359
<v Speaker 1>any plaintiff, from from finding out enough information to be

0:25:51.400 --> 0:25:55.160
<v Speaker 1>able to bring a claim successfully. Number Two, you'll lose

0:25:55.160 --> 0:25:57.600
<v Speaker 1>the right to a trial by jury, and that's a

0:25:57.720 --> 0:26:01.919
<v Speaker 1>really important right, particularly for a consumer, because stories are

0:26:01.960 --> 0:26:05.640
<v Speaker 1>there to try to even out and any prejudice that's

0:26:05.640 --> 0:26:08.120
<v Speaker 1>built into the system to favor the big guy over

0:26:08.160 --> 0:26:10.760
<v Speaker 1>the little guy. And then the third big advantage is

0:26:11.000 --> 0:26:16.480
<v Speaker 1>it is virtually impossible to appeal an arbitration award against

0:26:16.520 --> 0:26:19.960
<v Speaker 1>you because the standard for appealing an arbitration award is

0:26:20.000 --> 0:26:23.600
<v Speaker 1>so incredibly high it's almost impossible to meet. It can

0:26:23.600 --> 0:26:27.200
<v Speaker 1>almost never be met. And lots of times arbitrators are

0:26:27.400 --> 0:26:31.280
<v Speaker 1>part of the industry in which the big company works.

0:26:31.359 --> 0:26:34.880
<v Speaker 1>Not always, but lots of time. Thanks Mark. That's Mark

0:26:34.960 --> 0:26:37.760
<v Speaker 1>Rifkin of Wolf hollen Stein. And that's it for this

0:26:37.880 --> 0:26:40.600
<v Speaker 1>edition of The Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can always

0:26:40.640 --> 0:26:43.560
<v Speaker 1>get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law Podcast.

0:26:43.840 --> 0:26:46.880
<v Speaker 1>You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at

0:26:47.040 --> 0:26:52.080
<v Speaker 1>www dot bloomberg dot com, slash podcast slash Law, And

0:26:52.119 --> 0:26:54.600
<v Speaker 1>remember to tune in to The Bloomberg Law Show every

0:26:54.640 --> 0:26:57.720
<v Speaker 1>week night at ten b m. Wall Street Time. I'm

0:26:57.800 --> 0:27:00.280
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso and you're listening to bloom Burn