WEBVTT - Trump Loses Document Standoff at Appellate Court

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes at the Bloomberg Law Podcast, on Apple podcast, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. Will President Trump

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<v Speaker 1>lose control of his long secret financial records held by

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<v Speaker 1>his accountants Mazars? The d C Federal Court of Appeals

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<v Speaker 1>ruled against Trump in one of several cases testing Congress's

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<v Speaker 1>power to obtain a sitting president's financial records in the

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<v Speaker 1>name of oversight. Joining me is Neil Kincoff, a professor

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<v Speaker 1>of constitutional law at Georgia State University College of Law. Neil,

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<v Speaker 1>there are several subpoena disputes before the courts, So how

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<v Speaker 1>significant is this one ruling by a d C Federal

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<v Speaker 1>appeals court. It's tremendously significant. First of all, it's significant

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<v Speaker 1>because it orders the president's accountant to turn over tax returns,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think those will be a significant trove of

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<v Speaker 1>evidence for the houses it works through its various inquiries.

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<v Speaker 1>But also the law it lays down is well clearly

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<v Speaker 1>affirms the various precedents that applied to assertions of privilege

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<v Speaker 1>by the President and assertions for information by Congress, and

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<v Speaker 1>it comes down very strongly on the side of Congress.

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<v Speaker 1>So this will be an important precedent moving forward. So

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<v Speaker 1>Neil explain what the court decided. Briefly, The court decided

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<v Speaker 1>that Congress had a legitimate interest in seeing the president's

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<v Speaker 1>tax returns, and that if Congress has a legitimate interest,

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<v Speaker 1>it doesn't in any way matter that Congress may also

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<v Speaker 1>have political motives. So the president's objection and his accountants

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<v Speaker 1>objection to turning over the tax returns was that the

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<v Speaker 1>real reason was politics, and the court's response to that

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<v Speaker 1>was that Congress can have political motives as long as

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<v Speaker 1>it also has a legitimate legislative motive for seeking the information,

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<v Speaker 1>and it did in this case, and I think that

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<v Speaker 1>pretty clearly demonstrates that it will in all of its inquiries.

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<v Speaker 1>Might courts see a difference between President Trump's records as

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<v Speaker 1>president and personal records before his presidency. I don't think so,

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<v Speaker 1>not after this case, because this case involved tax returns

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<v Speaker 1>before Donald Trump was president and tax returns after Donald

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<v Speaker 1>Trump was president, and the d C. Circuit said they

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<v Speaker 1>are all within Congress's legitimate interests to see. It was

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<v Speaker 1>a two to one decision, and the judge and dissent

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<v Speaker 1>was Naomi Rao, a recent appointee of President Trump's. What

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<v Speaker 1>were her reasons for dissenting? Her dissent sure looked an

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<v Speaker 1>awful lot like the various press releases that have come

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<v Speaker 1>from the White House, And there's very little in the

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<v Speaker 1>way of legal precedent for her position. She simply says

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<v Speaker 1>Congress is motivated by attacking the president and that's not

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<v Speaker 1>a legitimate legislative function. And you know, she's wrong in

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<v Speaker 1>terms of where the cases have ever been before. I

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<v Speaker 1>think her opinion really is just an application to be

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<v Speaker 1>considered for the next opening on the Supreme Court if

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<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump gets to make another appointment. As a legal argument,

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<v Speaker 1>it's really not serious. It's interesting that even in her descent,

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<v Speaker 1>she said the House may not use the legislative power

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<v Speaker 1>to circumvent the protections and accountability that accompany the impeachment power.

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<v Speaker 1>So does that indicate that if this were an impeachment

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<v Speaker 1>inquiry she would have a different opinion. It indicates that,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, the first problem with that is that, of

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<v Speaker 1>course Congress has many legitimate legislative interests in seeing the

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<v Speaker 1>president's tax returns. For one thing, they have a legitimate

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<v Speaker 1>interest in applying the Emoluments Clause right. The emoluments Clause

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<v Speaker 1>specifically authorizes Congress to allow for officials, including the president,

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<v Speaker 1>to receive emoluments in certain circumstances. Congress also has to

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<v Speaker 1>figure out whether or not the ethics laws that apply

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<v Speaker 1>to executive branch officials including the president, are being enforced

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<v Speaker 1>properly or whether those laws need to be updated, and

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<v Speaker 1>seeing the president's tax returns will give them vivid illustrations

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<v Speaker 1>of whether or not there are holes in the ethics laws.

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<v Speaker 1>All of those are legitimate legislative functions, So she's wrong

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<v Speaker 1>to say that Congress can't offer a legitimate legislative function

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<v Speaker 1>and has to rely on impeachment. But I think the

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<v Speaker 1>answer to your question is yes. If Congress says impeachment

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<v Speaker 1>and now they have that, Judge Row would be required

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<v Speaker 1>to say, well, as long as this is related to

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<v Speaker 1>an impeachment inquiry, Congress can get the information. So President

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<v Speaker 1>Trump's lawyers could ask the full DC Appeals Court to

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<v Speaker 1>reconsider the ruling, which might drag things out for them,

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<v Speaker 1>or go straight to the Supreme Court for an emergency review.

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<v Speaker 1>What's the better path for Trump? Strategically has better path

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<v Speaker 1>is to ask the full DC Circuit court because that

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<v Speaker 1>delays things. If the full DC Circuit were to hear it,

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<v Speaker 1>then you'd have to go through the whole process of

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<v Speaker 1>submitting briefs, having oral arguments, then the full DC Circuit

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<v Speaker 1>taking time to write its opinions, and so that would

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<v Speaker 1>delay the matter by months, and delay I think works

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<v Speaker 1>in the President's favor. So I imagine that's the path

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<v Speaker 1>he would pick. I don't imagine the d C Circuit

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<v Speaker 1>would grant full on bonk review. And would the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court have to take the case? And if so, what

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<v Speaker 1>would the ruling be like there? So the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't have to take the case, it could simply leave

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<v Speaker 1>the d C Circuit's ruling in place. And you know,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps the Supreme Court would do that. And this is

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<v Speaker 1>certainly an interesting case. It presents issues that the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court doesn't very often get to speak about, and there

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<v Speaker 1>may be some things it wants to say as a

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<v Speaker 1>way of putting down a marker for the rest of

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<v Speaker 1>the impeachment inquiry. So it Mike Well, grant the case

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<v Speaker 1>in order to do that. If it does, then you

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<v Speaker 1>know the Court can act quite expeditiously. I was just

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<v Speaker 1>looking back at the Watergate tapes case, and the subpoena

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<v Speaker 1>for the Watergate tapes was issued in April. The case

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<v Speaker 1>got all the way to the Supreme Court and received

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<v Speaker 1>an opinion from the Supreme Court in July of that

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<v Speaker 1>same year. So just a matter of a little under

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<v Speaker 1>three months the Supreme Court resolved that issue, so it

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<v Speaker 1>can act quickly. The subpoenas that we're talking about were

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<v Speaker 1>issued before the impeachment inquiry. Now Democrats have seemed reluctant

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<v Speaker 1>to issue subpoenas because of the problem of time. But

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<v Speaker 1>you think that the Supreme Court could rush them through,

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<v Speaker 1>then the Supreme Court can rush them through. And we

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<v Speaker 1>also see the House issuing subpoenas where where witnesses want them. Right,

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<v Speaker 1>So Ambassador Ivanovitch was told not to appear at the

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<v Speaker 1>house I'm hearing, and so she told the House that

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<v Speaker 1>she wouldn't appear unless she was subpoena and the House

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<v Speaker 1>very quickly issued the subpoena and it was complied with.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the context where the House may be a

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<v Speaker 1>little more reluctant is where the subpoena is going to

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<v Speaker 1>be challenged. Last week in New York, a federal court

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<v Speaker 1>judge Victor Murrero tossed Trump's lawsuit to block a subpoena

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<v Speaker 1>for his personal and corporate tax returns by the Manhattan

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<v Speaker 1>d A. It was a skating opinion. Was the reasoning

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<v Speaker 1>similar to what we saw from the d C Circuit

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<v Speaker 1>or different? Well, it was different in that the d

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<v Speaker 1>C circuits reasoning was far more measured, right because the

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<v Speaker 1>lawyers firm Mazars, President Trump's accounting firm didn't make the

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<v Speaker 1>kind of outlandish arguments that Trump's own lawyers made for

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<v Speaker 1>him in that New York case. They made them in

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<v Speaker 1>the d C Circuit, but the d C Circuit could

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<v Speaker 1>ignore them because Trump wasn't a party, right, So those

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<v Speaker 1>outlandish arguments are that the president is absolutely immune from

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<v Speaker 1>all process in court or Congress. And the judge was,

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<v Speaker 1>I think quite rightly dismissive of those and in fact

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<v Speaker 1>repudiated them so sharply, I think is a way of

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<v Speaker 1>signaling to the president's lawyers that they need to temper

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<v Speaker 1>the kinds of arguments they're making when they go before

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<v Speaker 1>the second circuit to argue the case. Do you think

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<v Speaker 1>that you'll see a more tempered argument from the president's lawyers.

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<v Speaker 1>It's a little hard to imagine. They seem to be

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<v Speaker 1>really committed to those arguments, and you know, I think

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<v Speaker 1>their client appreciates their over the top representation and advocacy,

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<v Speaker 1>and so given that dynamic, they may stick to their guns,

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<v Speaker 1>even though the position, as a matter of law is

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<v Speaker 1>completely indefensible. Thanks for being on Bloomberg Law. Neil. That's

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<v Speaker 1>Neil Kinkoff, a professor at the Georgia State University College

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<v Speaker 1>of Law. Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>You can subscribe and listen to the show on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brosso.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bird