WEBVTT - Pruitt Signals Fight with CA Over Emissions Rules

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. California is on

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<v Speaker 1>a collision course with the Trump administration over auto efficiency regulations.

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<v Speaker 1>Couldn't lead the White House to try to revoke the

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<v Speaker 1>state's power to set its own limits on air pollution,

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<v Speaker 1>joining me as Ann Carlson, environmental law professor at u

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<v Speaker 1>c l A Law School, and Congress gave California the

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<v Speaker 1>authority to set pollution standards that are tougher than those

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<v Speaker 1>of the federal government in the Clean Air Act about

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<v Speaker 1>five decades ago. What are the limits on the e

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<v Speaker 1>p a's power to cut off that authority? Well, EPA

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<v Speaker 1>has to give California permission through a waiver process to

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<v Speaker 1>issue standards that are tougher than the federal standards. It's

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<v Speaker 1>already done that for fuel economy standards and greenhouse gas

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<v Speaker 1>mission standards through and so the big question is can

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<v Speaker 1>the e p A revoke that permission? And there is

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<v Speaker 1>no explicit mechanism for the e p A to revoke

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<v Speaker 1>a waiver. Well, there is no explicit mechanism, that's right.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that the EPA administrator, if he chooses to

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<v Speaker 1>provoke the waiver, would argue that there's an implicit authority

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<v Speaker 1>that given that they have to give permission, they also

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<v Speaker 1>can take away that permission. I think that's going to

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<v Speaker 1>be a hotly contected question in court, though, So that

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<v Speaker 1>would lead to the an e p A action like

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<v Speaker 1>that would lead to a court fight that would take years,

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<v Speaker 1>and the industry rules would be uncertain for that time. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>it's a very good question. It would certainly lead to

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<v Speaker 1>a big court fight. California has already indicated that it

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<v Speaker 1>will sue if the federal government tries to provoke the

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<v Speaker 1>permission that it's been granted. I think the question about

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<v Speaker 1>whether the California standards remain in place during a court

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<v Speaker 1>fight would be an open one, and I think a

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<v Speaker 1>court might well allow California to move forward with its

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<v Speaker 1>own standards while the question of the waiver is decided.

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<v Speaker 1>The e p A is facing an April first deadline

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<v Speaker 1>to decide whether the Obama era greenhouse gas standards for

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<v Speaker 1>cars and light trucks um remain in effect from I

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<v Speaker 1>think to where does that decision stand? Do we know?

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<v Speaker 1>We don't know yet, although we have some indication that

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<v Speaker 1>the UH proot e p A is going to loosen

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<v Speaker 1>the standards of the Obama administration set and I think

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<v Speaker 1>they're going to do it. And then the question is

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<v Speaker 1>California has already said it's gonna implement those standards even

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<v Speaker 1>if the federal government rolls its back, and then the

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<v Speaker 1>big question will be will they let California do that

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<v Speaker 1>or will they try to revoke California's waivers? Are they

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<v Speaker 1>negotiate sations going on between California and the e p A.

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<v Speaker 1>As I understand that there have been negotiations going on.

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<v Speaker 1>One thing that California would like is permission to issue

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<v Speaker 1>standards for model years five and forward as it tries

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<v Speaker 1>to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions. But I understand that

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<v Speaker 1>those negotiations have fallen apart. Scott Pruitt is in the

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<v Speaker 1>press yesterday saying that it doesn't look like he's interested

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<v Speaker 1>in and and forward years, and California is indicated it's

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<v Speaker 1>going to move forward with its standards. New York and

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<v Speaker 1>Washington and several other states that account for about a

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<v Speaker 1>third of US vehicle sales have adopted California's standards. So

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<v Speaker 1>where does that leave them? So they can follow California standards,

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<v Speaker 1>or they can follow federal standards. They can't put together

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<v Speaker 1>their own standards. So as long as California standards are

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<v Speaker 1>in place, they are free to choose to follow the

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<v Speaker 1>California standards. Of course, if e p A tries to

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<v Speaker 1>revoke California's permission, then that leaves all of those states

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<v Speaker 1>in legal limbo again. I think California will fight hard

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<v Speaker 1>in court and will probably be joined by New York

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<v Speaker 1>and Washington and Oregon and the other states that have

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<v Speaker 1>chosen to follow California's lead. Is it Is it smart

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<v Speaker 1>for these auto manufacturers in the long run to to

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<v Speaker 1>lower the standards when they try to reseal their car

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<v Speaker 1>resale car value, and also, you know, international standards come

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<v Speaker 1>into play. Honestly, I don't understand the position of the

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<v Speaker 1>auto industry in this battle. We've seen over and over

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<v Speaker 1>again that the auto industry tries to fight these standards

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<v Speaker 1>and fight against technological change, environmental pressure, etcetera. We've got

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<v Speaker 1>China for example, announcing that it's going to try to

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<v Speaker 1>implement a zero emission vehicle goal over the course the

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<v Speaker 1>next ten or fifteen years. Same thing is happening in Europe.

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<v Speaker 1>Japan now has more electric vehicle chargers than it does

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<v Speaker 1>gas stations, and so the trend is in the direction

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<v Speaker 1>of reducing greenhouse gas emissions to zero. The way to

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<v Speaker 1>do that is to increase fuel economy and to keep

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<v Speaker 1>tightening those standards, not to reduce it. Well, this was

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<v Speaker 1>one of President Barack Obama's most concrete environmental achievements. Some say,

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<v Speaker 1>and um, the Trump administration has been trying to unravel

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of his environmental achievements. Is this part of that?

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<v Speaker 1>In about a minute? Absolutely, this is part of that.

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<v Speaker 1>In fact, in my view, the auto emission standards are

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<v Speaker 1>the most important climate change policy that the Obama administration issued,

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<v Speaker 1>even more important than the standards for power plants. And

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<v Speaker 1>that's because, unlike in the electricity sector, we're seeing increases

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<v Speaker 1>in greenhouse gas missions coming from the transportation sector for

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of reasons. One because gas prices have been

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<v Speaker 1>going down, and too because the auto manufacturers have been

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<v Speaker 1>pushing hard to sell bigger vehicles SUVs and so forth,

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<v Speaker 1>and so if this gets unraveled, we're going to see

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<v Speaker 1>an even steeper increase in greenhouse gas missions in the

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<v Speaker 1>transportation sector. Just briefly, and in about thirty seconds, how

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<v Speaker 1>much of Obama's environmental legacy is left? If you have

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<v Speaker 1>a number, Oh, that's such a hard question, because there

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<v Speaker 1>are a lot of places where the Trump administration is

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<v Speaker 1>not succeeding in ruling back rolling back Obama era rules,

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<v Speaker 1>and so we're gonna see a lot of court fights

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<v Speaker 1>to protect what the Obama administration does. I'm sorry, did

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<v Speaker 1>There are also some really big rules that stayed in place,

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<v Speaker 1>including reducing toxic commissions from power plants and that sort

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<v Speaker 1>of thing. So it's really really hard to put a

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<v Speaker 1>number on that, but I think you know, it is

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<v Speaker 1>safe to say that the Trump administration is doing everything

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<v Speaker 1>it can to roll back the major initiatives, especially on

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<v Speaker 1>climate change. Well, thank you so much for your insights.

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<v Speaker 1>That's and Carlson, environmental law professor at u c l

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<v Speaker 1>A Law School. States are going in radically different directions

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<v Speaker 1>over whether to support President Trump's crackdown on undocumented immigrants

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<v Speaker 1>to states that are diametrically opposite our Texas with its

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<v Speaker 1>anti sanctuary law and California with its pro sanctuary law,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals has now given

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<v Speaker 1>Texas permission to enforce much, though not all, of its

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<v Speaker 1>controversial sanctuary city ban. Joining me is Leon Fresco of

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<v Speaker 1>Hollandon Knight Leon. The Trump administration helped defend Texas ban

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<v Speaker 1>in court. How big a victory is this for the

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<v Speaker 1>Trump administration. There's no other way to couch it other

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<v Speaker 1>than to say that they dramatically enormous victory for the

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<v Speaker 1>Trump administration in the sense that they now have cleared

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<v Speaker 1>the field for states like Texas to pass these kinds

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<v Speaker 1>of laws that basically will say, if they are able

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<v Speaker 1>to pass them, that cities within a state cannot choose

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<v Speaker 1>to uh say that they're not going to coop a

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<v Speaker 1>with requests from Immigration and Customs enforcement when they ask

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<v Speaker 1>for information about people in their custody. You mentioned some

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<v Speaker 1>of it there, But how what did the appeals court

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<v Speaker 1>ruling give Texas the ability to do? Give us the

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<v Speaker 1>high points? Sure so, the provision that Texas pass, which

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<v Speaker 1>was known as SB four, had four basic principles to it,

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<v Speaker 1>and the four basic principles that it had was that

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<v Speaker 1>it would say that if a city tried to say

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<v Speaker 1>to its individuals that its officers could not ask about

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<v Speaker 1>immigration information, could not cooperate with a request for immigration

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<v Speaker 1>information from ICE, or did not work, did not comply

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<v Speaker 1>with what are called detainer requests, which is where ICE

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<v Speaker 1>asked a local uh a local police office to say, hey,

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<v Speaker 1>do you mind holding this person until we find out

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<v Speaker 1>if there's someone we can deport, and then we'll come

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<v Speaker 1>and pick them up. That what the Texas statute said

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<v Speaker 1>is if a c the doesn't do all of this

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<v Speaker 1>level of cooperation, that the actual officers who are ordering

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<v Speaker 1>this kind of non cooperation can be fined or even

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<v Speaker 1>can be subject to criminal penalties. And that was that

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<v Speaker 1>had been enjoined by a lower court. But now all

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<v Speaker 1>of that's been viewed as fine. There's one provision that

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<v Speaker 1>that side of that, which if you want to talk

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<v Speaker 1>about we can that's still been enjoyed. But other than that,

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<v Speaker 1>all of this cooperation that Texas has mandated cities to

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<v Speaker 1>do with ICE is now required. The opinion rejected the

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<v Speaker 1>argument that immigration policy should be left to Congress, not

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<v Speaker 1>the States. Does that lead to the conclusion that California's

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<v Speaker 1>pro sanctuary legislation should be upheld. Well, it's it's it's

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<v Speaker 1>a bit complicated because what the opinion said was that

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<v Speaker 1>it's Congress. If all the states and the cities have

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<v Speaker 1>been making arguments around the court that there's this Tenth

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<v Speaker 1>Amendment issue that Congress cannot require cooperation but it's voluntary,

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<v Speaker 1>then if a state, in a city like California is

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<v Speaker 1>going to say, well, you shouldn't require us to do anything,

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<v Speaker 1>it's voluntary, then that eliminates the argument that the plainests

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<v Speaker 1>in Texas made that this is required by statute, because

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<v Speaker 1>the point that Texas cannot require this, because the point

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<v Speaker 1>is it's the cities and the state's choices to make.

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<v Speaker 1>Then this is the state. This is the choice Texas made,

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<v Speaker 1>and so that choice has to be respected. And so

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<v Speaker 1>the court did kind of rub that a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>in the face of the plaintifts to say, you can't

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<v Speaker 1>have it both ways. You can't say a state like

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<v Speaker 1>California can't be forced to do it, and then a

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<v Speaker 1>state like Texas doesn't have the option to agree to

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<v Speaker 1>do it, to do this cooperation. And so that's why, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>this is a particularly tough pill to swallow for the plaintiffs.

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<v Speaker 1>The Court said, future challengers of this Texas ban will

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<v Speaker 1>have to violate the ban and suffer the consequences to

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<v Speaker 1>gain the legal right to sue. Considering the outrage of

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<v Speaker 1>many when this Texas law was passed, do you expect

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<v Speaker 1>challenges to deliberately violate the band to get into court?

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<v Speaker 1>I think that I think that it may be possible

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<v Speaker 1>that people will look for extreme cases, but I think

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<v Speaker 1>at the end of the day, based on some conversations

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<v Speaker 1>I've had with some of the folks involved in this litigation,

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<v Speaker 1>people are pretty uh concerned about just winding this down

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<v Speaker 1>and not sort of allowing this impetus for for the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court to say it's fine sort of to live

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<v Speaker 1>to fight another day and hope that other states don't

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<v Speaker 1>do what Texas has done here and American Civil Liberties

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<v Speaker 1>Union lawyer vowed to keep fighting this, possibly with an

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<v Speaker 1>eventual appeal to the Supreme Court. Are you saying that

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court might take this case or might not? Well?

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<v Speaker 1>I think the I think the problem is I think

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<v Speaker 1>that you know, there's there are ne jerk comments that

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<v Speaker 1>people make right after they lose a lawsuits, but right now.

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<v Speaker 1>The sort of discussion is is this the right time

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<v Speaker 1>to in a case like this to the Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 1>even that the Supreme Courts made a couple of other

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<v Speaker 1>rulings already in the immigration context that have been promoting

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<v Speaker 1>things like detention and now some aspects of the travel,

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<v Speaker 1>then that maybe this is not the right time to

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<v Speaker 1>bring this Texas case the Supreme Court and instead to

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<v Speaker 1>let the sort of California cases happen and then you know,

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<v Speaker 1>at another at another time later somebody else could challenge

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<v Speaker 1>the Texas case again and bring it up if you know,

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<v Speaker 1>if if there's better inclination from the court, that something

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<v Speaker 1>might be welcome. Here. Let's turn briefly to those California cases.

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<v Speaker 1>The Trump administration is suing California over three laws that

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<v Speaker 1>block local officials basically from complying with federal immigration directives.

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<v Speaker 1>Who has the better side of that flightly on. That

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<v Speaker 1>is a very very interesting case. That case is for

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<v Speaker 1>sure going to get to the Supreme Court because here

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<v Speaker 1>there are some limits that California is putting on just

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<v Speaker 1>basic cooperation with ice, which is, you know, if I

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<v Speaker 1>asked for basic information on where somebody is located or

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<v Speaker 1>what the date of the release that that cooperation is

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<v Speaker 1>no longer allowed. And also there are provisions in there

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<v Speaker 1>that actually limit the ability of ICE to put the

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<v Speaker 1>tension facilities in the state of California. The law actually

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<v Speaker 1>says that not even one additional detention bed can be

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<v Speaker 1>added in the state of California. And so there there

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<v Speaker 1>are some strong preension claims the Department of Justice has here,

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<v Speaker 1>and I expect the Department of Justice to prevail of

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<v Speaker 1>at least some of their claims in the ultimately, even

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<v Speaker 1>though it may not happen in the district court, it

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<v Speaker 1>may not happen in the Court of Appeals, but they

0:13:44.400 --> 0:13:48.079
<v Speaker 1>will ultimately, I think, be able to get almost their

0:13:48.120 --> 0:13:51.680
<v Speaker 1>claims prevail. The ponds that you know currently on, we'll

0:13:51.720 --> 0:13:53.720
<v Speaker 1>have to We'll have to leave it at that. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>we'll talk about this next time. That's Leon Fresco of

0:13:56.200 --> 0:13:59.520
<v Speaker 1>Hollandan Night. Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast.

0:13:59.840 --> 0:14:03.920
<v Speaker 1>You can subscribe and listen to the show on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

0:14:04.000 --> 0:14:07.920
<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Grosso.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg h