WEBVTT - Judge Jeffrey Sutton on 'Who Decides?'

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brussel from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Politics comes down to divisions of power, and the question

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<v Speaker 1>is who decides. My guest is Judge Jeffrey Sutton. He's

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<v Speaker 1>the Chief Judge of the United States Court of Appeals

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<v Speaker 1>for the Sixth Circuit. His new book is entitled Who

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<v Speaker 1>Decides States As Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation. Thanks for joining me,

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<v Speaker 1>Judge Sutton. This is a follow up to your first book,

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<v Speaker 1>So tell us why you decided to write a sequel. Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>the first book focused on individual rights, say, the right

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<v Speaker 1>to free speech, free exercise of religion, equal protection, the

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<v Speaker 1>things we know the most about in the federal and

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<v Speaker 1>state constitutions. The second book is focused on structure. And

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<v Speaker 1>structure to some may seem a little less interesting, um

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<v Speaker 1>not quite as exotic as an individual right that protects,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, But the more you think about it, the

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<v Speaker 1>more you come to appreciate that structure is far more

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<v Speaker 1>important when it comes to a constitution than the individual

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<v Speaker 1>rights protected. There A great way to illustrate that is

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<v Speaker 1>you can have lots of individual rights in the constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>as the old Soviet Union did, and not have any

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<v Speaker 1>place to enforce them. So structure is what separates the

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<v Speaker 1>different branches of government, the federal government from the state,

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<v Speaker 1>and ultimately it's probably the best protection of liberty there is,

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<v Speaker 1>or at least it's been shown to be the best

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<v Speaker 1>protection of liberty in American history. So the idea was

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about rights in this book, but also to

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<v Speaker 1>put them in the context of the various ways in

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<v Speaker 1>which our state and federal constitutions separate power and ultimately,

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<v Speaker 1>if all goes well, do their best to balance power.

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<v Speaker 1>So with so many major disputes or controversy shall issues

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<v Speaker 1>these days, we hear people say, well, we'll see what

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<v Speaker 1>the courts decide about. This has judicial power grown so

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<v Speaker 1>that has an outsized role in our society compared to

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<v Speaker 1>the other branches of government. Well, a way to think

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<v Speaker 1>about that is that I don't think there's been a

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<v Speaker 1>country in world history that has embraced judicially enforceable rights

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<v Speaker 1>more than we Americans have. Part of it is the

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<v Speaker 1>success of the courts. Take the Brown case, which is

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<v Speaker 1>such a singular moment in American history and in which

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<v Speaker 1>the court rightly gets a lot of credit for bringing

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<v Speaker 1>Jim Crow South to its heel. So I think one

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<v Speaker 1>reason we embraced judicially enforceable rights in this country, whether

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<v Speaker 1>at the federal or state levels, it's been successful. The

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<v Speaker 1>reason that perhaps put a pause button on that. It's

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<v Speaker 1>not so much that it's not a good idea to

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<v Speaker 1>identify new judicially enforceable rights, but perhaps we've fallen into

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<v Speaker 1>the danger of the peril of a single story where

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<v Speaker 1>the only source of those rights that we think about

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<v Speaker 1>tends to be the U. S. Constitution, and the only

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<v Speaker 1>protector of those rights tends to be the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. That seems to be perilous. You know, if

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<v Speaker 1>you were to look at the number of cases filed

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<v Speaker 1>in the court system that's you know, it's one two

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<v Speaker 1>hundred one are in the state courts. So most of

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<v Speaker 1>the places where the rule of law exists or doesn't exist,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, as in the state courts to start. And

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<v Speaker 1>the second point is to not lose sight of the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that we have this second set of protections. When

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<v Speaker 1>we think our liberty or property rights have been put

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<v Speaker 1>at risk. You can lose a case at the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court under the federal Constitution and still have a

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<v Speaker 1>right to convince state court to rule that this state

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<v Speaker 1>or local law violates. An independent source of rights are

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<v Speaker 1>state constitutions. So part of the story is that we

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<v Speaker 1>do embrace judicially enforceable rights in America, There's just no

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<v Speaker 1>doubt about it. But another part of the story is

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<v Speaker 1>to remember that the U. Spreme Court is not the

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<v Speaker 1>only guardian of our rights. And when it comes to

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<v Speaker 1>every state and local law in this country, there are

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<v Speaker 1>two sources of protection in the court system, not just one.

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<v Speaker 1>So why do you think it is that we placed

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<v Speaker 1>such importance on what the Supreme Court rules? Well, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the US Supreme Court, of course, has national authority, and

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<v Speaker 1>if one is fortunate enough to win there, it means

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<v Speaker 1>your victory applies across the country. That's especially true when

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<v Speaker 1>it comes to a constitutional case where you convince the

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<v Speaker 1>court to nationalize a position under the constitution. That means

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<v Speaker 1>you not only have a national victory with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>that right, but it means that no one is allowed

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<v Speaker 1>to vote on it or do anything that's different from

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court's decision. So there are lots of incentives

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<v Speaker 1>to go to the federal court to seek relief, and

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<v Speaker 1>if one is pained relief, there are lots of incentives

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<v Speaker 1>to keep that victory, because it is pretty impressive to

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<v Speaker 1>create a rule for three million people in fifty one

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<v Speaker 1>jurisdictions and to prohibit democracy or other litigation from being

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<v Speaker 1>relevant to that particular issue. So I think that's perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>one feature of what's going on. And you know, as

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<v Speaker 1>I pointed out with the Brown case, it's a proud

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<v Speaker 1>moment in American history, and it's it's probably the case

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<v Speaker 1>most Americans know about. So when they think of constitutional rights,

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<v Speaker 1>it's understandable they would think of the U. S. Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court in the US Constitution. One reason I wrote these

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<v Speaker 1>two books is to help with this education deficit. I

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<v Speaker 1>think the last time we had a poll on this point,

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<v Speaker 1>fewer than fifty percent of Americans knew their state even

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<v Speaker 1>had a constitution, which to me is quite ironic, since

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<v Speaker 1>the federal constitutional rights that we embrace and care so

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<v Speaker 1>deeply about all originated in state constitutions, the early state

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<v Speaker 1>constitutions after seventeen seventy six, where of course, the source

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<v Speaker 1>code for the eventual federal Constitution in seventeen eighty nine,

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<v Speaker 1>and I would say for every amendment after that, you

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<v Speaker 1>talk about Chief Justice John Robert in his confirmation hearings,

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<v Speaker 1>he compared the role of a judge to an umpire

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<v Speaker 1>at a baseball game. And this has become famous already

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<v Speaker 1>because there's been so much hearkening back to it and

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<v Speaker 1>criticizing it as way too basic. Do you think it

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<v Speaker 1>would have been better not to make that comparison? Oh,

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<v Speaker 1>I wish I'd thought of it during my con hearing.

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<v Speaker 1>I thought it was brilliant, you know, confirmation hearings, as

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<v Speaker 1>I can attest, I was only at the Court of

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<v Speaker 1>Appeals level, but they're not easy, and you're trying to

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<v Speaker 1>explain things in a way that are understandable both to

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<v Speaker 1>the Senators and Americans in general, particularly when it comes

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<v Speaker 1>to a U. S. Supreme Court confirmation hearing. And I

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<v Speaker 1>thought the analogy to baseball was a good one, and

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<v Speaker 1>particularly as lyned that nobody goes to a baseball game

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<v Speaker 1>to watch the umpire, and so I think what he

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<v Speaker 1>was identifying with the judicial ideal, and he was trying

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<v Speaker 1>to present it in a way that was understandable to everybody.

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<v Speaker 1>So I quite liked it. I I appreciate the scholar scholarly,

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<v Speaker 1>I wouldn't call it critique, but scholars saying, well, is

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<v Speaker 1>it possible that judges have a little more discretion than umpires,

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<v Speaker 1>You know, maybe? So. I don't think he was disputing that.

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<v Speaker 1>He was just trying to make the point that our

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<v Speaker 1>job is not to make the rules. Our job is

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<v Speaker 1>to just say, whether you know, one side wins or

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<v Speaker 1>one side loses the thing. I think that is another way, though,

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<v Speaker 1>if we want to stick with analogiese. In baseball. The

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<v Speaker 1>thing that I think is difficult about judicial review, which

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<v Speaker 1>is to say, when the courts constitutionalize an area that

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<v Speaker 1>people care deeply about, what gets tricky is that at

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<v Speaker 1>that point there really aren't just two players in the game.

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<v Speaker 1>There really are three players in the game. So Congress

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<v Speaker 1>wants to do something, the President says you can't do it,

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<v Speaker 1>and the court has issued decisions in the area, all

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<v Speaker 1>three branches of government are now going to participate in

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<v Speaker 1>that dispute. So the same is true with any case,

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<v Speaker 1>any individual rights case. Once the court says the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>applies to an area, they are a player in the

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<v Speaker 1>game and defining what that right means. And I think

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<v Speaker 1>that's a problem that I think is just endemic in

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<v Speaker 1>judicial review. And another way of putting it is we

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<v Speaker 1>all embrace the idea of the courts being able to

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<v Speaker 1>check the political branches, because separation of powers is so

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<v Speaker 1>central to American government from the beginning, whether it's the

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<v Speaker 1>state or the federal constitutions. The trick, however, over time,

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<v Speaker 1>is that separation of powers doesn't lead to an imbalance

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<v Speaker 1>of power. And the one thing that I think the

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<v Speaker 1>framers of the Constitution would be surprised to see is

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<v Speaker 1>how much authority the federal courts now have relative to

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<v Speaker 1>the modest role they were perceived to have at the founding.

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<v Speaker 1>And you know, one might be inclined to criticize federal

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<v Speaker 1>judges like me for that. I appreciate the point. But

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<v Speaker 1>another or possibility is to wonder if we, the American people,

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<v Speaker 1>are the ones to blame. In other words, we seem

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<v Speaker 1>to like it. We seem to like going to the

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<v Speaker 1>federal courts to figure out whether the Constitution resolves this

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<v Speaker 1>particular policy debate or that particular policy debate. And I

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<v Speaker 1>wonder if we Americans should look in the mirror and say,

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<v Speaker 1>is this really a sustainable system going forward that we

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<v Speaker 1>put life tenured federal judges, five or nine members in

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<v Speaker 1>the US Supreme court in charge of some of the

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<v Speaker 1>larger policy disputes in American government. That seems to me

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<v Speaker 1>an idea worth thinking about. Because the odds are high.

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<v Speaker 1>If we stay down this road, you know, you probably

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<v Speaker 1>win half the time and lose half the time. And

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<v Speaker 1>I guess that's good to days you win. It's a

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<v Speaker 1>little frustrating when you can't vote on something you care

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<v Speaker 1>deeply about, and I sometimes wonder if we might do

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<v Speaker 1>better to use our state courts a little more. The

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<v Speaker 1>stakes are a lot less high when you constitutionalize an

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<v Speaker 1>issue in Ohio, for example, as opposed to the whole country.

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<v Speaker 1>The other of benefit of looking to our state courts

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<v Speaker 1>and state constitutions is experimentation is of a virtue of

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<v Speaker 1>federalism that I think everybody still embraces in these polarized times.

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<v Speaker 1>It's hard to find things in American government we can

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<v Speaker 1>all agree about, but I think we still agree that

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<v Speaker 1>you're not sure what to do with the difficult policy problem.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not a bad idea to follow Justice Brandis's advice

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<v Speaker 1>and let the brave state try this experiment, and if

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<v Speaker 1>it works, let another state, and eventually maybe many states

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<v Speaker 1>follow it. And if it really works, if there's truly

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<v Speaker 1>a winning insight. Why at that point you can nationalize

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<v Speaker 1>the insight. The Brandise, of course, was referring to the

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<v Speaker 1>state legislators state legislatures as the sources of this experimentation.

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<v Speaker 1>In one way to summarize who decides in fifty one

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<v Speaker 1>perfect solutions is I'm simply suggesting that perhaps we should

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<v Speaker 1>use our state courts as laboratories of experimentation when it

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<v Speaker 1>comes to some of the more difficult constitution of debates

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<v Speaker 1>that the country is facing. And if you think of

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<v Speaker 1>the constitutional bates that seem to generate the most press

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<v Speaker 1>attention that most Americans know about, they're ones that are

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<v Speaker 1>about very generally worded guarantees, what processes do, When is

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<v Speaker 1>speech free? When is the search unreasonable? These are terms

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<v Speaker 1>that can generate disagreement, for sure, and a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>different perspectives, And they seem like the kind of areas

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<v Speaker 1>where the Brandise insight might also apply. Why not let

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<v Speaker 1>state courts be the experimenters in chief, the first responders

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<v Speaker 1>when there's a new policy problem that implicates individual liberty

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<v Speaker 1>or property rights or quality concerns, and let the experimentation unfold.

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<v Speaker 1>And sometimes that experimentation will lead to a national ruling

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<v Speaker 1>by the US Supreme Court, where we nationalize the constitutional right,

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<v Speaker 1>and other times it might turn out that this is

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<v Speaker 1>a big, diverse country and there might be one or

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<v Speaker 1>two or three reasonable ways to handle the matter, and

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<v Speaker 1>we could allow some variation to account for a variety

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<v Speaker 1>of circumstances. Why do you think it is that litigants,

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<v Speaker 1>when they're deciding to litigate about these rights go right

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<v Speaker 1>to the federal courts. Well, I think they would do

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<v Speaker 1>what I did when I was in litigation, which is

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<v Speaker 1>do what's the best by your client. And there's no

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<v Speaker 1>client who wouldn't prefer a national victory. So you know,

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<v Speaker 1>whether it's a state, whether it's an individual, whether it's

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<v Speaker 1>an an interest group, everyone would prefer to see the

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<v Speaker 1>right they care deeply about protected equally throughout the country.

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<v Speaker 1>I appreciate as a as a former practicing lawyer with clients,

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<v Speaker 1>it is the lawyer's job to really it's a fiduciary

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<v Speaker 1>duty to do the best by your client you can.

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<v Speaker 1>And if the federal courts offer a way to nationalize

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<v Speaker 1>a victory, well I think it's quite understandable that they're

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<v Speaker 1>doing that. The thing I sometimes wonder is you know, here,

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<v Speaker 1>I am a federal judge, and I sometimes think it

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<v Speaker 1>might be useful for us from time to time to

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<v Speaker 1>listen to those state cases, maybe put a pause button

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<v Speaker 1>before we nationalize something. Quite often, some really terrific insights

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<v Speaker 1>can come from the state courts. And you know, if

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<v Speaker 1>if the federal courts wait a little while sometimes before

0:13:25.520 --> 0:13:28.320
<v Speaker 1>they identify these new national rights, they also lower the

0:13:28.320 --> 0:13:31.400
<v Speaker 1>stakes of their decision. Right if you know, thirty of

0:13:31.559 --> 0:13:35.960
<v Speaker 1>fifty states have already recognized a right, that means the

0:13:36.000 --> 0:13:39.160
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court decision only affects twenty states at that point,

0:13:39.200 --> 0:13:43.200
<v Speaker 1>so that lowers the temperature of the ultimate decision. But

0:13:43.280 --> 0:13:45.480
<v Speaker 1>you know, there's another another way to think about this,

0:13:46.080 --> 0:13:48.360
<v Speaker 1>which is that sometimes the US Suprint Court puts up

0:13:48.400 --> 0:13:51.440
<v Speaker 1>a stop sign. So most recently in the rout show

0:13:51.480 --> 0:13:53.920
<v Speaker 1>case from a few years ago, they said that the

0:13:54.000 --> 0:13:59.280
<v Speaker 1>fourteenth Amendment does not cover claims of extreme partisan jerrymandry.

0:14:00.000 --> 0:14:03.120
<v Speaker 1>There's a very close case. It's by four the Chief

0:14:03.200 --> 0:14:07.480
<v Speaker 1>Justice wrote, the Majority Justice Kagan wrote, powerful descent, and

0:14:07.600 --> 0:14:10.880
<v Speaker 1>it concerned a topic that I think so at one

0:14:11.000 --> 0:14:16.360
<v Speaker 1>level every American agrees is troubling that extreme partisan garmyndering

0:14:16.400 --> 0:14:19.320
<v Speaker 1>has not been good for the country. I don't think

0:14:19.360 --> 0:14:21.880
<v Speaker 1>there's a single citizen out there that thinks we need

0:14:21.960 --> 0:14:24.440
<v Speaker 1>more of it. So we all agree that it's something

0:14:24.520 --> 0:14:28.800
<v Speaker 1>that is hurting democracy, our civil discourse. Well, once the

0:14:28.920 --> 0:14:31.160
<v Speaker 1>US Spring Court puts up a stop sign in routcho

0:14:31.240 --> 0:14:33.800
<v Speaker 1>and says before too, demendment doesn't have a role to

0:14:33.880 --> 0:14:36.920
<v Speaker 1>play here. Those who have lost those cases, you know,

0:14:37.000 --> 0:14:41.560
<v Speaker 1>they have two options. Option AY embrace unhappiness, an option B.

0:14:41.880 --> 0:14:44.440
<v Speaker 1>Go to the state courts. And it turns out in

0:14:44.520 --> 0:14:47.800
<v Speaker 1>that area people have successfully gone to state court. You

0:14:47.920 --> 0:14:52.560
<v Speaker 1>have decisions by the Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Florida court

0:14:52.640 --> 0:14:57.440
<v Speaker 1>systems that have recognized claims in that exact area under

0:14:57.480 --> 0:15:00.800
<v Speaker 1>their state constitutions. And there's also of the recourse is

0:15:00.840 --> 0:15:04.960
<v Speaker 1>going to the state legislature for a compromise and in

0:15:05.120 --> 0:15:09.520
<v Speaker 1>some cases going to amendments to state constitutions to try

0:15:09.560 --> 0:15:14.000
<v Speaker 1>to limit extreme partisan gerrymandering. So I see state constitutions

0:15:14.000 --> 0:15:18.120
<v Speaker 1>as having to roles here. One. They're very good news

0:15:18.240 --> 0:15:21.040
<v Speaker 1>for the individual that loses at the U. S. Supreme

0:15:21.080 --> 0:15:23.600
<v Speaker 1>Court when it comes to challenging the state or local law.

0:15:23.640 --> 0:15:27.000
<v Speaker 1>It gives you a second shot, a second chance at victory,

0:15:27.720 --> 0:15:30.920
<v Speaker 1>and then I see them as potentially really helpful when

0:15:30.960 --> 0:15:34.480
<v Speaker 1>it comes to the very difficult job US Supreme Court

0:15:34.560 --> 0:15:42.359
<v Speaker 1>justices have in identifying new federal constitutional rights, particularly unenumerated

0:15:42.440 --> 0:15:45.360
<v Speaker 1>rights or substance to process, where it's just not a

0:15:45.440 --> 0:15:48.440
<v Speaker 1>lot to go on in the U. S. Constitution, and

0:15:49.680 --> 0:15:53.480
<v Speaker 1>the states can be very helpful resources when it comes

0:15:53.520 --> 0:15:57.520
<v Speaker 1>to the meaning of these guarantees because they all originated

0:15:57.600 --> 0:16:01.720
<v Speaker 1>there in the state constitutions, and they can be helpful

0:16:02.400 --> 0:16:07.240
<v Speaker 1>for those justices to account for shifting norms in society,

0:16:08.000 --> 0:16:10.240
<v Speaker 1>you have to look for evidence of those shifting norms

0:16:10.280 --> 0:16:13.400
<v Speaker 1>outside the judge. You have to look forward out in society,

0:16:13.920 --> 0:16:18.040
<v Speaker 1>society some objective place, and state legislatures, state courts, and

0:16:18.080 --> 0:16:22.560
<v Speaker 1>state constitutions can be really terrific evidence of shifting norms

0:16:22.600 --> 0:16:26.400
<v Speaker 1>in society. So do you think a federal judge should

0:16:27.240 --> 0:16:35.000
<v Speaker 1>should be looking more asking advice from a state supreme court? Yeah? So,

0:16:35.160 --> 0:16:39.120
<v Speaker 1>I think one of the beauties of UM paying attention

0:16:39.160 --> 0:16:42.320
<v Speaker 1>to state courts and state constitutions is that it's a

0:16:42.400 --> 0:16:46.400
<v Speaker 1>neutral principle and it helps everybody. So I tend to

0:16:46.520 --> 0:16:50.760
<v Speaker 1>lean towards the UM tax dualist original wast approached to

0:16:50.880 --> 0:16:55.040
<v Speaker 1>interpretation and the reasons state constitutions could be helpful to me.

0:16:55.400 --> 0:16:59.640
<v Speaker 1>Is there, of course the source code for the federal

0:16:59.720 --> 0:17:03.640
<v Speaker 1>guarant t because all of our original rights throughout of

0:17:03.760 --> 0:17:07.960
<v Speaker 1>state constitutions, and so a state court decision could be

0:17:08.040 --> 0:17:12.119
<v Speaker 1>really helpful to me and understanding what the federal guarantee means. Now,

0:17:12.280 --> 0:17:17.159
<v Speaker 1>some judges and justices are primate pragmatic. When they get

0:17:17.200 --> 0:17:20.560
<v Speaker 1>a close case, they want to make sure that their

0:17:20.640 --> 0:17:23.920
<v Speaker 1>interpretation um is not going to make things worse that

0:17:24.280 --> 0:17:27.680
<v Speaker 1>ideally it will make things better. Well, for the pragmatic,

0:17:27.760 --> 0:17:31.959
<v Speaker 1>pragmatic federal judge or justice, the state court decisions can

0:17:32.040 --> 0:17:37.919
<v Speaker 1>be hugely helpful because they can illustrate whether this new

0:17:38.000 --> 0:17:42.639
<v Speaker 1>interpretation help solve a problem or God forbid, made it

0:17:42.760 --> 0:17:49.840
<v Speaker 1>worse for the living constitutionalists. For those judges and justices

0:17:50.000 --> 0:17:53.920
<v Speaker 1>that in some settings will account for shifting norms in

0:17:53.960 --> 0:17:58.600
<v Speaker 1>American society, the state court decisions can be really valuable

0:17:58.760 --> 0:18:03.959
<v Speaker 1>because they can show that, indeed, a lot of Americans

0:18:04.080 --> 0:18:09.239
<v Speaker 1>now think this right or that right is quite consequential. Um.

0:18:09.600 --> 0:18:13.560
<v Speaker 1>You know, the marriage equality story illustrates this last point

0:18:14.040 --> 0:18:16.879
<v Speaker 1>in Justice Kennedy's opinion in the Burgher fell. He pointed

0:18:16.920 --> 0:18:22.000
<v Speaker 1>out that back in one or seventy two, the U. S.

0:18:22.040 --> 0:18:25.639
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court had rejected a marriage equality claim in the

0:18:25.720 --> 0:18:29.080
<v Speaker 1>context of a Fourteenth Amendment dispute coming out of the

0:18:29.119 --> 0:18:32.520
<v Speaker 1>state of Minnesota. And he pointed out since the early seventies,

0:18:34.200 --> 0:18:39.720
<v Speaker 1>state courts had recognized a right to marriage equality under

0:18:39.760 --> 0:18:43.399
<v Speaker 1>their state constitutions, state legislatures had gotten rid of the

0:18:43.520 --> 0:18:48.879
<v Speaker 1>bands on gay marriage, and if some state constitutions have

0:18:48.960 --> 0:18:51.880
<v Speaker 1>even been amended to that effect. And he pointed out

0:18:51.960 --> 0:18:57.600
<v Speaker 1>that this dialogue informed the meaning of to process in

0:18:57.680 --> 0:19:01.080
<v Speaker 1>equal protection at the federal level. So one of the

0:19:01.160 --> 0:19:05.879
<v Speaker 1>things I really enjoy about state constitutions is they're valuable

0:19:05.920 --> 0:19:09.080
<v Speaker 1>to everybody. They're valuable to those who have lost at

0:19:09.080 --> 0:19:11.359
<v Speaker 1>the US spren Court, They're valuable to those who are

0:19:11.400 --> 0:19:13.200
<v Speaker 1>trying to win at the US Spren Court. And they're

0:19:13.280 --> 0:19:19.440
<v Speaker 1>valuable too liberals and conservatives and every method of constitutional

0:19:19.480 --> 0:19:25.040
<v Speaker 1>interpretation there's ever been. As you know, the public approval

0:19:25.119 --> 0:19:27.959
<v Speaker 1>of the Supreme Court is at its lowest in modern times.

0:19:28.760 --> 0:19:31.080
<v Speaker 1>And you talk in your book about, you know, the

0:19:31.160 --> 0:19:35.760
<v Speaker 1>confirmation of Judge Bork and and how that perhaps started

0:19:36.840 --> 0:19:41.480
<v Speaker 1>the partisanship of the selection process is there any way

0:19:41.520 --> 0:19:47.880
<v Speaker 1>at this point to take partisanship out of judicial selection. Well,

0:19:48.160 --> 0:19:50.720
<v Speaker 1>one of the chapters of Who Decides takes on the

0:19:51.160 --> 0:19:55.720
<v Speaker 1>story of judicial selection methods. And you know, when the

0:19:55.800 --> 0:19:59.639
<v Speaker 1>state and federal constitutions were being put together, no one

0:19:59.680 --> 0:20:02.560
<v Speaker 1>thought of electing judges or justices. It was always a

0:20:03.480 --> 0:20:08.600
<v Speaker 1>selection process that involved the legislative branch or the decaded branch.

0:20:08.840 --> 0:20:14.240
<v Speaker 1>And over time of the state court judges are now

0:20:14.400 --> 0:20:17.119
<v Speaker 1>elected in some way or another, whether through retention or

0:20:17.200 --> 0:20:21.000
<v Speaker 1>partisan and nonpartisan elections. So we have a world where

0:20:21.080 --> 0:20:26.440
<v Speaker 1>the state court system has seen its selection process evolved

0:20:27.680 --> 0:20:31.920
<v Speaker 1>in much more democratic ways. And you know, those elections,

0:20:32.000 --> 0:20:36.800
<v Speaker 1>even when they're nonpartisans, still involved fundraising and certainly what

0:20:37.000 --> 0:20:41.040
<v Speaker 1>looked to be political components to them. Um, you know,

0:20:41.160 --> 0:20:43.840
<v Speaker 1>I think it's a I think it's a difficult problem.

0:20:45.200 --> 0:20:49.840
<v Speaker 1>One illustration of the problem is that, you know, by

0:20:50.280 --> 0:20:54.359
<v Speaker 1>too many accounts to deny the two thousand sixteen presidential

0:20:54.400 --> 0:20:59.280
<v Speaker 1>election turned on a sufficient number of Americans choosing a

0:20:59.359 --> 0:21:01.840
<v Speaker 1>vote for isn't of the United States as a proxy

0:21:02.800 --> 0:21:05.920
<v Speaker 1>to build one seat in a nine member court. That

0:21:06.080 --> 0:21:11.080
<v Speaker 1>suggests that the American people have become very engaged and

0:21:11.880 --> 0:21:15.840
<v Speaker 1>interested in who was on the U. S. Supreme Court um,

0:21:16.000 --> 0:21:21.879
<v Speaker 1>and you know, whatever the reasons for that development, however

0:21:22.000 --> 0:21:24.560
<v Speaker 1>it is, we got to this point. I think we

0:21:24.640 --> 0:21:27.240
<v Speaker 1>can all agree that's probably not the system that the

0:21:27.320 --> 0:21:30.480
<v Speaker 1>founders designed, and we probably all can agree that's not

0:21:30.600 --> 0:21:34.040
<v Speaker 1>healthy for the federal courts. I went through the process

0:21:34.640 --> 0:21:37.639
<v Speaker 1>roughly twenty years ago and came out of it with

0:21:37.720 --> 0:21:42.640
<v Speaker 1>a vote for a lowly seat on the Court of Appeals,

0:21:42.680 --> 0:21:48.360
<v Speaker 1>and my boss, Justice Scalia, back in the mid nighties

0:21:48.440 --> 0:21:52.320
<v Speaker 1>was confirmed zo to obviously a far more important jump,

0:21:53.480 --> 0:21:58.280
<v Speaker 1>and so that does suggest things have changed. What's very

0:21:58.359 --> 0:22:04.680
<v Speaker 1>difficult about this problem is what the excess strategy is,

0:22:05.359 --> 0:22:08.200
<v Speaker 1>because you have I mean, if you think of some

0:22:08.400 --> 0:22:11.560
<v Speaker 1>of the most intense fights we have at the court,

0:22:12.119 --> 0:22:14.960
<v Speaker 1>they're actually not about new rights, they're about preserving old ones.

0:22:15.440 --> 0:22:19.399
<v Speaker 1>And that's really complicated. People get used to having a

0:22:19.520 --> 0:22:22.480
<v Speaker 1>right protected by the Court as opposed to their state

0:22:22.560 --> 0:22:28.840
<v Speaker 1>court or their state legislature or Congress, and that's a

0:22:29.359 --> 0:22:34.720
<v Speaker 1>that's a difficult problem to extract yourself from. And I

0:22:34.840 --> 0:22:37.760
<v Speaker 1>personally think we are to have an imbalance of power

0:22:37.920 --> 0:22:42.200
<v Speaker 1>situation at this point, and shrinking the footprint of the

0:22:42.240 --> 0:22:45.360
<v Speaker 1>federal courts is not something that's easy to do. When

0:22:45.440 --> 0:22:48.480
<v Speaker 1>it's very large and a lot of people care deeply

0:22:48.560 --> 0:22:51.760
<v Speaker 1>about some of the rights that are covered by that footprint,

0:22:52.000 --> 0:22:55.679
<v Speaker 1>it's very difficult to turn things around because no one

0:22:55.760 --> 0:22:59.040
<v Speaker 1>wants to give up power and the partisanship gets worse

0:22:59.200 --> 0:23:01.800
<v Speaker 1>all the time. But one way to think about it is,

0:23:02.200 --> 0:23:05.520
<v Speaker 1>I'll try this on. You do this thought experiment where

0:23:05.640 --> 0:23:09.320
<v Speaker 1>you're you get people together, and if someone is progressive,

0:23:10.280 --> 0:23:12.840
<v Speaker 1>they need to find a conservative friend. And by the way,

0:23:12.880 --> 0:23:16.200
<v Speaker 1>if they don't have one, it's the Americans could do

0:23:16.280 --> 0:23:19.120
<v Speaker 1>better on that front. And then the same for the conservative.

0:23:19.119 --> 0:23:21.600
<v Speaker 1>The conservatives should find a progressive friend. And if they

0:23:21.600 --> 0:23:24.400
<v Speaker 1>don't have one, time to get one. And the two

0:23:24.440 --> 0:23:27.320
<v Speaker 1>of them sit down and they each each get to

0:23:27.440 --> 0:23:31.800
<v Speaker 1>identify the constitutional rulings of the US Supreme Court, let's

0:23:31.800 --> 0:23:34.840
<v Speaker 1>say the last seventy years, and they each get to

0:23:34.920 --> 0:23:39.320
<v Speaker 1>pick five that they don't care for um. And so

0:23:39.800 --> 0:23:42.520
<v Speaker 1>you know what ends up happening with this thought experiment

0:23:42.880 --> 0:23:47.120
<v Speaker 1>is the progressive, Oh, a progressive might not care let's

0:23:47.119 --> 0:23:50.480
<v Speaker 1>say for Citizens United or Heller might be two examples.

0:23:50.800 --> 0:23:54.600
<v Speaker 1>And let's say the conservative might not care for, say

0:23:54.760 --> 0:23:58.120
<v Speaker 1>Casey or a criminal procedure case. But anyway, they each

0:23:58.160 --> 0:24:01.800
<v Speaker 1>get to pick five. I asked audiences this all the time,

0:24:01.880 --> 0:24:05.880
<v Speaker 1>and my law students, would you take the trade? Another way?

0:24:05.920 --> 0:24:10.359
<v Speaker 1>You have to give up five constitutional rulings that you

0:24:10.480 --> 0:24:13.320
<v Speaker 1>probably care for, but in return you get rid of

0:24:13.440 --> 0:24:16.639
<v Speaker 1>five you don't care for, and depp shot as you

0:24:16.760 --> 0:24:22.000
<v Speaker 1>take ten controversial rulings and you return them all to

0:24:22.200 --> 0:24:25.440
<v Speaker 1>democracy or state courts. So you get you know, you

0:24:25.520 --> 0:24:29.200
<v Speaker 1>get second, third, and fourth chances to win, but you've

0:24:29.280 --> 0:24:31.840
<v Speaker 1>lost your national victory at the U. S Supreme Court.

0:24:31.920 --> 0:24:35.400
<v Speaker 1>But in return for getting rid of a national defeat

0:24:36.000 --> 0:24:40.560
<v Speaker 1>or five of them. And to my surprise, most students

0:24:41.000 --> 0:24:45.600
<v Speaker 1>and most lawyers, most Americans, when I present this offer,

0:24:46.440 --> 0:24:50.720
<v Speaker 1>they won't take the trade. And I think, I think

0:24:50.760 --> 0:24:53.800
<v Speaker 1>what's going on is they, in some cases really prized

0:24:53.840 --> 0:24:55.600
<v Speaker 1>the victory, so it's very hard for them to give

0:24:55.680 --> 0:25:00.239
<v Speaker 1>up the victory. Um. There's probably a slightly amara Kin

0:25:00.320 --> 0:25:03.280
<v Speaker 1>component with this, which is, well, we're gonna win in

0:25:03.320 --> 0:25:07.480
<v Speaker 1>the end anyway, which I guess they must mean capture

0:25:07.520 --> 0:25:10.439
<v Speaker 1>control of the US Supreme Court and get keep their

0:25:10.480 --> 0:25:14.560
<v Speaker 1>five and get five more victories. Um. But they need

0:25:14.640 --> 0:25:18.000
<v Speaker 1>to remember they're going against another American, and the odds

0:25:18.040 --> 0:25:21.960
<v Speaker 1>are pretty high it's going to be going forward. They'll

0:25:21.960 --> 0:25:24.000
<v Speaker 1>win half, they'll lose half, and they won't get to

0:25:24.080 --> 0:25:26.680
<v Speaker 1>vote on any of them. You wonder if this isn't

0:25:26.680 --> 0:25:29.399
<v Speaker 1>a problem for American citizens more than is a problem

0:25:29.520 --> 0:25:32.480
<v Speaker 1>for American judges. Thanks so much for being the Bloomberg

0:25:32.560 --> 0:25:36.160
<v Speaker 1>Law Show. Judge Sutton, that's Judge Jeffrey Sutton, the Chief

0:25:36.280 --> 0:25:38.560
<v Speaker 1>Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the

0:25:38.680 --> 0:25:42.160
<v Speaker 1>Sixth Circuit, and his new book is entitled Who Decides

0:25:42.640 --> 0:25:47.399
<v Speaker 1>States His Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation. And that's it for

0:25:47.440 --> 0:25:50.080
<v Speaker 1>the edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can

0:25:50.119 --> 0:25:53.000
<v Speaker 1>always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law Podcast.

0:25:53.400 --> 0:25:57.199
<v Speaker 1>You can find them on Apple Podcasts, spotifying at www

0:25:57.480 --> 0:26:01.520
<v Speaker 1>dot Bloomberg dot com, slash podcast, slash Law. I'm Juan

0:26:01.560 --> 0:26:03.440
<v Speaker 1>Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg