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Speaker 1: Be afraid, be very afraid. But of what what are

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Speaker 1: the top risks for twenty twenty six? It's Armstrong, you

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Speaker 1: Getty extra.

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Speaker 2: Large because four hours simply.

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Speaker 1: This is Armstrong and Getty extra large. Well, this is

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Speaker 1: always fun. We look forward to it like a kid

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Speaker 1: looks forward to Christmas. Talking to Ian Bremmer, president of

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Speaker 1: the Eurasia Group, about the top risks of the year

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Speaker 1: in twenty twenty six looks to be Harry. Indeed, welcome

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Speaker 1: I and how are you hey?

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Speaker 2: Good to talk to you, guys, happen to here?

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Speaker 3: First of all, to Joe, I like this list too,

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Speaker 3: but you look forward to it like you did as

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Speaker 3: a kid to Christmas.

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Speaker 1: That seems a little weird. It's marketing hyperbole.

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Speaker 3: Secondly, before we get into the Listy and I was

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Speaker 3: going to ask you about Nicole.

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Speaker 2: All the time, and you know and love fossil fuels

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Speaker 2: in this country.

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Speaker 1: So yeah, it's not beyond me, with a couple of

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Speaker 1: drinks in me to beat up them all Santa, out

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Speaker 1: of resentment for you know, my disappointments.

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Speaker 3: Before we get to the very cerebral list, I've wanted

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Speaker 3: to ask somebody about this. They do this on Network

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Speaker 3: television all the time, and I saw it happen to

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Speaker 3: you a couple of times where they tease you and

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Speaker 3: you're sitting on a couch or in a green room

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Speaker 3: or something like that, and they say, come it to

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Speaker 3: the next segment, we'll have Ian Bremmer, and then they

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Speaker 3: put the camera on you. Is that as uncomfortable as

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Speaker 3: it looks like? Am I supposed to smile or wave

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Speaker 3: or give a thumbs up? Or what am I supposed

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Speaker 3: to do here?

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Speaker 2: It was most recent on CBS Morning News with you know,

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Speaker 2: Gail and Company, and it was a shockingly long tease.

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Speaker 2: And when I say shockingly long tease, I mean there

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Speaker 2: was no fluffing involved in this, right, It's just me

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Speaker 2: looking down the can and I don't know. I mean,

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Speaker 2: I gave it my best stare. I mean I thought

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Speaker 2: it was. I don't know if you guys were turned on.

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Speaker 1: No, it's tough. It's a tough situation. I don't know

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Speaker 1: what you're supposed to do, but you handle riki Arkad.

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Speaker 2: Yeah.

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Speaker 1: TV people are good at that. We're we're ugly audio guys,

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Speaker 1: and so occasionally though we've been in TV settings where

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Speaker 1: they say, all right, say that line. Then smile, hold it,

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Speaker 1: hold it, hold it, and we're like, and you know it,

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Speaker 1: the smile turns into a grimace, turns I'm weird. You know,

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Speaker 1: I've taken a blow to the head expression. But yeah, exactlyway.

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Speaker 3: So we are super into AI stuff around here. So

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Speaker 3: my first question off the bat about risk eight AI

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Speaker 3: eats its users. I was just reading Bloomberg's prediction that

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Speaker 3: companies mostly are still going to be all in on AI.

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Speaker 3: How do you feel it's going to play out this year.

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Speaker 2: I believe they will be all in on AI, but

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Speaker 2: there's going to be a lot more pressure to commercialize it,

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Speaker 2: to make money, to provide returns to all these shareholders

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Speaker 2: with enormous amounts of money they're being spent on these

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Speaker 2: large language models only getting more complex with more data,

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Speaker 2: more chips requirements, more energy requirements. And I think that's

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Speaker 2: fine for a lot of companies that are doing business

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Speaker 2: to business, that are doing industrial purposes, defense purposes. But

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Speaker 2: for the companies that are selling AI to consumers, they're

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Speaker 2: going to need to make profit any way they can,

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Speaker 2: and that means testing these things real time on society,

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Speaker 2: on us, on our kids, And I think that's actually

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Speaker 2: quite a dangerous risk for our political system and for

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Speaker 2: our mental well being.

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Speaker 3: Well, I noticed we talked about this right before the

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Speaker 3: end of the year, open Altman announcing that they're going

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Speaker 3: to like focus on the chat GPT, the thing that

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Speaker 3: people kind of like and not so much to get into,

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Speaker 3: you know, artificial general intelligence as much.

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Speaker 1: So that's what you're talking about.

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Speaker 2: It is, And you know, we all know that social media,

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Speaker 2: when they decided they need to start making a profit,

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Speaker 2: it became a much less community oriented, much more addiction

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Speaker 2: and engagement oriented. Well, AI is a hell of a

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Speaker 2: lot more capable at programming us, at changing our behavior,

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Speaker 2: making us believe that we're talking to people when actually

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Speaker 2: we're talking to things that have no affect and are

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Speaker 2: just trying to get the outcomes they want it wants

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Speaker 2: out of us. There are people like that in society.

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Speaker 2: We call them so sociopaths. We don't want to be

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Speaker 2: around them, right, And yet when it comes to AI,

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Speaker 2: we're like, hey, go for it, train it on us,

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Speaker 2: and that that just seems like it is not destined

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Speaker 2: to go well, especially because the race is so well funded,

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Speaker 2: it's so fast, and it's not effectively regulated at all.

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Speaker 2: Because we all just want to win. We just want

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Speaker 2: to We think it's so amazing. We want this to

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Speaker 2: go faster and faster. And I do get the fact that,

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Speaker 2: you know, whenever we talk about government involvement, we also

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Speaker 2: talk about red tape, and we talk about entrepreneurs not

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Speaker 2: being able to do the things they're great at. But

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Speaker 2: here we are talking about public safety and we should care.

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Speaker 2: We care about that with vaccines, we test those first.

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Speaker 2: We care about it with GMO foods. But somehow when

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Speaker 2: it involves like actually programming our minds, it no longer matters.

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Speaker 1: Wow, I'm glad to hear you say that. We're big

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Speaker 1: fans of Peter Bergosi' around here, who's written extensively about

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Speaker 1: the effects of technology and social media on kids especially,

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Speaker 1: And I just think giving super powers to the sort

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Speaker 1: of technology we've already decided is absolutely pathological, especially for youngsters,

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Speaker 1: seems incredibly dangerous. But there it is on your list

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Speaker 1: of you know, risks.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, and it's also showing up in risk number two

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Speaker 2: in a very different way that I was.

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Speaker 1: Just about to ask about that. Yeah, I hit it.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, Well, because here you've got the Americans doubling down

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Speaker 2: on being the strongest petron state in the world, thirteen

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Speaker 2: point five million barrels a day of oil production, plus

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Speaker 2: you know Venezuela, and that the largest oil reserves proven

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Speaker 2: in the world, all of which is great for American

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Speaker 2: power in the United States is refusing to keep investing

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Speaker 2: in solar and wind and batteries and all the things

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Speaker 2: that are getting much cheaper in terms of energy because

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Speaker 2: those are woke climate energies. Well, the Chinese aren't particularly woke,

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Speaker 2: but they do know that they need as much energy

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Speaker 2: as possible, and they are investing massive in the electric stack,

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Speaker 2: and they're becoming an electro state while we're a petro state.

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Speaker 2: The only problem is the electro state is becoming a

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Speaker 2: lot cheaper at producing electricity every year. So we're going

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Speaker 2: out there selling twentieth century oil, gas and coal to

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Speaker 2: countries and they're going out there selling twenty first century

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Speaker 2: energy infrastructure to countries. And who's going to be better

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Speaker 2: at powering the AI Who's going to be better at

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Speaker 2: feeding their people? And the answer is the Chinese. That's

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Speaker 2: not a position the Americans should be in.

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Speaker 1: You mentioned the term the electric stack. Help us understand

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Speaker 1: that what is that?

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Speaker 2: It's everything that is necessary to produce huge amounts of

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Speaker 2: electricity that is powering our economy. So again, it's nuclear,

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Speaker 2: it's wind, it's solar, its batteries, and it's all the

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Speaker 2: infrastructure and the critical minerals that go into that and

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Speaker 2: the supply chain, the processing all around the world. The

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Speaker 2: Chinese have been investing in that assiduously for decades now,

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Speaker 2: in the United States has not. That's when Trump met

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Speaker 2: with Shijinping. There was such a concern about critical minerals

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Speaker 2: because the Chinese were capable of shutting them off to

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Speaker 2: the US and therefore shutting down American corporations and factories.

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Speaker 3: That story that came out right before the end of

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Speaker 3: the year, with China building that just ginormous. The world's

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Speaker 3: never seen anything like it. Ability to produce electricity got

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Speaker 3: a lot of attention.

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Speaker 2: That's right, so much more than the Americans are actually

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Speaker 2: bringing to market every year, and that's not something that

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Speaker 2: the US is prepared politically to actually compete with at

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Speaker 2: this point.

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Speaker 3: So then how does that fit in with Risk seven

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Speaker 3: China's deflation trap? I mean, can they continue to make

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Speaker 3: these kind of decisions with their economy and the situation

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Speaker 3: it's in.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, the ordering of the risks is meant in terms

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Speaker 2: of impact, likelihood and imminence, So seven is a lot

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Speaker 2: lower than two. And the issue here is not that

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Speaker 2: deflation doesn't matter. They've had ten quarters of deflation sequentially.

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Speaker 2: That's a lot, and they don't have consumer demand and

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Speaker 2: they got massive corporate debt and they're not really willing

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Speaker 2: to make the stimulus bet to change that. So what's

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Speaker 2: happening is China is exporting their problems. They're manufacturing an

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Speaker 2: enormous amount, very cheaply involution the competition is the way

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Speaker 2: that's called domestically, and that's created a one trillion dollar

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Speaker 2: surplus that they've exported all over the world in twenty

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Speaker 2: twenty five. That number will go up in twenty twenty six.

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Speaker 2: So it will cause some backlash and that will undermine

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Speaker 2: China's position with some countries, even as they have all

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Speaker 2: these cheap goods and cheap energy that countries will want.

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Speaker 2: But it is a much lower order risk that the

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Speaker 2: Chinese are capable of both managing and kicking down the

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Speaker 2: road than the US versus China energy risk, which is

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Speaker 2: a lot bigger at stakes and a lot more gent.

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Speaker 1: So just for your edifit case. Yeah, Well, it's interesting

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Speaker 1: that China is both undeniably an awesome power and a

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Speaker 1: highly highly troubled economy in society at the same time.

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Speaker 1: But both are true. So I know some of your

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Speaker 1: risks are pretty Trump US politics oriented, but we talk

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Speaker 1: about those so much. We were kind of excited to

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Speaker 1: talk to you about the things we talk about a

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Speaker 1: little less, if that's okay with you. I mean, for instance,

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Speaker 1: Europe under siege and Russia's second front, boy, the state

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Speaker 1: of Europe. We could go on and on about that.

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Speaker 1: What do you see as risks there?

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Speaker 2: Well, you've got to bring Trump in and the United

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Speaker 2: short States in here, because it turns out that the

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Speaker 2: Europeans for decades had been making a big bet that

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Speaker 2: the United States would continue to support collective security in

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Speaker 2: the Transatlantic space, would continue to support free trade, rule

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Speaker 2: of law, and the promotion of democracy. And of course

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Speaker 2: the United States is not doing that, and Trump is

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Speaker 2: not the driver of it, but he is certainly a symptom.

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Speaker 2: He as a benefit sherry, and he's an accelerant and

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Speaker 2: that is causing a massive problem for Europe. Number one,

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Speaker 2: because Trump no longer wants to support Ukraine. He's having

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Speaker 2: the Europeans spend all the money doing it, and you know,

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Speaker 2: to Trump's credit, frankly, taxpayers are no longer paying for that.

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Speaker 2: But also the Greenland situation also Trump's saying he doesn't

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Speaker 2: want a strong EU. He wants to support the eurosceptic

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Speaker 2: parties that want to bring the Europeans apart, like the

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Speaker 2: AfD in Germany and the National Rally in France and

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Speaker 2: Reform Party FORAGE in the UK. And all of that

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Speaker 2: is happening after the Europeans have not sent on defense.

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Speaker 2: They don't have high productivity, they don't have the tech companies,

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Speaker 2: they're not really growing. So they've got a great social

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Speaker 2: contract that takes care of the people, but they can't

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Speaker 2: afford it, and they matter less to the United States

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Speaker 2: than they used to. So the Americans go into Venezuela

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Speaker 2: and they take out Maduro, and the Europeans are all

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Speaker 2: privately saying, oh my god, this is legal, this is

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Speaker 2: better of love. But what do they do publicly? They

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Speaker 2: don't say that they we're monitoring the situation because they

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Speaker 2: don't actually have the power to do very much about it.

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Speaker 2: And that's a big problem for your world.

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Speaker 1: And Russia's second front is your risk number five? What's

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Speaker 1: that all about?

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Speaker 2: Well, the fact that all of this is happening while

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Speaker 2: the Russians see that the Americans are not willing to

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Speaker 2: hit them hard, They're willing to hit the Ukrainians hard

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Speaker 2: because the Ukrainians are weaker. That's the best way to

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Speaker 2: get the Ukrainians to capitulate and end the war in

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Speaker 2: Trump's view, Well, Russia sees that they know they don't

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Speaker 2: have to stop, and that gives them more space to

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Speaker 2: escalate in their backyard. The way Trump is escalating in

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Speaker 2: his backyard, Well, what does that mean. It doesn't mean

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Speaker 2: tanks into Poland, but how about weather balloons into Lithuania?

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Speaker 2: How a drones into Poland and Romania. How about Russian

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Speaker 2: ships dragging anchor and destroying fiber optic cables in the

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Speaker 2: North Sea. How about all the money they're spending on

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Speaker 2: all these people inside the frontline NATO countries to engage

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Speaker 2: in espionage and destruction of critical infrastructure and even assassination attempts,

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Speaker 2: as we saw against the CEO of the largest German

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Speaker 2: defense company last year. Russians are escalating that and that

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Speaker 2: is a hybrid war that NATO frontline states will increasingly

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Speaker 2: respond to and it's a lot more dangerous for the

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Speaker 2: world than the war going on, which is largely contained

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Speaker 2: at this point between Russian and Ukraine.

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Speaker 3: Well, a lot of those things you just described, drone

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Speaker 3: or parachute or whatever, could certainly be described as attacks

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Speaker 3: if you wanted to, And then an attack on one

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Speaker 3: is an attack on all. With the NATO countries, do

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Speaker 3: you think that holds if one of these countries is

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Speaker 3: attacked by Russia, would we honor that Article five?

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Speaker 2: I think that the Europeans are unconvinced that it would.

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Speaker 2: I think that it is a very big difference between

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Speaker 2: sending in a whole bunch of tanks and invading a

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Speaker 2: country and doing all the stuff that we just talked about,

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Speaker 2: which are clearly attacks. But it's harder to say that

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Speaker 2: you're at war. And the Russians are very aware of that.

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Speaker 2: You saw that the Danish Prime Minister just in the

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Speaker 2: last twenty four hours said that if Greenland is invaded

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Speaker 2: by the US, that would be the end of NATO. Well, sure,

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Speaker 2: but Greenland is not going to be invaded by the

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Speaker 2: United States. They're not going to send in the airborne.

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Speaker 2: What they're going to do is affect local elections and

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Speaker 2: spend a bunch of money, and some of it'll be

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Speaker 2: over it, some of it'll be covert, some of the public,

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Speaker 2: some of it'll be private sectors. On'll be the Trump family,

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Speaker 2: that kind of stuff. And is that going to destroy NATO?

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Speaker 2: How do you respond to that? I mean, this is

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Speaker 2: the playbook, right, is this gray war that is, you know,

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Speaker 2: sort of under the surface. It's not sending an American

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Speaker 2: bombers and that's a lot harder responding to Ian.

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Speaker 1: My final question for what it's worth is I was

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Speaker 1: reading a bit of Risk number ten, the water Weapon,

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Speaker 1: which was interesting, and I was looking at the chart

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Speaker 1: of the most you know, water starved places on Earth,

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Speaker 1: and that included, of course, large swaths of Africa. I

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Speaker 1: was a little surprised that there wasn't more emphasis on Africa,

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Speaker 1: as it is so big, so populous, There's so much

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Speaker 1: wealth there, much of it untapped, and so much instability.

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Speaker 1: What's your quick take on Africa going forward?

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Speaker 2: The big piece there was the Sahel because that's where

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Speaker 2: you see isis like organizations becoming a lot more powerful,

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Speaker 2: The so called Coup Belt of Africa, where a swath

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Speaker 2: right across north Central Africa, all these countries that have

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Speaker 2: had coups and have no effective governance whatsoever, and a

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Speaker 2: lot of Islamic radicalism is emerging and no resources to

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Speaker 2: speak of. There are certainly parts of Africa that have

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Speaker 2: a lot more money, but they are really tech sparked.

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Speaker 2: They are electricity starved, and those are the tools that

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Speaker 2: you need to unlock the human capital of a billion

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Speaker 2: people and make them participate in the global economy. So

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Speaker 2: we've got to electrify Africa and then we have to

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Speaker 2: get these people access to new tools, to new technologies,

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Speaker 2: and that is happening much more slowly than it needs to.

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Speaker 3: So before we let Ian Bremmer go, we got to

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Speaker 3: ask you about number one, obviously, US political revolution.

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Speaker 1: What are you talking about there?

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Speaker 2: I'm saying that you've got a president that believes that

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Speaker 2: the political system was weaponized against him by the Democrats

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Speaker 2: in the US, that that's why you had unprecedented two

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Speaker 2: impeachments and all of these felony charges and convictions and

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Speaker 2: even an assassination attempt to And whether or not you

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Speaker 2: agree with that, he believes his supporters believe that that

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Speaker 2: means that with urgency they must weaponize this US system

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Speaker 2: against the Democrats, the administrative state, the power ministries like

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Speaker 2: the Department of Justice and the FBI, and and the

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Speaker 2: checks and balances on the president. And I expect that

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Speaker 2: Trump will not succeed in this revolution, but he is

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Speaker 2: certainly trying his best, and that is leading to significant

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Speaker 2: norms and institutional checks being broken pretty much every day.

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Speaker 2: Since the United States is the most powerful country in

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Speaker 2: the world, that kind of political turmoril eternally, especially because

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Speaker 2: it'll have long term consequences in the United States and globally,

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Speaker 2: has to be your top risk.

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Speaker 1: I really enjoyed your comparison of Trump with FDR, another

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Speaker 1: great norms breaker in American history. That was thought provoking.

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Speaker 2: I thought it was important because he's the most revolutionary

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Speaker 2: president in history. So you look at okay, well who

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Speaker 2: did more? And you know, FDR tried to break norms

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Speaker 2: and he failed. His big efforts to go outside the system,

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Speaker 2: the effort to pack the court from nine to fifteen,

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Speaker 2: he couldn't do. The effort to purge the Democratic Party

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Speaker 2: of all those that weren't loyal to him, he failed

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Speaker 2: at and he ultimately had to get the New Deal

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Speaker 2: and the expansion of the executive He had to do

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Speaker 2: that through the legislative process, and so there were dramatic

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Speaker 2: transformations of how powerful the US government was. But the

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Speaker 2: checks and balances actually became stronger, not weaker after FDR.

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Speaker 2: In the case of Trump, of course, it's very, very

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Speaker 2: different from that. Everything he has focused on is an

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Speaker 2: effort to ensure that the presidency operates above checks and

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Speaker 2: balances and above rule of law.

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Speaker 1: So this has got nothing to do with your risks.

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Speaker 3: But I wonder what your thoughts are on it, because

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Speaker 3: I think about it a lot when Trump. I just

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Speaker 3: I was just doing the math the other day, and

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Speaker 3: my oldest son is going to be able to vote

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Speaker 3: in the twenty eight presidential election, and I can't believe that.

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Speaker 3: But when Trump leaves the scene, are we going to

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Speaker 3: go back to anything like the olden days?

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Speaker 1: Or is this just our going to be this way

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Speaker 1: for a while.

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Speaker 2: I don't think Trump is the cause of this. I

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Speaker 2: think he's a symptom. I think he's a beneficiary, and

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Speaker 2: I think he's clearly an accelerant. But if you look

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Speaker 2: at the demands from average Americans who thought that their

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Speaker 2: elites their leaders, not just in politics, but in media

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Speaker 2: and in corporates and banks and others, universities that they

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Speaker 2: were doing very well, but at their expense, and running

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Speaker 2: these forever wars on the backs of the poor and disenfranchised,

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Speaker 2: and engaging in foreign free trade and globalism, and exporting

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Speaker 2: labor on the backs of them, and letting in all

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Speaker 2: these immigrants on the backs of them. However much you do,

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Speaker 2: WO don't agree with those outcomes. These things have been

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Speaker 2: coming for decades and they've not been addressed. It's not

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Speaker 2: been a dressed by the Democrats effectively or the Republicans affective.

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Speaker 3: I agree with you, and that's how you get Trump.

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Speaker 3: That's how you get Bernie. That's how you get the

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Speaker 3: Tea Party.

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Speaker 1: A lot of that. I was going to say, it

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Speaker 1: hasn't been addressed in France or Germany either.

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Speaker 2: They've been addressed badly in France and Germany too. At

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Speaker 2: least the United States, though it hasn't addressed it, and

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Speaker 2: the trust and legitimacy isn't there. At least you've had growth,

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Speaker 2: and growth helps, right if you're going to have a

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Speaker 2: poor social contract, at least if boats are rising, and

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Speaker 2: you know, but an affordability crisis makes it harder stagnant

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Speaker 2: wages makes it harder. And you know, the one thing

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Speaker 2: that Trump has been very popular, of course, is no

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Speaker 2: new wars. And here you talk about Iran, you talk

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Speaker 2: about Venezuela, and yes, bombs are flying, but that's not

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Speaker 2: what people. Americans aren't angry and bombs flying. American kids

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Speaker 2: love shooters, come on, that's what they spend all their

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Speaker 2: time doing. But they don't want you to send them

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Speaker 2: into the ship. And that is what Trump is not doing.

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Speaker 2: In fact, I think if the United States were required

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Speaker 2: to send troops to Venezuela, I bet he'd go the

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Speaker 2: Russian route and he'd send mercenaries because he really doesn't

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Speaker 2: want to send American men and women into harms.

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Speaker 1: Way interesting, always stimulating. Ian Bremmer, President of Eurasia Group

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Speaker 1: Eurasia Group's Top Risks for twenty twenty six. Ian always

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Speaker 1: appreciate the timeless talk again.

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Speaker 2: Soon that great talk to you guys, be good like.

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Speaker 3: So that's interesting and I absolutely agree with him and

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Speaker 3: not the first people who have come up with this

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Speaker 3: that the Times you know called for Trump more than

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Speaker 3: he made the Times you know, and Bernie too. Bernie

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Speaker 3: fits into that obviously with a lot of the same

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Speaker 3: complaints and gripes, and if the Democratic Party hadn't intervened,

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Speaker 3: he would have been their nominee a couple of different times.

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Speaker 3: So it's not going to end with Trump leaving the scene.

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Speaker 3: But what I wonder is we have a people are

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Speaker 3: upset about the elites and the way things are working

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Speaker 3: and working class people and a lot of stuff. Now,

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Speaker 3: way do we have a giant economic crisis, which we

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Speaker 3: absolutely could.

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Speaker 1: Have given our levels of spending beyond our means.

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Speaker 3: I think it's inevitable, right, and the unsettled nature of

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Speaker 3: the world and everything like that, we hit a really

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Speaker 3: really tough economic point.

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Speaker 1: Who knows where our politics go at that time? Right, right?

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Speaker 1: And I would argue that the Trump to your question

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Speaker 1: about whether we go back to the good old days?

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Speaker 1: Will know is the answer to that. And I know

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Speaker 1: you know that. But the Trump situation is so unique,

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Speaker 1: because Trump is so unique, These times are odd, they

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Speaker 1: are changing so quickly. JD. Vance will not be picture

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Speaker 1: the trumpiest, most loyal, obvious air apparent. It's probably JD.

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Speaker 1: I don't know. Steven Miller got help us and I

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Speaker 1: agree with him a lot, but uh, even JD. Vance

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Speaker 1: could not do Trump like Trump did Trump and get

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Speaker 1: the same reaction and or lack of reaction, the same cooperation,

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Speaker 1: the same opposition. It would just it would be different.

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Speaker 1: You know, the world keeps us spinning and changing.

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Speaker 3: Yeah, I was trying to find God, I had this,

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Speaker 3: and I never got this on the air.

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Speaker 2: Darn it.

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Speaker 3: Gavin Newsom's post on New Year's Day, and it was

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Speaker 3: one hundred percent out of the Trump playbook.

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Speaker 1: I'll get it on the radio show tomorrow.

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Speaker 3: But it was basically Happy New Year to everybody except

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Speaker 3: the evil Maga Republicans who want to destroy you know.

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Speaker 3: It was it was it was trying to emulate Trump,

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Speaker 3: you know, the way Trump does that on Merry Christmas,

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Speaker 3: except for my you know.

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Speaker 1: Awful enemies blah blah blah.

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Speaker 3: And I thought, well, here's your answer to whether we're

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Speaker 3: not going back to the olden days?

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Speaker 1: Are not.

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Speaker 3: Gavin Newsome, the most likely person to be nominee at

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Speaker 3: least at this point for the Democrats, thinks that's the

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Speaker 3: way to get elected president is to be like Trump today.

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Speaker 1: He does today, he does. I think when it goes out,

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Speaker 1: it'll be like wearing your disco where in nineteen eighty

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Speaker 1: when it's out. It's all the way out, and people

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Speaker 1: will be like, not only hey, that's the politics of

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Speaker 1: five years ago, they'll be pissed off that you continue,

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Speaker 1: you know, to use hope. You're right, I'm not sure.

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Speaker 1: Well it might be the new kind is worse. I

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Speaker 1: don't know. But excuse I'm sorry. I got to concentrate

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Speaker 1: on this for a second. I'm entering my code using

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Speaker 1: my credit card. There you go, went through. Good. I

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Speaker 1: just bought a million acres in Greenland. So it's in

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Speaker 1: far northwest Greenland. I hear it's pretty this time here.

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Speaker 1: Good for you. Well, there you go. The risks for

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Speaker 1: twenty six. We'll see how it turns out. Be afraid,

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Speaker 1: be very afraid. Extra large