WEBVTT - Administration Says Bias Law Can't Protect LGBT Workers (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>During oral arguments before the full Second Circuit Court of Appeals,

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<v Speaker 1>Judge Rosemary Pooler said, it's a little bit awkward to

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<v Speaker 1>us to have the government on both sides of this case.

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<v Speaker 1>But that's where the Trump administration was on opposite sides

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<v Speaker 1>in a case that's attracted nationwide attention and could result

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<v Speaker 1>in a landmark decision on whether Title seven of a

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<v Speaker 1>Civil Rights Act of nineteen sixty four protects gay and

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<v Speaker 1>lesbian workers from bias as its protected workers from gender

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<v Speaker 1>and racial bias for more than half a century. The

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<v Speaker 1>Equal Employment Opportunity Commission argued that the federal law would

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<v Speaker 1>protect the plaintiff, a skydiving instructor who said he was

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<v Speaker 1>fired because he was gay, But the Justice Department sided

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<v Speaker 1>with the employer, saying Congress did not intend to include

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<v Speaker 1>gay and lesbian discrimination in the civil rights law. Joining

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<v Speaker 1>me is Professor Anthony Christ of the Chicago Kent College

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<v Speaker 1>of Law. Anthony explained what the basic issue is here.

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<v Speaker 1>So the basic issue here is whether sexual orientation discrimination

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<v Speaker 1>is a form of sex discrimination um and and therefore

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<v Speaker 1>actionable under federal employment into discrimination law. Uh So, federal

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<v Speaker 1>law expressly says that sex discrimination is banned. Um. And

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<v Speaker 1>the argument here is that if an employer takes action

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<v Speaker 1>against an employee because of their sexual orientation, that they're

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<v Speaker 1>necessarily taking into account their sex and the sex of

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<v Speaker 1>their of their intimate partner. And as a consequence, Um,

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<v Speaker 1>that's just playing old sex discrimination and banned under federal law.

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<v Speaker 1>And what's the argument of the Justice Department. So the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department essentially says a few things. First that sixty

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<v Speaker 1>four UH, Congress never intended to cover sexual orientation discrimination

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<v Speaker 1>claims when they banned sex discrimination in the workplace. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>And And the second second argument is that a number

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<v Speaker 1>of cases were decided prior to that held the sexual

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<v Speaker 1>orientation discrimination wasn't actionable. Congress overhauled the Federal Civil Rights

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<v Speaker 1>Act in a number of important ways entitled seven, but

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<v Speaker 1>that they that in UH not protecting sexual orientation discrimination

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<v Speaker 1>expressly that they in fact in effect ratified those decisions.

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<v Speaker 1>And finally that Congress has rejected bills to specifically amend

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<v Speaker 1>Title seven to protect against sexual orientation discrimination. And for

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<v Speaker 1>all those reasons, UM, the sex discrimination is should not

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<v Speaker 1>be interpreted as including UH or as a sexual orientation

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<v Speaker 1>discrimination shouldn't be thought of as a subset of sex discrimination.

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<v Speaker 1>Anthony does precedent favor the Justice Department's position because the

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<v Speaker 1>full Seventh Circuit April overturned its own precedent and held

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<v Speaker 1>that sexual orientation bias necessarily a sex discrimination. But an

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<v Speaker 1>Eleventh Circuit panel ruled the opposite in March, and the

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<v Speaker 1>Second Circuit panel in this case ruled the opposite. So

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<v Speaker 1>where does precedent stand. Well, in the Second Circuit, it's

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<v Speaker 1>in precedent since two thousand in a case called Silington

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<v Speaker 1>that sexual orientation claims aren't cognizable under Title seven UM.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think that a number, you know, number of

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<v Speaker 1>district courts UM have have joined the Seventh Circuit in

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<v Speaker 1>ruling UH for LGB plaintiffs, So that the trend seems

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<v Speaker 1>to be favoring sexual orientation claims or sexual plaintiffs brings

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<v Speaker 1>sexual orientation claims. But you're correct that by and large

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<v Speaker 1>most circuit course of appeal have have held the opposite.

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<v Speaker 1>So we'll see where the trend goes. UM. But I

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<v Speaker 1>certainly think it's telling that the fact that the Second

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<v Speaker 1>Circuit wanted to rehear this case that they're that they're

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<v Speaker 1>seriously re examining that two thousand precedents. That was going

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<v Speaker 1>to be my next question, because the Second Circuit rarely

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<v Speaker 1>here's cases on bank or with all its judges. So

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<v Speaker 1>does that tell you how important this case is? Oh? Absolutely,

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<v Speaker 1>Generally speaking, the Second Circuit it is loth to go

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<v Speaker 1>unbunked um, And they will only do so typically if

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<v Speaker 1>they think it's actually worth uh uh you know, worthy

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<v Speaker 1>of Supreme Court review. And so they generally don't uh

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<v Speaker 1>don't go through this procedure. So I think that this

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<v Speaker 1>is a strong signal that they're really seriously taking a

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<v Speaker 1>hard look at this and and very well may overturned

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<v Speaker 1>that that two thousand error precedent. The Justice Department's lawyer

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<v Speaker 1>refused to answer the judges questions about how the riff

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<v Speaker 1>developed between the Justice Department and the e e o C.

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<v Speaker 1>So how do the judges weigh the different government positions,

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<v Speaker 1>which do they give more weight to? Well, Well, the

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<v Speaker 1>e o C is, of course the agency charged with

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<v Speaker 1>the enforcement and implementation of Huttle seven um. And so

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<v Speaker 1>their their guidance here will be, you know, may very

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<v Speaker 1>well be persuasive. Um. The Department of Justice, of course

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<v Speaker 1>is you know, their opinion will be accorded weight too,

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<v Speaker 1>because again there they are representing the as the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>and they are the nation's largest employer. So you know,

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<v Speaker 1>time will tell how these these arguments weigh out. But

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<v Speaker 1>at the end of the day, what will guide and

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<v Speaker 1>control the judge's decision is their interpretation of the statute.

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<v Speaker 1>Is there any question that this case or one like

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<v Speaker 1>it will end up at the Supreme Court? Uh? Time

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<v Speaker 1>time will tell there too. I think it's much more

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<v Speaker 1>likely now that you have a split among the circuit

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<v Speaker 1>courts of appeals, UM, that the Supreme Court will ultimately here.

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<v Speaker 1>Whether it's the eleventh Circuit case, this case or or

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<v Speaker 1>another one, we'll see ultimately. Um, the bigger issue may

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<v Speaker 1>be whether an employer or defendant really wants to appeal

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<v Speaker 1>this decision, because that might be at the end of

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<v Speaker 1>the day about employment decision if you in terms of

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<v Speaker 1>branding to be associated with the case where you're defending

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<v Speaker 1>anti gay bias. But um, you know, this case may

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<v Speaker 1>very well be that vehicle. Um. The Administration stands challenges

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<v Speaker 1>a group of fifty companies and organizations, including Microsoft, Google,

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<v Speaker 1>and Viacom, that file documents in June arguing that discrimination

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<v Speaker 1>based on sexual orientation should be illegal. How does the

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<v Speaker 1>court weigh an amicus brief like that, Um, of course

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's uh. Any amicus brief will will be

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<v Speaker 1>from from a group of UH companies like that will

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<v Speaker 1>certainly have some impact in terms of least bringing attention

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<v Speaker 1>UH to the issue in a in a different way. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>It's certainly telling. It's significant to the extent that in theory,

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<v Speaker 1>the position that these companies have taken would potentially open

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<v Speaker 1>them up to more liability. And that, of course, I think, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, gives it a particular I think amount of

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<v Speaker 1>cachet that some of the other amicus briefs may not UM.

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<v Speaker 1>But importantly, I think what it signals to the judges

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<v Speaker 1>is that these companies don't have a reliance interest on

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<v Speaker 1>the status quo remaining UM and that if they do,

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<v Speaker 1>in fact overturn that old precedent that there's there won't

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<v Speaker 1>be some large upheaval in current practice and procedure because

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<v Speaker 1>these companies are in fact inviting the court to UM

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<v Speaker 1>embrace a more expansive understanding of Title seven. Because from

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<v Speaker 1>these companies perspectives, that's good for the workplace, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>good for workers only about thirty seconds. But at one

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<v Speaker 1>point the argument of the Justice Department was that this

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<v Speaker 1>shouldn't even be in the Second Circuit because the states

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<v Speaker 1>covered by the Second Circuit have state laws that cover this.

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<v Speaker 1>I yeah, I I personally don't find that persuasive because

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<v Speaker 1>ultimately it's up to the course to interpret what federal

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<v Speaker 1>law says, um. And so we you know, we will see,

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<v Speaker 1>time will tell. But there are of course many, many

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<v Speaker 1>states that don't have state protections, and so this will

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<v Speaker 1>ultimately be an important, uh important of decisions for people

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<v Speaker 1>in states without LGBT specific employment protections. Well, it's always

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<v Speaker 1>a pleasure to have you. Um. That's Professor Anthony christ

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<v Speaker 1>He is a professor at the Chicago Kent College of Law.