WEBVTT - Justices Seem Hesitant to Upend Section 230

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court justices expressed wariness during oral arguments about

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<v Speaker 1>opening Internet companies to lawsuits stemming from harmful user posts.

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<v Speaker 1>The justices were hearing a case challenging section two thirty

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<v Speaker 1>of the Communications Decency Act, it protects online companies from

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<v Speaker 1>being sued over the comments, ads, pictures, and videos on

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<v Speaker 1>their platforms. The case involved a twenty three year old

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<v Speaker 1>US citizen who was one of one hundred thirty people

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<v Speaker 1>killed in attacks by the Islamic State group in Paris

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<v Speaker 1>in November of twenty eighteen. Her family says Google, through

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<v Speaker 1>its algorithm driven YouTube recommendations, aided the Islamic State in

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<v Speaker 1>violation of the US Anti Terrorism Act, but Justice Clarence

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<v Speaker 1>Thomas suggested that companies can't be sued if their recommendation

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<v Speaker 1>algorithms are neutral about the kind of content they promote.

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<v Speaker 1>If it's the same algorithm, I think you have to

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<v Speaker 1>give us a clear example of what your point is.

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<v Speaker 1>Exactly the same algorithm to present cooking videos to people

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<v Speaker 1>who are interested in cooking and ISIS videos the people

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<v Speaker 1>who are interested in ISIS racing videos the people who

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<v Speaker 1>are interested in racing. Then I think you're going to

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<v Speaker 1>have to explain more clearly if it's neutral in that way,

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<v Speaker 1>how your claim is set Apart from that. Joining me

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<v Speaker 1>is Harold Crant, a professor at the Chicago Kent College

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<v Speaker 1>of Law. Before we talk about the Supreme Court arguments,

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<v Speaker 1>just explain what the case is about. This case concerns

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<v Speaker 1>a action under the Terrorist Statutes directed against Google, who

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<v Speaker 1>operates YouTube, for aiding and abetting terrorism. The argument in

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<v Speaker 1>this case was that YouTube, by suggesting certain videos, helps

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<v Speaker 1>radicalize people and helps therefore helps aids ISIS into recruiting

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<v Speaker 1>new members. And the legal issue that arises out of

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<v Speaker 1>this challenge is whether or not a cause of action

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<v Speaker 1>can be maintained against Google for fostering sharing of these videos,

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<v Speaker 1>and then, if so, whether a proper cause of action

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<v Speaker 1>has been pled. The first issue revolves around the Community

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<v Speaker 1>Decencies Act Section to thirty, immunity for Internet computer services

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<v Speaker 1>when they simply allow for external videos to be seen

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<v Speaker 1>or retrieved from their site. And to thirty was a

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<v Speaker 1>key instrument in trying to develop the Internet by allowing

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<v Speaker 1>platforms to allow others to publish videos and other works

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<v Speaker 1>on sites without then letting the platform be sued in

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<v Speaker 1>case some of those informations were in this case terrorism,

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<v Speaker 1>but in other cases involving defamation, or involving trademark infringement

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<v Speaker 1>and so forth. So by immunizing the platforms, they really

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<v Speaker 1>gave rise to the twitters that facebooks, the Googles of

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<v Speaker 1>the world, which can basically then grab all this material

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<v Speaker 1>or have all this material be deposit on their site

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<v Speaker 1>and therefore available for those of us who want to

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<v Speaker 1>search for things, or want to contact friends or see

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<v Speaker 1>as in this case videos. Did it strike you that

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<v Speaker 1>there were some top concerns that the justices had about

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<v Speaker 1>the plaintiff's lawsuit. Absolutely, this is one of these few

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<v Speaker 1>cases where I don't think that the justices were hiding

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<v Speaker 1>us of beliefs. I think that their inclination to rule

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<v Speaker 1>on behalf of the defendant was quite clear. But the

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<v Speaker 1>issue remains about which type of decision they may want

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<v Speaker 1>to issue. And let me break that down into two parts,

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<v Speaker 1>because the first part was whether or not Google can

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<v Speaker 1>be protected by Section two thirty or not, and the

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<v Speaker 1>second is whether there is a valid cause of action pled.

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<v Speaker 1>It's pretty clear to me that the Court is going

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<v Speaker 1>to say that if you just have an algorithm recommend

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<v Speaker 1>a video that's not aiding and embedding. So I think

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<v Speaker 1>that there was no inclination amongst the justices to be

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<v Speaker 1>sympathetic with plaintiffs in that respect, and on that issue

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<v Speaker 1>they said, look, I mean, you can say look at

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<v Speaker 1>this video, or you can say you might want to

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<v Speaker 1>see this video, or you can say go over there

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<v Speaker 1>and look at a stack of books. That's simply not

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<v Speaker 1>enough to state any kind of tortious behavior. So I

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<v Speaker 1>think on the ultimate issue of whether a tort was committed,

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<v Speaker 1>the court may just say, no, we don't need to

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<v Speaker 1>reach the more difficult and tractable issue of how large

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<v Speaker 1>it is community created by section two thirty. But much

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<v Speaker 1>of the argument was spent on what should we do

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<v Speaker 1>as a court about the scope of two thirty immunity

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<v Speaker 1>because the sort of algorithms that are used by Google

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<v Speaker 1>and Twitter, Facebook in terms of Facebook feeds certainly didn't

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<v Speaker 1>exist at the time that the community decency at Community

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<v Speaker 1>was put into effect. So much of the discussion than

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<v Speaker 1>we evolved around how do we draw a line between

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<v Speaker 1>when a platform says this video is available or the

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<v Speaker 1>platform says you might want them to see this video,

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<v Speaker 1>or the platform says you may like this video, is

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<v Speaker 1>dead enough to lose immunity, because then it's as if

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<v Speaker 1>the platform becomes a publisher by saying you're going to

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<v Speaker 1>like this video, and no one knows. Lots of hypotheticals

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<v Speaker 1>were raised, but it's the kind of case where at

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<v Speaker 1>the end of the day, as some of Justice has said,

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<v Speaker 1>if this is so difficult, and this may cause such

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<v Speaker 1>a risk to the continued development of the Internet, maybe

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<v Speaker 1>we should let Congress make these difficult lines and we

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<v Speaker 1>shouldn't try to ourselves. Did it seem to you as

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<v Speaker 1>if the justices just didn't even accept the plaintiff's basic argument,

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Alito said, I admit, I'm completely confused by whatever

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<v Speaker 1>argument you're making at the present time. Well, I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that the difficulty was that the Council for

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<v Speaker 1>the Plane of backtracked from much that was in their

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<v Speaker 1>brief and try to make a much more narrow argument

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<v Speaker 1>that he thought was more defensible, And he basically said

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<v Speaker 1>that there was no duty on the platform to take

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<v Speaker 1>down the videos, and that the Google was not couldn't

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<v Speaker 1>be civilly liable simply for housing the videos, even if

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<v Speaker 1>they were an incitement to terrorism. What he argued instead

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<v Speaker 1>was a more narrow version is that by reorganizing the videos,

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<v Speaker 1>by prioritizing videos through this algorithm, that then that crossed

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<v Speaker 1>the line in terms of Google becoming a publisher and

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<v Speaker 1>therefore no longer subject to the immunity created by Section

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<v Speaker 1>two thirty. And that's why I think through a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of the justices off the more narrow version of the

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<v Speaker 1>argument that plaintiff was raising. The concern before the oral

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<v Speaker 1>arguments was that this would open Google and Internet platforms

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<v Speaker 1>up to all kinds of lawsuits. Was that addressed in

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<v Speaker 1>the oral arguments? Absolutely? I mean the number of briefs

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<v Speaker 1>were filed that raised a parade of horribles that Google

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<v Speaker 1>and Facebook will be subject to defamation cases, subject to

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<v Speaker 1>privacy cases, trademark cases, if Section too thirty immunity was

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<v Speaker 1>tampered with. And I think the reason is that it's

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<v Speaker 1>so difficult to figure out what it is where the

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<v Speaker 1>line is between a platform simply saying come look at

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<v Speaker 1>the videos here. That's what people do to sell things,

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<v Speaker 1>they publicize them, and when is it okay? Besides and

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<v Speaker 1>say you may be interested in this article or this

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<v Speaker 1>video as opposed to when you actually becoming caruts with

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<v Speaker 1>the video because you prioritize it in some ways. And

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<v Speaker 1>the Narrow arguments that the plaint of game was by

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<v Speaker 1>giving a little thumbnail that YouTube creates in other ways,

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<v Speaker 1>just a little brief sort of taste of what the

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<v Speaker 1>video is. That that really crossed the line. And then

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<v Speaker 1>YouTube became just as if it was creating something. It

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<v Speaker 1>was creating like a mini advertisement, and that little mini

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<v Speaker 1>advertisement was enough to give rise to liability and to

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<v Speaker 1>avoid immunity. And the United States is the meekest was

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<v Speaker 1>sympathetic to that view. The United States clearly said there's

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<v Speaker 1>not enough for itting and a betting liability here. But

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<v Speaker 1>the United States says, you know, look, once you create

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<v Speaker 1>any kind of semi advertising platform, be it through a

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<v Speaker 1>you should look at this first. To come here and

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<v Speaker 1>look at this new video. You're responsible for that that product,

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<v Speaker 1>for that kind of statement yourself, and then you're no

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<v Speaker 1>longer immune for at least that kind of advertising or

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<v Speaker 1>promotions prioritization or organization, even if you still remain immune

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<v Speaker 1>from liability for the video itself. Do you think that

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<v Speaker 1>the justices can come to a decision here without specifically

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<v Speaker 1>ruling on section two thirty. So the court has a

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<v Speaker 1>couple of different options in front of it. First of all,

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<v Speaker 1>coag just say, whatever is going on in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>there's no aiding and abetting liability here, So we reserve

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<v Speaker 1>the right to questions the scope of two thirty immunity

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<v Speaker 1>for a different day. That's one option. Another option is

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<v Speaker 1>they can say, this is a difficult line drawing issue

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<v Speaker 1>about when does a platform liability not become a publisher

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<v Speaker 1>through its organizational and prioritization of other work, and they

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<v Speaker 1>can try to find a line. A line not surprisingly

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<v Speaker 1>drawn by Google was that if the harm comes from

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<v Speaker 1>the prioritization, where the harm comes from the publicizing, then

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<v Speaker 1>there should be no immunity. But of course that's a

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<v Speaker 1>convenient test for Google because that googleman's in almost every case,

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<v Speaker 1>not every case, but almost every case. The other third

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<v Speaker 1>tech the court could just take was this is a

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<v Speaker 1>new issue that Congress has not fully fought through when

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<v Speaker 1>it passed the Communications Decency Act. It's very difficult. We

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<v Speaker 1>have a new age of AI and other kinds of algorithms,

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<v Speaker 1>and we're going to let Congress take the lead if

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<v Speaker 1>it wants to change the immunity for platforms such as

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<v Speaker 1>Twitter and Google. Did anyone mention the original authors of

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<v Speaker 1>section two thirty Oregon Democratic Senator Ron widen In former

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<v Speaker 1>California Republican Representative Chris Cox explained they're thinking behind the

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<v Speaker 1>legislation in a brief to the court, and they said

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<v Speaker 1>that algorithmic recommendations are direct descendants of the early content

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<v Speaker 1>curation efforts that Congress had in mind when enacting section

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<v Speaker 1>to thirty. Does that have any relevance at all? Was

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<v Speaker 1>that mentioned at all? So the names of the sponsors

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<v Speaker 1>of the Community Decency Act were not mentioned in to

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<v Speaker 1>my recall, but there was some discussion of that kind

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<v Speaker 1>of legislative history, that the drafters that bill were aware

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<v Speaker 1>of algorithmic type uses. They didn't dominate at the time,

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<v Speaker 1>but they were around in their infancy. And so the

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<v Speaker 1>question is, then, if the drafters were aware of the

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<v Speaker 1>potential for algorithms, were they trying to protect those as well?

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<v Speaker 1>About the use of language in the immunity section. And

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<v Speaker 1>it was interesting because you know, the community Section can

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<v Speaker 1>be interpreted different ways. It can be interpreted through the

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<v Speaker 1>lens of common law deformation actions, it can be interpreted

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<v Speaker 1>through the brief language that's in the immunity section as well.

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<v Speaker 1>And so there was some effort not only looking at

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<v Speaker 1>legislative history, but looking at the plain language as well

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<v Speaker 1>as common law and the students of this immunity section.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think at the end of the day, those

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<v Speaker 1>arguments are not going to win out. I think the

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<v Speaker 1>question is really that the court was stumbling on, is okay,

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<v Speaker 1>theoretically there are some bad algorithms out there. Everybody agreed

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<v Speaker 1>that if an algorithm tend to do differentiate on the

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<v Speaker 1>basis of race, for instance, that then the platforms would

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<v Speaker 1>not escape liability because then the harm would be caused

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<v Speaker 1>by the algorithm itself. But at what point would a

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<v Speaker 1>neutral algorithm? And everybody agreed that this algorithm that was

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<v Speaker 1>challenge was neutral in the sense that it treated people

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<v Speaker 1>liking pet cats and the terrorists videos the same in

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<v Speaker 1>terms of how the algorithm works. That at what point

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<v Speaker 1>would sort of a neutral algorithm be subject to suit

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<v Speaker 1>was the question, and how do you draw the line?

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<v Speaker 1>And that was daunting, I think at over our both

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<v Speaker 1>to the attorneys representing their parties as well as to

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<v Speaker 1>the justices. And so again I think The three choices

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<v Speaker 1>are the court may just pump and say will await Congress.

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<v Speaker 1>They can try to draft some kind of wine itself

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<v Speaker 1>which did not come clearly through a dooral argument, or

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<v Speaker 1>they can just avoid the whole question by saying, whatever

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<v Speaker 1>this is, there's no aiding and betting going on here,

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<v Speaker 1>simply by use of an algorithm, So we don't have

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about or reach the scope of immunity under

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<v Speaker 1>their Community Decency Act. Was it surprising? Justice Amy Coney

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<v Speaker 1>Barrett asked the plaintiff's attorney to confirm that the legal

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<v Speaker 1>theory he was advancing would not protect individual Internet users retweeting, sharing,

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<v Speaker 1>or liking other people's content, and he said that it

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<v Speaker 1>would cover people retweeting or liking. Justice Barrett asked about

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<v Speaker 1>whether retweeting could land someone in jeopardy for retweeting a

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<v Speaker 1>defamatory statement, and other justices chimed in that that's a

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<v Speaker 1>difficulty because in terms of if you republish a defamatory

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<v Speaker 1>statement in the newspaper, the newspaper can also be sued

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<v Speaker 1>for defamation. So the council had to wrestle with that

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<v Speaker 1>because there is a possibility that if the plaintiff's theory

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<v Speaker 1>of the case were accepted that those who retweeted thoughtlessly

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<v Speaker 1>might be subject to lawsuits as well, But everybody hastened

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<v Speaker 1>to add that's not directly at stake in this particular case.

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<v Speaker 1>Because this case had to do with not republishing, but

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<v Speaker 1>rather platform organizing or platform prioritization of videos for others

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<v Speaker 1>to watch. The Court didn't have to take this case

0:14:52.000 --> 0:14:54.240
<v Speaker 1>because there wasn't a split in the circuits. Why do

0:14:54.240 --> 0:14:57.360
<v Speaker 1>you think they took this case and the Twitter case?

0:14:58.320 --> 0:15:02.840
<v Speaker 1>So I've wondered why the court accepted this case, and

0:15:03.560 --> 0:15:06.880
<v Speaker 1>I haven't come up with a very convincing response in

0:15:06.920 --> 0:15:10.040
<v Speaker 1>my own mind with this caveat. There is such a

0:15:11.000 --> 0:15:14.800
<v Speaker 1>controversy brewing on the political parties about big tech and

0:15:14.880 --> 0:15:19.240
<v Speaker 1>if big tech is good or bad for the country,

0:15:19.520 --> 0:15:23.280
<v Speaker 1>and two thirty immunity was one of the major arguments

0:15:23.320 --> 0:15:26.480
<v Speaker 1>that has been booted back and forth by the political

0:15:26.520 --> 0:15:28.560
<v Speaker 1>parties as to whether or not it's a good or

0:15:28.640 --> 0:15:31.640
<v Speaker 1>bad thing, and whether or not it's letting big tech

0:15:31.920 --> 0:15:34.640
<v Speaker 1>get away with too much. So this may have been

0:15:34.680 --> 0:15:37.880
<v Speaker 1>a first effort for the court, in its own mind,

0:15:37.920 --> 0:15:41.600
<v Speaker 1>to be responsible and try to wrestle with two thirty.

0:15:41.800 --> 0:15:45.680
<v Speaker 1>In order to sort of depoliticize to some extent the

0:15:45.800 --> 0:15:48.240
<v Speaker 1>role of big tech in our country. I don't know

0:15:48.240 --> 0:15:51.680
<v Speaker 1>if theory has any kind of legs, but if so,

0:15:52.480 --> 0:15:54.360
<v Speaker 1>I think that big tech is going to look pretty

0:15:54.360 --> 0:15:57.200
<v Speaker 1>good after this case is over. I know that Justice

0:15:57.240 --> 0:16:01.080
<v Speaker 1>any Coney Barrett did talk about the case against Twitter.

0:16:01.240 --> 0:16:03.160
<v Speaker 1>So if you lose tomorrow, do we even have to

0:16:03.200 --> 0:16:06.360
<v Speaker 1>reach the section to thirty question here? How much did

0:16:06.600 --> 0:16:10.240
<v Speaker 1>the case against Twitter come up? The case against Twitter

0:16:10.280 --> 0:16:12.800
<v Speaker 1>came up a lot because the kids against Twitter it

0:16:12.880 --> 0:16:16.760
<v Speaker 1>revolves around the question of the validity of the aiding

0:16:16.800 --> 0:16:23.240
<v Speaker 1>and abetting argument, and the courts seemed to overwhelmingly oppose

0:16:23.360 --> 0:16:26.560
<v Speaker 1>the notion the Twitter or any other platforom can aid

0:16:26.600 --> 0:16:32.400
<v Speaker 1>in a bet merely by offering someone to view a

0:16:32.520 --> 0:16:35.640
<v Speaker 1>incendury in this case, an incendury video in another case

0:16:35.640 --> 0:16:39.200
<v Speaker 1>it could be some kind of defamatory tweet or something

0:16:39.400 --> 0:16:42.880
<v Speaker 1>else along those lines. That aiding and betting have to

0:16:42.920 --> 0:16:47.080
<v Speaker 1>be much more according to the court. So I'm not

0:16:47.160 --> 0:16:50.120
<v Speaker 1>sure what there's going to be for argument for two

0:16:50.120 --> 0:16:53.120
<v Speaker 1>hours tomorrow because it looks like most of that argument

0:16:53.360 --> 0:16:56.240
<v Speaker 1>already took place here. But you know, maybe the court

0:16:56.240 --> 0:16:59.160
<v Speaker 1>will have some twists and turns to cover to make

0:16:59.240 --> 0:17:02.240
<v Speaker 1>up for something that they regret not covering. From what

0:17:02.280 --> 0:17:04.440
<v Speaker 1>you're saying and from what the Justice has said, it's

0:17:04.600 --> 0:17:09.160
<v Speaker 1>it sort of seems like a very logical conclusion that

0:17:09.240 --> 0:17:13.040
<v Speaker 1>you know, just by having these algorithms, you're not aiding

0:17:13.040 --> 0:17:16.280
<v Speaker 1>in a betting terrorism. It does. On the other hand,

0:17:16.640 --> 0:17:21.879
<v Speaker 1>but for YouTube, but for Facebook, terrorists might not be

0:17:21.920 --> 0:17:25.440
<v Speaker 1>able to operate so freely and more people now see

0:17:26.040 --> 0:17:30.640
<v Speaker 1>provisis videos and ever could have before because of Internet

0:17:30.680 --> 0:17:36.160
<v Speaker 1>platforms like YouTube and Facebook. And that's that's the danger here.

0:17:36.400 --> 0:17:37.919
<v Speaker 1>I mean, it is true that in terms of you

0:17:38.080 --> 0:17:43.800
<v Speaker 1>just looked at common sense responsibility for aiding terrorism, platforms

0:17:43.840 --> 0:17:46.480
<v Speaker 1>do it, and there's no question about it. But whether

0:17:46.520 --> 0:17:49.560
<v Speaker 1>there's criminal liability or even whether there's civil liability under

0:17:49.600 --> 0:17:52.600
<v Speaker 1>the aid terrorist statues, I think that's a that's a

0:17:52.640 --> 0:17:55.240
<v Speaker 1>more difficult question. Thanks for being on the show. How

0:17:55.560 --> 0:17:58.960
<v Speaker 1>that's Professor Harold crant Other, Chicago Kent College of Law.

0:18:00.560 --> 0:18:05.520
<v Speaker 1>President Biden surpassed one hundred judicial confirmations last week, including

0:18:05.600 --> 0:18:08.919
<v Speaker 1>Katangi Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court, but most of

0:18:08.920 --> 0:18:11.760
<v Speaker 1>his circuit and district court appointments have been in Blue

0:18:11.800 --> 0:18:16.000
<v Speaker 1>states or those represented by Senate Democrats, who narrowly control

0:18:16.080 --> 0:18:20.160
<v Speaker 1>the chamber. Finding common ground with Republicans will be vital

0:18:20.200 --> 0:18:23.680
<v Speaker 1>to the Biden administration, since thirty eight of the fifty

0:18:23.680 --> 0:18:28.480
<v Speaker 1>six trial court vacancies without appending nominee are in Red states.

0:18:29.400 --> 0:18:33.439
<v Speaker 1>Joining me is Madison Alder Bloomberg Law reporter. I'd like

0:18:33.480 --> 0:18:37.440
<v Speaker 1>you first to explain the process is different for nominees

0:18:37.480 --> 0:18:41.160
<v Speaker 1>for district court as opposed to circuit court. So explain

0:18:41.240 --> 0:18:45.400
<v Speaker 1>the difference. Right, So, district court still needs support from

0:18:45.480 --> 0:18:48.720
<v Speaker 1>both of their home state senators through a process known

0:18:48.880 --> 0:18:53.280
<v Speaker 1>as the blue slips. Player senators send in its physical

0:18:53.520 --> 0:18:57.080
<v Speaker 1>flip of paper to signify that they agree with the

0:18:57.160 --> 0:19:01.000
<v Speaker 1>nominee that was abandoned for a Pellet nominees under Trump,

0:19:01.400 --> 0:19:05.879
<v Speaker 1>and Democrats have held that same policy under Biden, where

0:19:06.400 --> 0:19:08.879
<v Speaker 1>the pelt nominees don't need home state senators support, but

0:19:08.920 --> 0:19:12.480
<v Speaker 1>district nominees still do. There are fifty six trial court

0:19:12.600 --> 0:19:17.680
<v Speaker 1>vacancies that don't have a nominee, even suggested right, there are.

0:19:17.720 --> 0:19:21.320
<v Speaker 1>There are quite a few district court vacancies. Now Biden

0:19:21.400 --> 0:19:25.720
<v Speaker 1>has has prioritized circuit vacancies and Billy nominated a lot

0:19:25.720 --> 0:19:29.719
<v Speaker 1>of folks for the open beats. So now there are

0:19:29.920 --> 0:19:33.280
<v Speaker 1>are quite a few district vacancies, and the majority of

0:19:33.280 --> 0:19:37.520
<v Speaker 1>those are in states with a Republican senator because home

0:19:37.600 --> 0:19:41.600
<v Speaker 1>state support is still needed on those. It'll be interesting

0:19:41.640 --> 0:19:45.359
<v Speaker 1>to see how the White House goes about negotiations with

0:19:45.640 --> 0:19:47.840
<v Speaker 1>senators in those states and what those nominees end up

0:19:47.840 --> 0:19:50.639
<v Speaker 1>looking like. There are still a lot of vacancies in

0:19:51.000 --> 0:19:55.680
<v Speaker 1>blue states. Why aren't they sort of up to date? Well,

0:19:55.720 --> 0:19:58.480
<v Speaker 1>there's you know, there's there's still a few nominees in

0:19:58.680 --> 0:20:01.879
<v Speaker 1>our vacancies. Excuse me. In blue states, there's quite a

0:20:01.920 --> 0:20:06.320
<v Speaker 1>few nominees pending. So after the beginning of the new Congress,

0:20:06.400 --> 0:20:10.840
<v Speaker 1>the White House renominated a whole batch of nominees that

0:20:10.920 --> 0:20:14.080
<v Speaker 1>were pending in the last Congress. Any nominee who wasn't

0:20:14.119 --> 0:20:16.040
<v Speaker 1>confirmed at the end of the last Congress, just as

0:20:16.200 --> 0:20:19.440
<v Speaker 1>kind of a matter of practice, needs to be renominated

0:20:19.520 --> 0:20:21.879
<v Speaker 1>at the beginning of a new Congress. And all of

0:20:21.920 --> 0:20:25.800
<v Speaker 1>those nominees are either on the floor or had their hearings,

0:20:25.880 --> 0:20:28.560
<v Speaker 1>So the Senate still needs to get through those. They

0:20:28.600 --> 0:20:30.280
<v Speaker 1>still have work to do, and a lot of those

0:20:30.320 --> 0:20:32.680
<v Speaker 1>are nominees in Blue states as well. But there are

0:20:32.720 --> 0:20:36.399
<v Speaker 1>handful of seats they're still open. So um, you know,

0:20:37.520 --> 0:20:40.920
<v Speaker 1>there there's only a finite number of days that um,

0:20:41.280 --> 0:20:44.199
<v Speaker 1>you know, the Sunate Judiciary Committee can have hearings and

0:20:44.800 --> 0:20:47.880
<v Speaker 1>you know, then have floor votes on no nominees. So

0:20:48.320 --> 0:20:51.959
<v Speaker 1>you know, last Congress, I think the White House obviously

0:20:52.040 --> 0:20:55.600
<v Speaker 1>prioritize nominees, but they still left it if you handful

0:20:55.640 --> 0:20:58.359
<v Speaker 1>of seats in blue states, just because there's kind of

0:20:58.359 --> 0:21:01.119
<v Speaker 1>the constraints of that process and the limited number of

0:21:01.520 --> 0:21:05.320
<v Speaker 1>days on the calendar to actually get nominees through in

0:21:05.359 --> 0:21:09.280
<v Speaker 1>a red state, is it normally if there is you know,

0:21:09.520 --> 0:21:14.080
<v Speaker 1>an usual process, does the Biden administration suggest a nominee

0:21:14.600 --> 0:21:18.600
<v Speaker 1>or does the home state senator suggest a nominee? So

0:21:18.760 --> 0:21:21.960
<v Speaker 1>I spoke to Page her Wig, a senior White House

0:21:22.000 --> 0:21:24.440
<v Speaker 1>Council who who works on jeration nominations, and she said,

0:21:24.480 --> 0:21:28.080
<v Speaker 1>the administration is looking for people in these conversations that

0:21:28.320 --> 0:21:30.960
<v Speaker 1>makes sense for a Democratic president to nominate, but who

0:21:31.000 --> 0:21:34.520
<v Speaker 1>will get the necessary backing from home state senators. And

0:21:35.119 --> 0:21:37.680
<v Speaker 1>you know they believe it that there are plenty of

0:21:37.720 --> 0:21:40.480
<v Speaker 1>candidates out there who will fit that bill. Those conversations

0:21:40.520 --> 0:21:43.840
<v Speaker 1>can look anything like the White House bringing names the

0:21:44.240 --> 0:21:48.000
<v Speaker 1>home state senators bringing names. I think it really differs

0:21:48.160 --> 0:21:51.800
<v Speaker 1>from state to state, depending on you know, what the

0:21:51.880 --> 0:21:56.400
<v Speaker 1>area looks like to for those conversations. Now, Biden has

0:21:56.440 --> 0:22:01.320
<v Speaker 1>had success in finding mutually agreeable nominees in red states

0:22:01.440 --> 0:22:05.359
<v Speaker 1>of Iowa, Idaho, and Indiana. Is there a reason why

0:22:05.640 --> 0:22:09.840
<v Speaker 1>those states have been, you know, easier to find nominees for?

0:22:10.119 --> 0:22:13.040
<v Speaker 1>Is it the senators there? Well, I mean I think

0:22:13.080 --> 0:22:15.200
<v Speaker 1>it could be. It could be the senators. Um, you know,

0:22:15.240 --> 0:22:18.639
<v Speaker 1>I spoke to Senator Mike Braun who is the Republican

0:22:18.720 --> 0:22:20.919
<v Speaker 1>in Indiana, and talk to him a little bit about

0:22:21.040 --> 0:22:24.000
<v Speaker 1>how how this nomination in his state came to be

0:22:24.320 --> 0:22:27.160
<v Speaker 1>and and he said it was an easy checkoff for him,

0:22:27.280 --> 0:22:30.840
<v Speaker 1>the nomination of Matthew Brookman, who's currently a magistrate judge

0:22:30.880 --> 0:22:33.520
<v Speaker 1>to a district courd in his state. Not every nominee

0:22:33.560 --> 0:22:36.240
<v Speaker 1>is going to be as easy as the checkoff, depending

0:22:36.240 --> 0:22:38.960
<v Speaker 1>on their backgrounds. So, you know, it'll probably depend on

0:22:39.560 --> 0:22:43.440
<v Speaker 1>what nominees or what candidates arise in those conversations. It

0:22:43.520 --> 0:22:46.320
<v Speaker 1>can also depend on you know, who the lawmakers are

0:22:46.400 --> 0:22:50.960
<v Speaker 1>and in what the area looks like. So some states

0:22:51.040 --> 0:22:54.600
<v Speaker 1>might be easier than others to have these kinds of

0:22:54.760 --> 0:22:59.960
<v Speaker 1>conversations with and Republican Senator John Cornin of Texas complaint

0:23:00.240 --> 0:23:02.840
<v Speaker 1>get a Judiciary committee, meaning that the White House hadn't

0:23:02.840 --> 0:23:05.440
<v Speaker 1>reached out to him even and there are a lot

0:23:05.440 --> 0:23:10.119
<v Speaker 1>of vacancies in his state. So John Cornyn um of

0:23:10.240 --> 0:23:13.560
<v Speaker 1>Texas represents the state with six vacancies, which is the

0:23:13.840 --> 0:23:16.439
<v Speaker 1>second most vacancies of any of the states out there

0:23:16.440 --> 0:23:19.159
<v Speaker 1>that don't of these seats that don't offending nominees and

0:23:19.240 --> 0:23:23.879
<v Speaker 1>district courts. And he was not pleased with how the

0:23:23.880 --> 0:23:27.440
<v Speaker 1>White House had been communicating on this. He felt that, um,

0:23:27.480 --> 0:23:29.320
<v Speaker 1>he had communicated with the White House and the White

0:23:29.320 --> 0:23:32.760
<v Speaker 1>House hadn't gotten back to him quickly enough on their end,

0:23:33.000 --> 0:23:36.840
<v Speaker 1>And UM, you know that could that could mean you

0:23:36.880 --> 0:23:39.159
<v Speaker 1>know that if there's six seats in the state, that

0:23:39.280 --> 0:23:43.399
<v Speaker 1>that's that's not great for those conversations. I mean, it

0:23:43.440 --> 0:23:47.280
<v Speaker 1>could potentially leave six seats on the table. But I

0:23:47.280 --> 0:23:50.399
<v Speaker 1>guess we'll see how that that shakes out. Um. I

0:23:50.440 --> 0:23:54.480
<v Speaker 1>think he definitely expressed disappointment, and um, you know, Lindsey Grahams,

0:23:54.480 --> 0:23:57.240
<v Speaker 1>who is now the ranking member of the ranking Republican

0:23:57.280 --> 0:23:59.760
<v Speaker 1>on the Senate of Judiciary Committee kind of echoed his

0:23:59.760 --> 0:24:02.600
<v Speaker 1>his concerns at a recent hearing as well and said,

0:24:02.640 --> 0:24:04.360
<v Speaker 1>you know, there has to be a willingness to consult,

0:24:04.440 --> 0:24:07.399
<v Speaker 1>that it's got to be a two way straight. Of course,

0:24:07.880 --> 0:24:11.480
<v Speaker 1>all of these conversations are coming as there's a lot

0:24:11.480 --> 0:24:15.239
<v Speaker 1>of progressive pressure to eliminate the blue slip entirely at

0:24:15.240 --> 0:24:18.679
<v Speaker 1>the district court level. I think that's definitely is context

0:24:18.800 --> 0:24:22.880
<v Speaker 1>for all of these negotiations right now, is that there's

0:24:22.960 --> 0:24:26.760
<v Speaker 1>quite a lot of pressure. It's increased, I think in

0:24:26.760 --> 0:24:29.399
<v Speaker 1>this new Congress to just get get rid of the

0:24:29.400 --> 0:24:32.879
<v Speaker 1>blue slips so Biden could move nominees forward in district

0:24:32.920 --> 0:24:38.280
<v Speaker 1>courts without having to associate with Republican senators and progressive sphere.

0:24:38.400 --> 0:24:41.080
<v Speaker 1>That this will take a long time, and you know,

0:24:41.200 --> 0:24:45.000
<v Speaker 1>the nominees might end up being more of a compromised

0:24:45.040 --> 0:24:49.639
<v Speaker 1>pick between Republicans and the White House. But the chair

0:24:49.720 --> 0:24:54.359
<v Speaker 1>of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Dick Durbin, to me, it

0:24:54.400 --> 0:24:57.920
<v Speaker 1>seems like he's been reluctant to make any changes even

0:24:57.960 --> 0:25:02.119
<v Speaker 1>with you know, having more nominee. He's eddy cheering, right.

0:25:02.320 --> 0:25:07.560
<v Speaker 1>So Senator durban has has really maintained the same practices

0:25:07.640 --> 0:25:12.560
<v Speaker 1>here that Republicans had during the Trump administration, and that

0:25:12.600 --> 0:25:15.600
<v Speaker 1>means keeping the blue slip for district courts in place.

0:25:16.560 --> 0:25:20.080
<v Speaker 1>He said that, you know, he's reserved the right to

0:25:20.080 --> 0:25:22.879
<v Speaker 1>potentially move forward with the nominee in the future if

0:25:23.600 --> 0:25:27.800
<v Speaker 1>he feels a Republican senator or a senator is objecting

0:25:27.880 --> 0:25:31.960
<v Speaker 1>to a nominee outside of their merits, so because of race,

0:25:32.080 --> 0:25:35.520
<v Speaker 1>sexual orientation, gender. When I spoke to him about this,

0:25:36.040 --> 0:25:37.920
<v Speaker 1>he said, in that kind of a case, he'd know

0:25:38.040 --> 0:25:40.800
<v Speaker 1>it when when he sees it. So we really haven't

0:25:40.840 --> 0:25:43.320
<v Speaker 1>come across a situation like that yet. There was a

0:25:43.400 --> 0:25:47.720
<v Speaker 1>nominee not in the last Congress who didn't have both

0:25:47.720 --> 0:25:50.320
<v Speaker 1>of his own state senators returned blue slips on his nomination,

0:25:50.359 --> 0:25:54.960
<v Speaker 1>William Pokon in Wisconsin. His nomination he was not renominated

0:25:54.960 --> 0:25:57.679
<v Speaker 1>this Congress by the White House, so he We've already

0:25:57.720 --> 0:26:03.040
<v Speaker 1>seen one nominee who the blue slips role prevented their

0:26:03.080 --> 0:26:05.719
<v Speaker 1>nomination from moving forward and kind of it ended up

0:26:05.880 --> 0:26:09.439
<v Speaker 1>ending their nomination. So, um, you know, this Congress I

0:26:09.440 --> 0:26:11.680
<v Speaker 1>think will be even more of a test with the

0:26:11.880 --> 0:26:14.600
<v Speaker 1>number of the volume of vacancies and states of Republican

0:26:14.640 --> 0:26:20.040
<v Speaker 1>senators and a nominee in Kentucky also fell through right,

0:26:20.400 --> 0:26:25.000
<v Speaker 1>Chad Meritith nomination, Well, he wasn't really a nominee yet,

0:26:25.040 --> 0:26:27.240
<v Speaker 1>he was a candidate, or should be clear about that.

0:26:27.640 --> 0:26:31.840
<v Speaker 1>But this was a nominee that the Senator Rand Paul

0:26:31.880 --> 0:26:35.760
<v Speaker 1>didn't feel like he was consulted enough on this by

0:26:35.760 --> 0:26:39.159
<v Speaker 1>by Senator McConnell. Um, you know, an apparent kind of

0:26:39.520 --> 0:26:43.159
<v Speaker 1>agreement or nominees at the White House and McConnell had

0:26:43.280 --> 0:26:46.520
<v Speaker 1>had talked about. But Ran Paul was actually you know

0:26:46.520 --> 0:26:48.960
<v Speaker 1>what ended up preventing the nomination from moving forward because

0:26:48.960 --> 0:26:51.600
<v Speaker 1>he didn't feel like he was part of that conversation. Um.

0:26:51.720 --> 0:26:56.840
<v Speaker 1>So the nomination was scrapped, and that nomination or candidacy

0:26:57.200 --> 0:27:03.840
<v Speaker 1>angered progresses because Ted Meredith had defended abortion restrictions and

0:27:04.400 --> 0:27:07.520
<v Speaker 1>progressives were really not pleased with the ideas that the

0:27:07.520 --> 0:27:11.399
<v Speaker 1>White House was considering a nominee like that, especially, you know,

0:27:11.480 --> 0:27:14.840
<v Speaker 1>so close to the dob's decision the less and a

0:27:14.880 --> 0:27:18.800
<v Speaker 1>lot of times Committee was deadlock ten to ten on nomination.

0:27:18.960 --> 0:27:22.320
<v Speaker 1>So there was a you know, a process to go forward.

0:27:22.800 --> 0:27:27.480
<v Speaker 1>Is it easier now with the Democrats gaining that seat, Yes,

0:27:27.840 --> 0:27:30.640
<v Speaker 1>Democrats are going to have a much easier time Committee.

0:27:30.680 --> 0:27:36.080
<v Speaker 1>Democrats getting these nominees out of committee into the floors.

0:27:36.240 --> 0:27:38.760
<v Speaker 1>As you mentioned, there were there were deadlocks on nominees

0:27:38.840 --> 0:27:41.119
<v Speaker 1>lost Congress. There were actually a couple of de banning

0:27:41.240 --> 0:27:45.080
<v Speaker 1>of this Congress because the committee didn't have its new

0:27:45.119 --> 0:27:49.000
<v Speaker 1>membership yet, so those were a little unexpected. But now

0:27:49.000 --> 0:27:51.359
<v Speaker 1>that it has this you know, additional vote with the

0:27:51.480 --> 0:27:54.399
<v Speaker 1>Senator Peter Welsh, they are able to actually get some

0:27:54.440 --> 0:27:56.440
<v Speaker 1>of these nominees out of committee and have been able

0:27:56.440 --> 0:28:00.680
<v Speaker 1>to get nominees out of committee who did deadlock Congress,

0:28:00.760 --> 0:28:06.240
<v Speaker 1>so those nominations are finally moving forward. One of those

0:28:06.280 --> 0:28:09.880
<v Speaker 1>nominees is Dale Hoe, who's nominated to the Southern Districts

0:28:09.880 --> 0:28:13.200
<v Speaker 1>of New York. He's an ACLU voting rights attorney, and

0:28:13.560 --> 0:28:16.679
<v Speaker 1>his nomination had deadlocks. But now he is now on

0:28:16.720 --> 0:28:21.880
<v Speaker 1>the floor, so it's it's already paying dividends. So now

0:28:21.960 --> 0:28:26.200
<v Speaker 1>I wanted to talk about this nominee from New Hampshire

0:28:26.400 --> 0:28:33.000
<v Speaker 1>that both progressives and Republicans were pushing back on. All right,

0:28:33.080 --> 0:28:38.720
<v Speaker 1>So one of Biden's nominees to the First Circuit, Michael Delaney,

0:28:39.760 --> 0:28:43.360
<v Speaker 1>he had his confirmation hearing last week and got some

0:28:43.360 --> 0:28:48.760
<v Speaker 1>some pushback from progressive you know, sexual violence awareness groups

0:28:48.760 --> 0:28:55.040
<v Speaker 1>and Republicans for his involvement in litigation with a student

0:28:55.080 --> 0:28:57.800
<v Speaker 1>who was a victim of sexual harassment. He was the

0:28:57.920 --> 0:29:02.440
<v Speaker 1>lawyer for the school in this litigation. And um, the

0:29:02.520 --> 0:29:07.440
<v Speaker 1>critics really focused on an emotion that Sally Knew filed

0:29:07.600 --> 0:29:13.280
<v Speaker 1>during proceedings for the then teenage victim to shed her

0:29:13.520 --> 0:29:16.920
<v Speaker 1>anonymity and um, you know, come forward with her name

0:29:16.920 --> 0:29:20.400
<v Speaker 1>on the record. Yeah, And so the victim wrote to

0:29:20.440 --> 0:29:24.600
<v Speaker 1>the committee urging the centators to vote no. And um,

0:29:24.840 --> 0:29:30.400
<v Speaker 1>the National Alliance to End Sexual Violence express concerns. So

0:29:30.720 --> 0:29:35.040
<v Speaker 1>where does that nomination stand? So, you know, I spoke

0:29:35.160 --> 0:29:38.360
<v Speaker 1>to some Democrats on the committee about this before they

0:29:38.800 --> 0:29:44.200
<v Speaker 1>got out of town, and they they're reviewing his record.

0:29:44.720 --> 0:29:50.160
<v Speaker 1>H That's really the most um common answer that I

0:29:50.240 --> 0:29:54.360
<v Speaker 1>heard was that they were reviewing his his background. But

0:29:54.440 --> 0:29:57.440
<v Speaker 1>he still has support from the White House. Um, he

0:29:57.560 --> 0:30:00.240
<v Speaker 1>still has support from at least one of his home

0:30:00.320 --> 0:30:04.960
<v Speaker 1>state senators. You know. And when I supposed to Durban

0:30:05.000 --> 0:30:10.480
<v Speaker 1>about this, you know, Jared Durban mentioned that he kind

0:30:10.480 --> 0:30:15.360
<v Speaker 1>of had a difficult situation explaining this, and he pointed

0:30:15.400 --> 0:30:18.720
<v Speaker 1>to the amount of support Delimi had and and said

0:30:18.760 --> 0:30:22.560
<v Speaker 1>he hoped that his state wouldn't be decided by this

0:30:22.720 --> 0:30:27.360
<v Speaker 1>controversial issue. This is so interesting too, because the last

0:30:27.400 --> 0:30:31.760
<v Speaker 1>time there was a nomny that progressives were really opposing,

0:30:32.840 --> 0:30:36.840
<v Speaker 1>Republicans supported that, not many, like tenfold. It was the

0:30:36.920 --> 0:30:39.640
<v Speaker 1>unanimous side of committee. I think they might have even

0:30:39.760 --> 0:30:42.440
<v Speaker 1>voice voted her on the floor, So this was kind

0:30:42.480 --> 0:30:45.440
<v Speaker 1>of the first time you see Republicans and progressives on

0:30:45.480 --> 0:30:47.520
<v Speaker 1>the same side, at least that I can think of.

0:30:47.720 --> 0:30:51.880
<v Speaker 1>Thanks so much, Madison. That's Bloomberg Law reporter Madison Alder,

0:30:52.360 --> 0:30:54.680
<v Speaker 1>and that's it for this edition of The Bloomberg Law Show.

0:30:55.040 --> 0:30:57.320
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:30:57.400 --> 0:31:01.680
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:31:01.880 --> 0:31:06.920
<v Speaker 1>and at www dot Bloomberg dot com, slash podcast Slash Law,

0:31:07.320 --> 0:31:09.480
<v Speaker 1>and remember to tune in to The Bloomberg Law Show

0:31:09.600 --> 0:31:13.080
<v Speaker 1>every week night at ten pm Wall Street Time. I'm

0:31:13.160 --> 0:31:15.640
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg