WEBVTT - How Did the Black Codes Work?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to brain Stuff, a production of I Heart Radio,

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<v Speaker 1>Hey brain Stuff. Lauren Vogelbaum here. On April ninth, eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>sixty five, the long and bloody American Civil War finally

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<v Speaker 1>came to an end. It had already been two years

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<v Speaker 1>since President Abraham Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation, but after

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<v Speaker 1>the Confederacy's surrender, words spread, if slowly, to the more

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<v Speaker 1>than four million formerly enslaved black men, women, and children

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<v Speaker 1>that they were truly and officially free. White plantation owners, however,

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<v Speaker 1>in league with Southern lawmakers and northern corporations, had other ideas.

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<v Speaker 1>Starting with Mississippi and South Carolina, all white state legislatures

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<v Speaker 1>passed a series of laws called the Black Codes, intent

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<v Speaker 1>on re enslaving people by essentially criminalizing being black. For

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<v Speaker 1>the article this episode is based on how Stuff Work,

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<v Speaker 1>spoke with T. Dion Bailey, a history professor at Colgate

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<v Speaker 1>University who specializes in African American women's history and mass incarceration.

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<v Speaker 1>She explained, White Southerners have a clear sense of how

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<v Speaker 1>they want to restructure their society after the Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>and they're going to make sure that they do that

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<v Speaker 1>through these legal and extra legal means. The Black Codes,

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<v Speaker 1>enacted in late eighteen sixty five and early eighteen sixty six,

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<v Speaker 1>were devised to keep freed people in the South legally

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<v Speaker 1>bound to plantations. With real emancipation, newly freed black people

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<v Speaker 1>could strike out on their own, farming their own land

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<v Speaker 1>or applying a trade as a skilled artisan. The greatest

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<v Speaker 1>fear of Southern cotton growers and their northern manufacturing partners

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<v Speaker 1>was that with the end of slavery, they would lose

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<v Speaker 1>access to the cheap or free and plentiful labor that

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<v Speaker 1>had made cotton a cash crop. The result was what

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<v Speaker 1>journalist Douglas Blackman called slavery by another name, which is

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<v Speaker 1>the title of his two thousand eight book, namely, the

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<v Speaker 1>widespread practice of free black men and women unjustly imprisoned

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<v Speaker 1>and then auctioned off to plantations and corporations to work

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<v Speaker 1>off their fines. Vagrancy laws were common in the nineteenth century,

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<v Speaker 1>giving local sheriffs the authority to arrest vagrants who were unemployed,

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<v Speaker 1>hanging out on the street and potentially looking for trouble.

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<v Speaker 1>But the Black Codes in states like Mississippi and South

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<v Speaker 1>Carolina created a whole new category of vagrancy that only

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<v Speaker 1>applied to black people. Bailey said, after the Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>the South was destroyed, there was no infrastructure left. You

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<v Speaker 1>have poor whites and newly freed blacks, and a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of people didn't have jobs. But these vagrancy laws specifically

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<v Speaker 1>attacked African Americans. According to these codes, any black person

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<v Speaker 1>who didn't have a work contract as a servant for

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<v Speaker 1>a white master could be arrested for vagrancy. That meant

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<v Speaker 1>that no black person could farm for themselves or work

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<v Speaker 1>independently as a blacksmith or carpenter. They had to work

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<v Speaker 1>for a white person, often the very same person who

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<v Speaker 1>formerly enslaved them, or go to jail. Poor white people,

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<v Speaker 1>on the other hand, might be charged with the vagrancy,

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<v Speaker 1>but the court's customarily waived any fines, hard labor, or

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<v Speaker 1>other punishments. But a black person arrested for vagrancy under

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<v Speaker 1>the Black Codes would enter a cycle of forced labor

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<v Speaker 1>from which there was little hope of escape. At first,

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<v Speaker 1>they would be hit with a fine so exorbitant that

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<v Speaker 1>they'd never be able to pay it. Then they'd be

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<v Speaker 1>hired out to a planter who would pay the vagrants

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<v Speaker 1>wages directly to the state. Once a black person was

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<v Speaker 1>convicted of vagrancy, there was no incentive for former slave

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<v Speaker 1>masters to ever set them free. Bailey said, your labor

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<v Speaker 1>is costing almost nothing. They don't have to clothe you.

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<v Speaker 1>They only have to feed you enough to keep you alive.

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<v Speaker 1>And there's a sense that even if one vagrant dies,

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<v Speaker 1>you could get another under this guise of vagrancy. They

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<v Speaker 1>knew it was an unlimited source of black bodies. The U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment, formally abolishing slavery in January

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<v Speaker 1>of eighteen sixty five, before the end of the Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>but the amendment contains a gaping loophole that the Black

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<v Speaker 1>Codes were quick to exploit. The Thirteenth Amendment states, neither

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<v Speaker 1>slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime,

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<v Speaker 1>whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist

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<v Speaker 1>within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

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<v Speaker 1>So slavery was abolished except when it was a punishment

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<v Speaker 1>for a crime, which is why the Black Codes made

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<v Speaker 1>black vagrancy a crime, and why young black children would

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<v Speaker 1>be forcibly removed from their parents under the guise of

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<v Speaker 1>negligence and then apprenticed to a white planter for no pay.

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<v Speaker 1>Bailey said this was a legal system set up to

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<v Speaker 1>not only mimic slavery, but to re enslave all these

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<v Speaker 1>newly freed men, women and children, and it effectively did.

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<v Speaker 1>Tens of thousands of black people were leased by the

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<v Speaker 1>state to planters, miners, corporations, and others to pay off

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<v Speaker 1>these debts. Formerly enslaved people were afforded some new rights

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<v Speaker 1>under the Black Codes too. They could own land and property,

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<v Speaker 1>They could legally marry the only other black people, and

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<v Speaker 1>they could sue, be sued, and testify in court, though

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<v Speaker 1>not against white people. But those few rights primarily served

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<v Speaker 1>to give freed people the legal standing to get in trouble.

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<v Speaker 1>Bailey said, Southern lawmakers try to hide this under the

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<v Speaker 1>guise of well, you do have some rights. You can marry,

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<v Speaker 1>you can testify in court, but only if it was

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<v Speaker 1>a person of their race. A black person could never

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<v Speaker 1>take recourse against a person they worked for who was

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<v Speaker 1>taking advantage of them or who didn't pay them. The

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<v Speaker 1>Black Codes were short lived. The US Congress, frustrated with

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<v Speaker 1>attempts by Southern lawmakers to sidestep Reconstruction passed the Civil

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<v Speaker 1>Rights Act of eighteen sixty six, which affirmed that black

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<v Speaker 1>Americans must be afforded the same civil rights as white Americans.

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<v Speaker 1>In the wake of this act, the federal government imposed

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<v Speaker 1>what's known as radical reconstruction on the former Confederate States.

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<v Speaker 1>During this time, black men were given the right to

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<v Speaker 1>vote and run for political office, and thousands of public

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<v Speaker 1>schools opened across the South to serve black children. The

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<v Speaker 1>Black Codes were nullified, but their legacy would echo down.

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<v Speaker 1>Bailey said, the Black Codes laid the framework for how

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<v Speaker 1>this whole system is going to work for the next

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<v Speaker 1>a hundred years. Jim Crow laws, enacted in the South

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<v Speaker 1>in the eighteen nineties and lasting all the way to

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<v Speaker 1>the civil rights movement of the nineteen fifties and sixties,

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<v Speaker 1>made it illegal for black and white people to share

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<v Speaker 1>any public facilities, meaning that both groups had separate schools, libraries, hospitals, restaurants,

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<v Speaker 1>et cetera, with black people received inferior facilities. Other laws

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<v Speaker 1>required literacy tests and or poll taxes to be paid

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<v Speaker 1>before voting, all designed to disenfranchise poor African Americans. In

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<v Speaker 1>that book Slavery by Another Name, journalist Blackman wrote about

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<v Speaker 1>a black man named Green Cottonham who was arrested in

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<v Speaker 1>night in Alabama for vagrancy, the same trumped up charge

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<v Speaker 1>invented forty years earlier by the Black Codes. Cuttenham was

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<v Speaker 1>auctioned off to the Northern Corporation U. S. Steele, who

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<v Speaker 1>chained him in a Birmingham, Alabama coal mine and tasked

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<v Speaker 1>him with mining eight tons of coal a day until

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<v Speaker 1>his fine was repaid. If he collapsed from malnourishment or fatigue,

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<v Speaker 1>he'd be whipped, and if he died, he'd be buried

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<v Speaker 1>in a shallow, unmarked grave with the rest. More than

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<v Speaker 1>the thousand black men were toiling for U. S. Steel

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<v Speaker 1>along with Cottenham in the same mine. In less than

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<v Speaker 1>one year, sixty were dead from disease, accidents or homicide.

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<v Speaker 1>Even today, over a hundred years later, thousands of prisoners

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<v Speaker 1>in the US, mostly Black and Latino, perform work for

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<v Speaker 1>some very large corporations and are paid less than a

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<v Speaker 1>dollar an hour. And it was all set in motion

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<v Speaker 1>by the Black Codes. Today's episode is based on the

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<v Speaker 1>article Slavery under another name, What Were the Black Codes?

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<v Speaker 1>On how Stuff Works dot Com, written by Dave Rouse

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<v Speaker 1>Brain Stuff's production of I heart Radio in partnership with

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<v Speaker 1>how stuff works dot Com and is produced by Tyler Clang.

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<v Speaker 1>Four more podcasts from my heart Radio. Visit the iHeart

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<v Speaker 1>Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to your

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<v Speaker 1>favorite shows.