WEBVTT - Forget Everything You Know About Money

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, Podcasts, Radio News.

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<v Speaker 2>Welcome to Merin Talks Money. The podcast so much people

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<v Speaker 2>who know the markets explain the markets. I'm Meren Sum's

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<v Speaker 2>that web. This week, I'm speaking with Felix Martin. He's

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<v Speaker 2>an economist, he's a fund manager, he's an author. He

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<v Speaker 2>was educated in the UK, in Italy, and in the US,

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<v Speaker 2>where he was a Fulbright scholar. He's got degrees in classics,

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<v Speaker 2>in international relations and in economics. He has worked at

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<v Speaker 2>the World Bank, and he has worked in several different

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<v Speaker 2>fund management companies. Crucially, he's also an author of a

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<v Speaker 2>book called Money, The Unauthorized Biography, and that's in part

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<v Speaker 2>what we're going to talk about today. It was published

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<v Speaker 2>more than ten years ago, but I'm afraid it is

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<v Speaker 2>more relevant than ever today. We talk about that, we

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<v Speaker 2>talk about modern monetary systems, ancient monetary systems. We don't

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<v Speaker 2>have time to go into everything I would have liked to,

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<v Speaker 2>so where I really would urge you to get the

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<v Speaker 2>book and when you get it, read the story of

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<v Speaker 2>the Money of Yapp and definitely read about the Bank

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<v Speaker 2>of England and Tally Stones. We are going to talk

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<v Speaker 2>about a variety of other things, Felix, welcome to Merin

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<v Speaker 2>talks Money.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, thank you very much for having me, Marin, it's

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<v Speaker 3>a pleasure.

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<v Speaker 2>Well you'll find out, won't you. Maybe it will be,

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<v Speaker 2>maybe it won't be. Now, you are not the first

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<v Speaker 2>person to write a book called money, although everyone has

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<v Speaker 2>a different subheading, but yours I got to say it.

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<v Speaker 2>It's particularly good, and I do recommend it to everybody listening.

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<v Speaker 2>Go up by this book. You think it's just about money,

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<v Speaker 2>but that's because you don't really understand what money is.

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<v Speaker 2>It's really a very granular history of pretty much everything

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<v Speaker 2>you've ever thought of. So I think what I want

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<v Speaker 2>to do, Felix, is start by asking you what exactly

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<v Speaker 2>it is that money is, and what is the big

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<v Speaker 2>mistake that people make when they think about the nature

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<v Speaker 2>of money? Going through your book through the way that

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<v Speaker 2>you think, there are two things to think about money,

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<v Speaker 2>what money actually is and who should control money, manage money,

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<v Speaker 2>manipulate money, and for whose benefit? Right, So there's two

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<v Speaker 2>parts to the story of money, but you can't talk

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<v Speaker 2>about the second unless you've really got a good grip

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<v Speaker 2>of the first.

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<v Speaker 3>Absolutely right, you did an excellent summary, Marion. What can

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<v Speaker 3>I say and thank you very much, indeed for those

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<v Speaker 3>very generous words. I also, of course urge everyone to

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<v Speaker 3>go out and get a copy and they'll have a

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<v Speaker 3>more comprehensive version. And I'll give here the basic story

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<v Speaker 3>which I try to tell in the book, which I

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<v Speaker 3>think is very important, is that what I call a

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<v Speaker 3>conventional view of money and its history, this is the

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<v Speaker 3>one that you can find in every sort of children's book,

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<v Speaker 3>and it's the one that's sort of ingrained in people's minds,

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<v Speaker 3>is wrong. That conventional story is that in the beginning

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<v Speaker 3>there wasn't any money, and people just started with each other.

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<v Speaker 3>You know, I had fish and you had corn, and

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<v Speaker 3>in order to exchange with one another, you had to

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<v Speaker 3>want my fish and I had to want your corn,

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<v Speaker 3>and in fact we had more than the same time

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<v Speaker 3>as well, what economists call a double coincidence of wants,

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<v Speaker 3>and otherwise no trade could take place. And that's all

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<v Speaker 3>terribly inefficient. And therefore, at some point in the distant past,

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<v Speaker 3>probably a different times, in different places, somebody come up

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<v Speaker 3>with a bright idea, which is, why don't we choose

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<v Speaker 3>one particular sort of commodity to serve as a so

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<v Speaker 3>called medium of exchange, that is to say, something which

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<v Speaker 3>people don't want for its own sake, but just so

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<v Speaker 3>that it can be used to settle and liquidate exchange.

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<v Speaker 3>And that basically was the invention of money. And typically

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<v Speaker 3>it was precious metals that were chosen for this use

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<v Speaker 3>because they've got lots of nice properties when they last

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<v Speaker 3>for a long time, and so and so forth. That

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<v Speaker 3>was the invention of coinage. And then people had an

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<v Speaker 3>even better idea, which is why didn't we start lending

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<v Speaker 3>and borrowing this money commodity? And that was the invention

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<v Speaker 3>of credit. And then even later in that there were

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<v Speaker 3>institutions that were built up which specialized in organizing credit,

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<v Speaker 3>and those were banks. That was the invention of banking.

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<v Speaker 3>That's the kind of conventional history that you find throughout

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<v Speaker 3>literal money, and it's the way that a lot of

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<v Speaker 3>people think about it, but it basically has it all

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<v Speaker 3>completely the wrong way round. In reality, money is a

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<v Speaker 3>system of ideas. It is the institution of credits and debts.

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<v Speaker 3>It is the various technologies which have been developed and

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<v Speaker 3>deployed for recording credits and debts and for transferring credits

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<v Speaker 3>and debts from one person or one company to another.

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<v Speaker 3>It's therefore basically a set of ideas and institutions. I

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<v Speaker 3>don't mean that in a sort of wooly sense. There

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<v Speaker 3>are very specific ideas which are extremely important in the

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<v Speaker 3>development of money and which really constitute what it is

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<v Speaker 3>to live in a monetary society. The most important one

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<v Speaker 3>of these is the monetary standard, the standard unit economic value.

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<v Speaker 3>Monetary value is the key concept in money. It hasn't

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<v Speaker 3>always existed in human history. It is an idea, a

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<v Speaker 3>concept of value, which was invented at a certain point

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<v Speaker 3>in time and has been developed. Most concepts of value

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<v Speaker 3>don't have standard units. So esthetic value or religious value,

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<v Speaker 3>all kinds of different measures of value that we talk about,

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<v Speaker 3>but they don't have standard units. You can't enumerate the

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<v Speaker 3>esthetic value or the religious value of something. But the

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<v Speaker 3>monetary value, the economic value of things, what distinguishes it

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<v Speaker 3>has a standard unit. Just like physical concepts like length

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<v Speaker 3>and weight and so on, they have standard units kilogram,

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<v Speaker 3>a meter and so on, and this is what The

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<v Speaker 3>standard unit in money is, something like a dollar or

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<v Speaker 3>a pound or a euro. And that's incredibly important and

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<v Speaker 3>the key questions around which all of monetary history revolve,

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<v Speaker 3>and you alluded to this at the beginning, are what

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<v Speaker 3>is that monetary unit, what does it actually mean in

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<v Speaker 3>real terms, what do you get for it? And who

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<v Speaker 3>gets to decide today? The answers to those questions for

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<v Speaker 3>something like the pound sterling are that we define a

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<v Speaker 3>pound sterling according to the rate of change of prices

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<v Speaker 3>for a particular basket of goods and services. So we

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<v Speaker 3>don't have, say a gold standard, which is where you

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<v Speaker 3>define what a pound is by reference to one particular commodity,

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<v Speaker 3>gold and a particular weight of it. We do it

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<v Speaker 3>with the whole basket of goods and services, the so

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<v Speaker 3>called CPI basket, and we do it with the rate

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<v Speaker 3>of change of prices. So we say we want prices

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<v Speaker 3>to go up at two percent a year. In other words,

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<v Speaker 3>we want the pound sterling, this abstract monetary unit, to

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<v Speaker 3>depreciate in real terms by two percent a year. So

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<v Speaker 3>that's the answer to the first question, what is the

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<v Speaker 3>monetary standard today for the pound sterling? And then the

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<v Speaker 3>answer to the second question, who gets to decide that

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<v Speaker 3>in our current version of the monetary system, Well, that's

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<v Speaker 3>actually the Chancellor of the Excheque. He actually, I was

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<v Speaker 3>sure she sets what that standard is, but of course

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<v Speaker 3>it's it's implemented and operationalized by the Bank of England,

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<v Speaker 3>which sits under democratic control.

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<v Speaker 2>Okay, let me just take you back a little bit,

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<v Speaker 2>because one of the things that I found fascinating little

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<v Speaker 2>side points in the book was when you asked how

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<v Speaker 2>it could be that this mistake about what money is

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<v Speaker 2>I is in is actually a system not a token,

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<v Speaker 2>How this mistake could have been made for so long

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<v Speaker 2>by so many historians. And the answer to that, you say,

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<v Speaker 2>is because it is the coins that survive, not the

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<v Speaker 2>evidence of the system.

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<v Speaker 3>Yes, I think there are several answers to that crucial question,

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<v Speaker 3>and one of them is exactly that. When you're doing

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<v Speaker 3>monetary history, when you dig into the past and try

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<v Speaker 3>and work out how things were back then, of course

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<v Speaker 3>what survives is physical evidence. In the case of money,

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<v Speaker 3>that means coins, for example. But we actually know that

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<v Speaker 3>in many past societies a great deal of monetary credit

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<v Speaker 3>and debt and financial balances and transactions were not of

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<v Speaker 3>course represented by coinage, and transactions weren't settled in coins.

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<v Speaker 3>They were very often settled by entries in ledgers, for example.

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<v Speaker 3>But the ledgers don't exist anymore. And there'll be a

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<v Speaker 3>whole lot of other transactions and balances which were recorded

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<v Speaker 3>simply by word of mouth or in other formats, and

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<v Speaker 3>they don't exist. So that can definitely skew and has

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<v Speaker 3>skewed the perception of things. But let me take it

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<v Speaker 3>back a step. I think in a sense it's sort

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<v Speaker 3>of simpler than that. The curious thing about money as

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<v Speaker 3>an institution is that from the bottom up, when you

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<v Speaker 3>as an individual are interacting with the monetary system, certainly

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<v Speaker 3>in the pre digital age, when notes and coins were

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<v Speaker 3>the primary form of representation of money, from the bottom up,

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<v Speaker 3>of course, money does look like this real thing that

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<v Speaker 3>is what you deal with every day. It's only when

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<v Speaker 3>you look from the top down, as it were, and

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<v Speaker 3>you try to understand the system as a whole, it

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<v Speaker 3>becomes completely obvious that notes and coins are just physical

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<v Speaker 3>representations tokens, and there are lots of different kinds of

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<v Speaker 3>tokens up of an underlying system of credits and debts

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<v Speaker 3>which is much larger, much less substantial, and essentially abstract.

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<v Speaker 3>I hope that allami just say, there's another important reason,

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<v Speaker 3>which I go into in my book, as to sort

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<v Speaker 3>of historically in Europe, and in Britain in particular, which

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<v Speaker 3>was the financial innovator at the time. Why it is

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<v Speaker 3>that this conventional view held sway in the face of

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<v Speaker 3>the fact that the economy became much more financialized, banks

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<v Speaker 3>became much more important. And even today, you know, when

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<v Speaker 3>we live in this digital world where I think from

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<v Speaker 3>to mas people is pretty obvious that money is an

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<v Speaker 3>abstract thing. And it's because people don't use you know,

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<v Speaker 3>coins and notes anymore. Why did it hold such sway?

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<v Speaker 3>And there I tell the story of a very important

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<v Speaker 3>debate that happened right back immediately after the founding of

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<v Speaker 3>the Bank of England, which was a pretty epochal moment

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<v Speaker 3>in monetary history generally and certainly in Britain, there was

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<v Speaker 3>a genuine huge debate over this very question which we

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<v Speaker 3>began with of what the monetary standard should be, How

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<v Speaker 3>should a pound sterling be defined? Because with the creation

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<v Speaker 3>of this new Bank of England, money was henceforth going

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<v Speaker 3>to be issued not by the sovereign and the Mint

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<v Speaker 3>as it always had been, but by this bunch of

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<v Speaker 3>private in those days, private bankers, the Bank of England.

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<v Speaker 3>So this question was crucially important and it all played

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<v Speaker 3>into an existing political debate about the constitutional changes that

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<v Speaker 3>have been going on in Britain and the shift towards

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<v Speaker 3>what we would now call a constitutional monarchy, so political

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<v Speaker 3>power being taken away from the absolute monarch into a

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<v Speaker 3>system where it was shared with parliament. And as a

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<v Speaker 3>result of that, there was a big debate between one

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<v Speaker 3>of the most famous philosophers in British history, John Locke,

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<v Speaker 3>the great father of political liberalism, and his sort of

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<v Speaker 3>Tory opponents, And as a result of that, Locke made

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<v Speaker 3>a fateful intervention in which he came down hard on

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<v Speaker 3>the side of the conventional view of money, but for

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<v Speaker 3>political reasons. It's a big question in my mind whether

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<v Speaker 3>he actually believed what he was saying philosophically. But he

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<v Speaker 3>made the argument that listened, a pound sterling just is

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<v Speaker 3>a certain weight of silver. In those days they were

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<v Speaker 3>talking about silver, not gold. That's what it is, that's

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<v Speaker 3>what it means. No one can change what that weight is.

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<v Speaker 3>Anyone who tries to change what that weight is is

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<v Speaker 3>effectively lying, defrauding the public. So he was arguing very

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<v Speaker 3>strongly for a fixed precious metal standard, for the idea

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<v Speaker 3>that money is a real physical thing. But he was

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<v Speaker 3>doing it basically for political reasons, because he wanted to

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<v Speaker 3>tie the hands of this new institution, the Bank of England,

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<v Speaker 3>which he thought would otherwise fall into the hands of

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<v Speaker 3>revolutionaries and the whole republic would fall to pieces.

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<v Speaker 2>Okay, and so she's just reading that bit in your

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<v Speaker 2>book earlier. But that brings us can take us forward

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<v Speaker 2>by quite a long way. This idea that money should

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<v Speaker 2>be stable, that it should always be worth the same

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<v Speaker 2>roughly the same sort of thing, that inflation should constantly

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<v Speaker 2>be contained, and the idea that as we know it

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<v Speaker 2>came out of New Zealand a couple of decades ago,

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<v Speaker 2>that inflation should be kept by central banks at a

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<v Speaker 2>level of two percent every year forever. And that's something

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<v Speaker 2>that a hasn't worked for a while. And be that

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<v Speaker 2>you have taken issue with along the way. And there

0:12:34.960 --> 0:12:38.280
<v Speaker 2>is a bit in your book about the financial crisis,

0:12:38.280 --> 0:12:41.120
<v Speaker 2>about how it happened where you point out that everything else

0:12:41.320 --> 0:12:45.240
<v Speaker 2>was ignored, ignored completely in pursuit of this idea that

0:12:45.280 --> 0:12:48.400
<v Speaker 2>nothing mattered except stable inflation. So booming house prices, a

0:12:48.440 --> 0:12:51.520
<v Speaker 2>drastic underpricing of liquidity, and as it markets, the emergence

0:12:51.520 --> 0:12:54.560
<v Speaker 2>of the shadow banking system that declines in lending standards,

0:12:54.640 --> 0:12:57.560
<v Speaker 2>bank capital and liquidity ratios were not given the priority

0:12:57.600 --> 0:13:00.920
<v Speaker 2>they merited because unlike low and stable and inflation there

0:13:01.000 --> 0:13:04.800
<v Speaker 2>was simply not identified as being relevant. So I don't

0:13:04.800 --> 0:13:06.800
<v Speaker 2>think very many people would accuse central banks of being

0:13:06.840 --> 0:13:09.200
<v Speaker 2>wedded to sound money. But this is what it is,

0:13:09.360 --> 0:13:12.240
<v Speaker 2>is the idea that money must be stable, and if

0:13:12.280 --> 0:13:15.640
<v Speaker 2>you put that above everything else in a modern monecary system,

0:13:15.679 --> 0:13:17.120
<v Speaker 2>you can run into all sorts of trouble.

0:13:17.480 --> 0:13:19.400
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, but it's very interesting what you just said there,

0:13:19.760 --> 0:13:22.000
<v Speaker 3>that no one would accuse central banks of being whaded

0:13:22.040 --> 0:13:25.440
<v Speaker 3>to sound money. But that, of course is exactly now.

0:13:25.440 --> 0:13:27.200
<v Speaker 3>I think if you are central bankers, they would say

0:13:27.240 --> 0:13:30.920
<v Speaker 3>that's exactly what they're wedded to. And most modern important

0:13:30.920 --> 0:13:35.320
<v Speaker 3>central banks do operate an inflation targeting standard these days,

0:13:35.320 --> 0:13:38.800
<v Speaker 3>which intrinsically is targeting stable value of money. I mean,

0:13:38.920 --> 0:13:43.360
<v Speaker 3>to be sympathetic to Lock, let's take him as the

0:13:43.360 --> 0:13:46.640
<v Speaker 3>patron saint of stable money for a moment. I mean,

0:13:47.440 --> 0:13:50.880
<v Speaker 3>of course, the paradox is that the monetary standard does

0:13:50.960 --> 0:13:55.120
<v Speaker 3>have to be stable over time and across space, so

0:13:55.240 --> 0:13:58.439
<v Speaker 3>within particular jurisdiction for it to be useful. I mean

0:13:58.480 --> 0:14:02.520
<v Speaker 3>that obviously is true to some degree, but one also

0:14:02.679 --> 0:14:07.080
<v Speaker 3>has to remember that because it is the unit that

0:14:07.120 --> 0:14:10.360
<v Speaker 3>you're using to denominate credit and debt, and because credit

0:14:10.600 --> 0:14:12.960
<v Speaker 3>and debt can grow and can go in all kinds

0:14:12.960 --> 0:14:16.560
<v Speaker 3>of funny directions, and can become very inequitable, and can

0:14:16.600 --> 0:14:19.560
<v Speaker 3>become become very inefficient. And we've seen that over and

0:14:19.600 --> 0:14:22.520
<v Speaker 3>over again throughout monetary history. It's the nature of financial

0:14:22.640 --> 0:14:27.800
<v Speaker 3>capitalism that can happen. The devaluation of the monetary unit

0:14:27.920 --> 0:14:32.320
<v Speaker 3>is also an absolutely crucial escape valve for when things

0:14:32.360 --> 0:14:37.280
<v Speaker 3>become unsustainable. Caines John Maynard Knes. He has a great

0:14:37.320 --> 0:14:40.160
<v Speaker 3>passage where he talks about this and says, the real

0:14:40.560 --> 0:14:45.760
<v Speaker 3>parents of revolution are the absolutists of contract. In other words,

0:14:45.800 --> 0:14:49.720
<v Speaker 3>it's people who obsess to the exclusion of everything else

0:14:50.440 --> 0:14:53.720
<v Speaker 3>about this important truth that money must be kept stable

0:14:53.880 --> 0:14:56.720
<v Speaker 3>to be useful. That are the real people that end

0:14:56.840 --> 0:15:02.080
<v Speaker 3>up creating revolutions. Because debt becomes completely unsustainable, one half

0:15:02.120 --> 0:15:03.920
<v Speaker 3>of the population is i think he puts, it becomes

0:15:04.040 --> 0:15:05.840
<v Speaker 3>enslaved to the other and so on and so forth.

0:15:06.000 --> 0:15:07.800
<v Speaker 3>Now this is all a bit hyperbolic, and so and

0:15:07.840 --> 0:15:11.720
<v Speaker 3>so forth. But what is totally obvious and what only

0:15:11.720 --> 0:15:14.480
<v Speaker 3>becomes clear when you have a clear view of money

0:15:14.640 --> 0:15:18.400
<v Speaker 3>as a system of credit and debt rather than as

0:15:18.600 --> 0:15:21.840
<v Speaker 3>some sort of physical thing, is that one of the

0:15:21.880 --> 0:15:27.320
<v Speaker 3>primary economic forces, and therefore one of the most important

0:15:27.720 --> 0:15:31.240
<v Speaker 3>decisions that any government or central bank can make is

0:15:31.520 --> 0:15:34.680
<v Speaker 3>over the value of the monetary unit because of its

0:15:34.760 --> 0:15:40.760
<v Speaker 3>distributional consequences. It's distributional consequences, and that's what gets missed

0:15:40.800 --> 0:15:42.800
<v Speaker 3>and has been i think missed in a lot of

0:15:42.840 --> 0:15:45.560
<v Speaker 3>the last thirty years thinking about these things. It was

0:15:45.600 --> 0:15:48.080
<v Speaker 3>certainly what was missed in the lead up to financial crisis.

0:15:48.120 --> 0:15:53.000
<v Speaker 3>If you're focusing solely upon keeping the value of money

0:15:53.040 --> 0:15:57.720
<v Speaker 3>stable in order to make transactions efficient, you lose sight

0:15:58.240 --> 0:16:01.320
<v Speaker 3>of the fact that this is the most important distributional

0:16:01.680 --> 0:16:02.800
<v Speaker 3>tool that the government.

0:16:02.960 --> 0:16:06.640
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, yeah, Now, this is something that as you talked

0:16:06.680 --> 0:16:08.560
<v Speaker 2>about on this podcast quite a lot, the idea that

0:16:08.840 --> 0:16:11.600
<v Speaker 2>in many ways what we call monetary policy is effectively

0:16:11.640 --> 0:16:15.400
<v Speaker 2>a fiscal policy because it has this distributional mechanism. And

0:16:15.440 --> 0:16:19.200
<v Speaker 2>that brings you back to the question of whether really,

0:16:19.680 --> 0:16:24.840
<v Speaker 2>really a central bank should be independent of government, because

0:16:24.960 --> 0:16:28.800
<v Speaker 2>central bank policies do effectively enact what we would consider

0:16:29.200 --> 0:16:32.280
<v Speaker 2>to be the results of fiscal policy or the type

0:16:32.280 --> 0:16:35.120
<v Speaker 2>of results of a fiscal policy might have have. So

0:16:35.360 --> 0:16:37.440
<v Speaker 2>if that is the case, and it is particularly we

0:16:37.440 --> 0:16:41.080
<v Speaker 2>saw that during the Quey period, etc. Is it reasonable

0:16:41.800 --> 0:16:44.520
<v Speaker 2>that a central bank should be independent of government.

0:16:45.600 --> 0:16:47.400
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, I mean, of course it's a good question. The

0:16:47.440 --> 0:16:50.280
<v Speaker 3>debates got sort of slightly mixed up because it's probably

0:16:50.320 --> 0:16:51.320
<v Speaker 3>a bit of a bit on a bit of a

0:16:51.360 --> 0:16:54.320
<v Speaker 3>rent when I wrote my book which was published more

0:16:54.360 --> 0:16:59.479
<v Speaker 3>than ten years ago now and arguing against central bank independence.

0:16:59.560 --> 0:17:01.600
<v Speaker 3>I mean it all comes down, of course, to the

0:17:01.640 --> 0:17:07.119
<v Speaker 3>details the principles of delegating power from a sovereign parliament

0:17:07.280 --> 0:17:10.520
<v Speaker 3>or from the government that it's chosen to an independent

0:17:10.600 --> 0:17:14.440
<v Speaker 3>agency of any sort, a technocratic agency of any sort.

0:17:14.560 --> 0:17:16.359
<v Speaker 3>I mean, the central banks are the most important example,

0:17:16.359 --> 0:17:19.000
<v Speaker 3>but a lot of other examples in the modern system

0:17:19.040 --> 0:17:23.840
<v Speaker 3>of governance. The principle is that you're not delegating these

0:17:24.200 --> 0:17:31.000
<v Speaker 3>crucial top level political distributional decisions. Those should be made

0:17:31.560 --> 0:17:35.760
<v Speaker 3>by the political authorities, legitimate political authorities, and it's the

0:17:35.840 --> 0:17:39.200
<v Speaker 3>operational aspects that should be delegated to the central bank.

0:17:39.200 --> 0:17:41.119
<v Speaker 3>And that is the principle of it. And as I

0:17:41.160 --> 0:17:45.520
<v Speaker 3>was just describing a few minutes ago. The monetary standard

0:17:45.640 --> 0:17:48.080
<v Speaker 3>the inflation type, which is inflation targeting, a two percent

0:17:48.080 --> 0:17:50.080
<v Speaker 3>inflation target. In the case of the UK, for example,

0:17:50.200 --> 0:17:53.560
<v Speaker 3>it is set by the chancellor. It's not set by

0:17:53.600 --> 0:17:56.600
<v Speaker 3>the central bank. They can't choose their own target. So

0:17:57.280 --> 0:17:59.560
<v Speaker 3>that would be the defense of central bankers, and it

0:17:59.600 --> 0:18:02.680
<v Speaker 3>is legit, but up to a point, because these things

0:18:02.720 --> 0:18:06.280
<v Speaker 3>do get a bit fuzzy inevitably in practice.

0:18:06.680 --> 0:18:09.160
<v Speaker 2>Is the answer then to remove the target the target.

0:18:08.840 --> 0:18:11.720
<v Speaker 3>Is wrong, yes, exactly. I mean all.

0:18:11.640 --> 0:18:13.760
<v Speaker 2>Targets will lead to disaster. We know there and those

0:18:13.760 --> 0:18:15.600
<v Speaker 2>are the things the target that doesn't lead to some

0:18:15.680 --> 0:18:16.320
<v Speaker 2>kind of desire.

0:18:16.359 --> 0:18:18.760
<v Speaker 3>Well, that's a very very important thing you've just mentioned,

0:18:18.800 --> 0:18:21.880
<v Speaker 3>because my favorite and I think the most important precept

0:18:21.960 --> 0:18:24.560
<v Speaker 3>in all of military policy, and it applies much more broadly,

0:18:24.600 --> 0:18:27.879
<v Speaker 3>and it's the topic of my next book, Listeners, is

0:18:28.320 --> 0:18:32.600
<v Speaker 3>Part's Law, named for the great British monetary economist Charles Goodheart,

0:18:32.920 --> 0:18:35.280
<v Speaker 3>and that law. He voiced it in the context of

0:18:35.280 --> 0:18:38.200
<v Speaker 3>monetary policy, and he said, any metric, when it's chosen

0:18:38.280 --> 0:18:40.639
<v Speaker 3>as a target, eventually ceases to become a good target.

0:18:40.640 --> 0:18:43.280
<v Speaker 3>And what he's talking about is the tendency of systems

0:18:43.440 --> 0:18:47.400
<v Speaker 3>economies societies and so on to adapt, of course, around targets,

0:18:47.440 --> 0:18:51.000
<v Speaker 3>to game targets so that they cease being useful. An

0:18:51.000 --> 0:18:55.320
<v Speaker 3>inflation target is of course an absolutely primary example of that.

0:18:55.480 --> 0:18:58.480
<v Speaker 3>So what you were describing and what I write about

0:18:58.600 --> 0:19:01.280
<v Speaker 3>in my book in that part about the way that

0:19:01.400 --> 0:19:04.920
<v Speaker 3>the focus on inflation targeting and your parentscept not a parent,

0:19:04.920 --> 0:19:08.000
<v Speaker 3>I mean the success in targeting inflation for whatever reasons

0:19:08.040 --> 0:19:12.240
<v Speaker 3>we can debate those prior to the financial crisis meant

0:19:12.280 --> 0:19:15.280
<v Speaker 3>that the system adapted around it, and all the kind

0:19:15.320 --> 0:19:20.119
<v Speaker 3>of imbalances which genuine economic and social imbalances which the

0:19:20.160 --> 0:19:24.080
<v Speaker 3>inflation target was intended to measure and tame, in fact

0:19:24.200 --> 0:19:27.679
<v Speaker 3>just emerge in all kinds of other places. It was

0:19:27.720 --> 0:19:30.560
<v Speaker 3>a phenomenon that had been predicted and written about many

0:19:30.640 --> 0:19:34.200
<v Speaker 3>years earlier by the American economist Simon Minsky. He said,

0:19:34.240 --> 0:19:38.760
<v Speaker 3>stability breeds instability. It's the same idea. So yes, it's

0:19:38.760 --> 0:19:41.480
<v Speaker 3>the system as a whole, and not just the particular

0:19:41.520 --> 0:19:44.120
<v Speaker 3>system of inflation targeting, but the idea that you can

0:19:44.680 --> 0:19:49.400
<v Speaker 3>choose a particular metric and you can then design policy

0:19:49.440 --> 0:19:51.919
<v Speaker 3>around that particular metric, using it as a target, and

0:19:51.920 --> 0:19:56.960
<v Speaker 3>that that is a sensible, effective way of trying to

0:19:57.560 --> 0:20:01.120
<v Speaker 3>govern a complicated modern economy. That's where the problem lies.

0:20:02.359 --> 0:20:05.600
<v Speaker 2>Okay, let's move to the problems of today. Then we

0:20:05.640 --> 0:20:08.720
<v Speaker 2>talked to earlier about how when when things go wrong,

0:20:08.800 --> 0:20:13.720
<v Speaker 2>you end up with unpleasant distributional impacts. We look across

0:20:13.720 --> 0:20:15.560
<v Speaker 2>the Western world at the moment and what we can

0:20:15.600 --> 0:20:20.760
<v Speaker 2>see exactly that a distributional problem, particularly intergenerational. Can we

0:20:20.840 --> 0:20:23.639
<v Speaker 2>blame money for that system of money? How money has

0:20:23.680 --> 0:20:24.320
<v Speaker 2>been managed?

0:20:25.119 --> 0:20:26.760
<v Speaker 3>It's a good question. I mean, are lots of things

0:20:26.800 --> 0:20:28.800
<v Speaker 3>which go into it. I mean I always tell the

0:20:28.840 --> 0:20:33.720
<v Speaker 3>story about my mother and her sisters and my grandparents

0:20:34.400 --> 0:20:38.440
<v Speaker 3>were trying to try to explain this generational aspect and

0:20:38.480 --> 0:20:41.040
<v Speaker 3>why monetary policy is important to When I was young,

0:20:41.080 --> 0:20:43.520
<v Speaker 3>I would sit around my mother and her sisters. They

0:20:43.520 --> 0:20:47.640
<v Speaker 3>were always complaining about the fact that their father had

0:20:47.680 --> 0:20:50.840
<v Speaker 3>been He'd been a distinguished fellow, he'd ended up running

0:20:50.880 --> 0:20:53.840
<v Speaker 3>a university and vice chancellor. Wasn't quite as well paid

0:20:53.880 --> 0:20:55.359
<v Speaker 3>by the way as it is these days being a

0:20:55.440 --> 0:20:57.280
<v Speaker 3>vice chanceer. So but nevertheless he'd been a sort of

0:20:57.720 --> 0:20:58.000
<v Speaker 3>in there.

0:20:58.200 --> 0:21:00.439
<v Speaker 2>Maybe that may be temporary. By the way, get in

0:21:00.480 --> 0:21:02.639
<v Speaker 2>the state of the ukc University is a bullet in

0:21:02.680 --> 0:21:04.719
<v Speaker 2>the history of what Chancelett get paid well.

0:21:04.720 --> 0:21:06.720
<v Speaker 3>He certainly would have been absolutely amazed if he'd seen

0:21:06.760 --> 0:21:08.560
<v Speaker 3>modern university. Any Way, at the point is that having

0:21:08.600 --> 0:21:12.000
<v Speaker 3>done all this, he had retired in about nineteen seventy,

0:21:12.440 --> 0:21:15.399
<v Speaker 3>and he'd retired to a tiny little house back in Oxford,

0:21:15.440 --> 0:21:18.000
<v Speaker 3>which he'd bought in the thirties, and he'd lived out

0:21:18.000 --> 0:21:21.280
<v Speaker 3>his days, and then when he came to expire, there

0:21:21.280 --> 0:21:23.439
<v Speaker 3>was nothing left. There was no sort of great inheritance

0:21:23.840 --> 0:21:27.480
<v Speaker 3>to pass on. And they were just baffled by this,

0:21:27.520 --> 0:21:29.520
<v Speaker 3>and they said, how could this be that this was

0:21:29.560 --> 0:21:33.640
<v Speaker 3>a situation now. The reality was that at the same

0:21:33.680 --> 0:21:35.479
<v Speaker 3>time that when they were making all these complaints, they

0:21:35.480 --> 0:21:39.159
<v Speaker 3>were sitting in their own great, big houses in lovely

0:21:39.280 --> 0:21:42.760
<v Speaker 3>university towns in England, which they had bought actually at

0:21:42.760 --> 0:21:45.200
<v Speaker 3>the very beginning of the seventies. And my father used

0:21:45.200 --> 0:21:47.199
<v Speaker 3>to tell me the story about how when he'd had this,

0:21:47.240 --> 0:21:50.680
<v Speaker 3>they'd had their third child, me, and they outgrown their

0:21:50.720 --> 0:21:53.520
<v Speaker 3>house and they went to look around bigger houses. And

0:21:53.560 --> 0:21:56.520
<v Speaker 3>he'd gone around looking around with the burster of one

0:21:56.560 --> 0:22:00.240
<v Speaker 3>of the colleges in Oxford where he lived. He was fretting, way,

0:22:00.240 --> 0:22:02.520
<v Speaker 3>I can't afford this big house, he said in the bust,

0:22:02.560 --> 0:22:04.959
<v Speaker 3>and don't worry, you know, just go ahead and buy it.

0:22:05.040 --> 0:22:07.359
<v Speaker 3>You know, it'll all be fine. And he bought it

0:22:07.400 --> 0:22:10.080
<v Speaker 3>and was terrified by the size of the mortgage and

0:22:10.119 --> 0:22:11.679
<v Speaker 3>all this. But of course, by the end of the

0:22:11.720 --> 0:22:16.360
<v Speaker 3>seventies this mortgage was worth a pittance in real terms. Now,

0:22:16.440 --> 0:22:18.320
<v Speaker 3>the point about this story is where I haven't explained

0:22:18.320 --> 0:22:20.440
<v Speaker 3>to every well. But the point is, of course these

0:22:20.440 --> 0:22:23.280
<v Speaker 3>things were two sides of exactly the same coin. If

0:22:23.320 --> 0:22:26.280
<v Speaker 3>you were of my grandfather's generation and you had retired

0:22:26.280 --> 0:22:30.359
<v Speaker 3>in nineteen seventy with your handsome pension from your vice

0:22:30.480 --> 0:22:33.440
<v Speaker 3>chancellorial job that you'd accumulated, and it.

0:22:33.440 --> 0:22:35.920
<v Speaker 4>Was worth a tb by the way, just everyone's clear

0:22:35.960 --> 0:22:39.399
<v Speaker 4>that would be a defined should get the same amount

0:22:39.400 --> 0:22:42.199
<v Speaker 4>of money dumped in your bank account every month, and

0:22:42.280 --> 0:22:44.240
<v Speaker 4>it should crucially be inflation linked.

0:22:44.440 --> 0:22:46.119
<v Speaker 2>But I suspect what we were about to tell us

0:22:46.240 --> 0:22:48.679
<v Speaker 2>was it wasn't linked to the actual rate of inflation.

0:22:48.760 --> 0:22:52.480
<v Speaker 2>That possibly was capped. It's very good a lot of

0:22:52.560 --> 0:22:55.000
<v Speaker 2>ones are capped at sort of three or four percent, yes, exactly.

0:22:55.080 --> 0:22:57.399
<v Speaker 2>The inflation goes beyond that. The real value of your

0:22:57.440 --> 0:23:00.360
<v Speaker 2>pension income willful to that is what happened to your grandfather.

0:23:00.400 --> 0:23:03.600
<v Speaker 3>Exactly exactly, and so over the course of seventies, of course,

0:23:03.680 --> 0:23:06.119
<v Speaker 3>you know, the value of this thing shriveled up to

0:23:06.240 --> 0:23:10.199
<v Speaker 3>very little. Hence hence is unfortunate penury by the end

0:23:10.240 --> 0:23:13.960
<v Speaker 3>of the decade. And whereas a young parents like my

0:23:14.200 --> 0:23:16.320
<v Speaker 3>mother and father, they were on the other end of that.

0:23:16.400 --> 0:23:18.359
<v Speaker 3>So this inflation over the course of the decade was

0:23:18.359 --> 0:23:20.399
<v Speaker 3>fantastic because they bought some house for a few thousand

0:23:20.440 --> 0:23:21.600
<v Speaker 3>quid and by the end of the decade it was

0:23:21.600 --> 0:23:24.160
<v Speaker 3>worth one hundred thousand quid and the mortgage of course

0:23:24.200 --> 0:23:26.200
<v Speaker 3>had shriveled away because it hadn't gone gone hung value.

0:23:26.240 --> 0:23:30.639
<v Speaker 3>Now what was going on a big transfer of wealth

0:23:30.840 --> 0:23:34.800
<v Speaker 3>from my grandparents' generation to my parents' generation. So in fact,

0:23:34.840 --> 0:23:37.879
<v Speaker 3>my mother and her sisters need not have complained because

0:23:37.920 --> 0:23:41.440
<v Speaker 3>they did get this inheritance. It just didn't come down

0:23:41.560 --> 0:23:44.120
<v Speaker 3>through being passed down through the family. It came through

0:23:44.160 --> 0:23:49.040
<v Speaker 3>this macroeconomic shift. Now you will spot it that that

0:23:49.200 --> 0:23:52.520
<v Speaker 3>is very different from what most people understand by inheritance.

0:23:53.040 --> 0:23:56.159
<v Speaker 3>And of course it is a matter of chance. Now,

0:23:56.200 --> 0:23:58.000
<v Speaker 3>I mean there's different kind of chance that operates through

0:23:58.040 --> 0:24:00.439
<v Speaker 3>inheritance through families. It's just where the other lucky to

0:24:00.480 --> 0:24:02.440
<v Speaker 3>be born into a family with money, or who happened

0:24:02.440 --> 0:24:04.439
<v Speaker 3>to accumulate some money. And this is a different kind

0:24:04.440 --> 0:24:07.840
<v Speaker 3>of chance, where if my parents hadn't bought a nice,

0:24:07.880 --> 0:24:10.280
<v Speaker 3>big house and stretch themselves and so on at the

0:24:10.280 --> 0:24:12.560
<v Speaker 3>beginning of the seventies, well they wouldn't have received the

0:24:12.600 --> 0:24:15.960
<v Speaker 3>benefits of this macroeconomic wealth transfer. So it's a different

0:24:16.040 --> 0:24:19.080
<v Speaker 3>kind of complete chance involved. But of course the transfer

0:24:19.160 --> 0:24:21.960
<v Speaker 3>did happen. But in that case, and this is coming

0:24:22.000 --> 0:24:27.560
<v Speaker 3>to your question, it happened through the action or inaction

0:24:27.920 --> 0:24:31.240
<v Speaker 3>of monetary policy. That was what led to this great

0:24:31.240 --> 0:24:34.000
<v Speaker 3>inflation in the seventies. So it's a really important thing

0:24:34.040 --> 0:24:36.960
<v Speaker 3>to keep in mind because it is what has it's

0:24:37.000 --> 0:24:40.960
<v Speaker 3>what the focus on inflation targeting, for example, has successfully

0:24:42.160 --> 0:24:45.240
<v Speaker 3>ruled out over the last thirty years, that particular kind

0:24:45.280 --> 0:24:48.359
<v Speaker 3>of transfer of wealth. But you just alluded to the

0:24:48.400 --> 0:24:52.879
<v Speaker 3>fact that nonetheless it appears that you can point the

0:24:52.880 --> 0:24:56.520
<v Speaker 3>finger at monetary policy or financial policy more generally for

0:24:56.640 --> 0:25:00.680
<v Speaker 3>all kinds of other transfers or accumulation of wealth, which

0:25:00.720 --> 0:25:04.200
<v Speaker 3>many people would see as being rather unfair, being bast

0:25:04.240 --> 0:25:08.439
<v Speaker 3>cross generations anyway, I come back to Kane's point. The

0:25:08.520 --> 0:25:13.840
<v Speaker 3>issue is manatory policy is very powerful at affecting macroeconomic

0:25:13.880 --> 0:25:17.640
<v Speaker 3>distributional changes, either by accident, by amission, or by by commission.

0:25:18.480 --> 0:25:20.840
<v Speaker 3>We have to focus on that, and one has to

0:25:20.880 --> 0:25:22.560
<v Speaker 3>have a deliberate policy about it.

0:25:22.960 --> 0:25:24.359
<v Speaker 2>And one of the things that we have talked about

0:25:24.600 --> 0:25:26.639
<v Speaker 2>on the podcast quite a lot is about whether we

0:25:26.720 --> 0:25:31.040
<v Speaker 2>do need a generational reset and we need some way

0:25:31.080 --> 0:25:33.320
<v Speaker 2>to get to reduce not just private debt, but also

0:25:33.359 --> 0:25:38.040
<v Speaker 2>specifically public debt, and that that would require maybe close

0:25:38.080 --> 0:25:41.160
<v Speaker 2>to a decade of inflation running at four or five

0:25:41.640 --> 0:25:44.399
<v Speaker 2>six percent, which would necessarily mean the removal of the

0:25:44.440 --> 0:25:46.800
<v Speaker 2>inflation target. There has been mutterings over the last few

0:25:46.880 --> 0:25:49.200
<v Speaker 2>years heaven there about our central bankshid that I'll get

0:25:49.240 --> 0:25:51.679
<v Speaker 2>to maybe three percent or something like that. But it

0:25:51.720 --> 0:25:55.320
<v Speaker 2>does seem that there isn't any way out for deeply

0:25:55.359 --> 0:25:57.880
<v Speaker 2>indebted Western nations at the moment. I mean, look what's

0:25:57.880 --> 0:26:00.639
<v Speaker 2>happening in the bond markets across Japan, the US, and

0:26:00.680 --> 0:26:02.840
<v Speaker 2>in Europe. At the moment. We see that these locations

0:26:02.840 --> 0:26:04.760
<v Speaker 2>beginning had happened in the bond market, there isn't any

0:26:04.840 --> 0:26:09.720
<v Speaker 2>obvious way out. Oh I mean either except genny false growth,

0:26:09.760 --> 0:26:13.120
<v Speaker 2>which at this point looks relatively unlikely, or a decade

0:26:13.240 --> 0:26:13.960
<v Speaker 2>of inflation.

0:26:14.800 --> 0:26:18.280
<v Speaker 3>Yes, there are complications that should be mentioned. I mean,

0:26:18.320 --> 0:26:20.760
<v Speaker 3>it's very notable when you suggest the idea that maybe

0:26:20.880 --> 0:26:24.200
<v Speaker 3>inflation is not such a bad thing in many respects,

0:26:24.320 --> 0:26:26.560
<v Speaker 3>which I've done over the last few years in a

0:26:26.600 --> 0:26:30.400
<v Speaker 3>few columns for the reasons that you say. I mean, yes,

0:26:30.480 --> 0:26:33.520
<v Speaker 3>of course there are costs to inflation. But it's really

0:26:33.600 --> 0:26:36.800
<v Speaker 3>interesting if you look at the economic literature, the actual

0:26:37.119 --> 0:26:41.520
<v Speaker 3>costs which are ascribed to inflation are really quite weird

0:26:41.840 --> 0:26:43.760
<v Speaker 3>and small, and not the ones which I think most

0:26:43.760 --> 0:26:46.879
<v Speaker 3>people would really think of. They are because of the

0:26:46.920 --> 0:26:50.359
<v Speaker 3>way that money is conceived of in mainstream economic theory.

0:26:50.880 --> 0:26:54.119
<v Speaker 3>They are costs to do with frictions, like there's more

0:26:54.200 --> 0:26:56.280
<v Speaker 3>uncertainty about what the price is when you go to

0:26:56.600 --> 0:26:59.800
<v Speaker 3>people have to look around more so called shoe leather.

0:27:00.560 --> 0:27:02.200
<v Speaker 3>In other words, they wear out the leather on their

0:27:02.280 --> 0:27:06.879
<v Speaker 3>shoes walking around finding alternative prices for things. Menu costs,

0:27:06.960 --> 0:27:09.159
<v Speaker 3>you know, restaurants have to update their many I mean,

0:27:09.520 --> 0:27:11.199
<v Speaker 3>people will think I'm making this up, but these are

0:27:11.320 --> 0:27:16.040
<v Speaker 3>actually genuinely in the mainstream economic theories. The main costs

0:27:16.560 --> 0:27:22.240
<v Speaker 3>ascribed to inflation, and you set those against what we

0:27:22.359 --> 0:27:27.160
<v Speaker 3>were just describing, which are the big macroeconomic distributional effects

0:27:27.240 --> 0:27:30.680
<v Speaker 3>of inflation, which might be costly or they might be beneficial.

0:27:31.119 --> 0:27:34.120
<v Speaker 3>And of course you're suggesting these imbalances into generation or whatever.

0:27:34.119 --> 0:27:36.639
<v Speaker 3>They might be a very unhealthy and inefficient and they

0:27:36.680 --> 0:27:41.160
<v Speaker 3>are risk constraining economic growth and innovation, and therefore presumably inflation,

0:27:41.240 --> 0:27:43.680
<v Speaker 3>which would be a means of alleviating these would be

0:27:43.920 --> 0:27:48.119
<v Speaker 3>a positive thing. Now, that's huge, huge resistance to that.

0:27:48.200 --> 0:27:51.359
<v Speaker 3>If you ever talked to anyone from the generation above us,

0:27:52.200 --> 0:27:54.800
<v Speaker 3>people who remember the seventies, despite what I just said,

0:27:55.800 --> 0:27:58.359
<v Speaker 3>which is that actually it was in some ways very

0:27:58.520 --> 0:28:02.200
<v Speaker 3>beneficial for lab Well, it didn't. You know again, I've

0:28:02.200 --> 0:28:04.280
<v Speaker 3>got a stress that there's a lot of luck involved.

0:28:04.480 --> 0:28:06.520
<v Speaker 3>Like I said, you know, so the story I just

0:28:06.560 --> 0:28:08.440
<v Speaker 3>told you, my parents they were lucky because it just

0:28:08.480 --> 0:28:11.679
<v Speaker 3>affected actually within the family what might have happened anyway.

0:28:11.960 --> 0:28:13.320
<v Speaker 3>But of course many people wait to have been in

0:28:13.359 --> 0:28:16.440
<v Speaker 3>that situation. So that's where there's a problem on that front.

0:28:16.680 --> 0:28:18.560
<v Speaker 3>But they're very very.

0:28:18.480 --> 0:28:20.280
<v Speaker 2>Resist have to interrupt you to tell you, I have

0:28:20.359 --> 0:28:22.280
<v Speaker 2>to interrupt you to tell you that I know our listeners,

0:28:22.480 --> 0:28:24.760
<v Speaker 2>and I know what they're thinking right now. They're thinking,

0:28:24.960 --> 0:28:27.720
<v Speaker 2>lucky old Felix, he gets that great big house.

0:28:28.320 --> 0:28:30.640
<v Speaker 3>No, no, no, no, I'm afraid not I'm afraid. I mean,

0:28:31.040 --> 0:28:33.200
<v Speaker 3>I mean, I wish it would say listeners, But unfortunately,

0:28:33.520 --> 0:28:37.160
<v Speaker 3>I'm one of quite a few children, and the inheritance

0:28:37.200 --> 0:28:40.480
<v Speaker 3>tax regime is horrendous these days, and as you would

0:28:40.480 --> 0:28:42.000
<v Speaker 3>have discovered from the story, and my parents are not

0:28:42.560 --> 0:28:45.320
<v Speaker 3>in any way experts in financial planning, so they haven't

0:28:45.360 --> 0:28:48.040
<v Speaker 3>done any of the things that all the sensible boomers

0:28:48.080 --> 0:28:49.840
<v Speaker 3>will have done to try and avoid all this stuff.

0:28:49.880 --> 0:28:53.080
<v Speaker 2>So no, I'm on min, I'm sure some IFAs can

0:28:53.160 --> 0:28:58.400
<v Speaker 2>get in touch now and carry on. Sorry interrupted you,

0:28:58.720 --> 0:28:59.880
<v Speaker 2>Sorry we was on their minds.

0:29:00.160 --> 0:29:03.280
<v Speaker 3>Yes, but there are other niggles. Today. You are describing

0:29:03.360 --> 0:29:05.840
<v Speaker 3>this as an important and maybe the only way of

0:29:06.200 --> 0:29:08.280
<v Speaker 3>getting out of very high levels of public debt. Now,

0:29:08.360 --> 0:29:10.560
<v Speaker 3>very high levels of public debt in places like Britain

0:29:10.760 --> 0:29:12.920
<v Speaker 3>and the States and Western Europe and so on. They

0:29:12.960 --> 0:29:16.520
<v Speaker 3>are clearly a historical anomaly at this level in peace time,

0:29:16.800 --> 0:29:18.880
<v Speaker 3>so there's a big challenge there. And it is true

0:29:18.960 --> 0:29:23.120
<v Speaker 3>that inflating away debt so devaluing it in real terms,

0:29:23.240 --> 0:29:25.880
<v Speaker 3>would seem to be a much less painful way of

0:29:25.960 --> 0:29:29.480
<v Speaker 3>doing things than outright defaulting on debt, which seems highly

0:29:29.520 --> 0:29:33.360
<v Speaker 3>unlikely and would be very, very disruptive. So that makes

0:29:33.400 --> 0:29:35.760
<v Speaker 3>a lot of sense. I think that's right. And you know,

0:29:35.840 --> 0:29:39.240
<v Speaker 3>we're not talking about hyperinflation, you're talking about a slightly

0:29:39.320 --> 0:29:41.720
<v Speaker 3>higher inflation target, just like you mentioned. However, one of

0:29:41.760 --> 0:29:43.880
<v Speaker 3>the important niggles is that we live in a very

0:29:43.960 --> 0:29:51.840
<v Speaker 3>financially globalized system today and there are large imbalances between countries. Famously,

0:29:51.880 --> 0:29:55.800
<v Speaker 3>of course, the US is an enormous international debtor and

0:29:55.960 --> 0:29:58.600
<v Speaker 3>runs a big character counter deficit, and the same it's

0:29:58.600 --> 0:30:00.479
<v Speaker 3>true on a smaller scale for the UK, and then

0:30:00.520 --> 0:30:02.960
<v Speaker 3>within the Eurozone, for example, there's a lot of imbalances

0:30:03.000 --> 0:30:08.920
<v Speaker 3>of that sort. And that's important because back in the seventies,

0:30:09.000 --> 0:30:11.440
<v Speaker 3>what we were just talking about that was much much

0:30:11.520 --> 0:30:16.360
<v Speaker 3>less true, and therefore the imbalances and their correction and

0:30:16.400 --> 0:30:21.480
<v Speaker 3>the redistribution was essentially within a particular political jurisdiction within

0:30:21.520 --> 0:30:25.760
<v Speaker 3>the UK, let's say, or within the US, whereas today

0:30:26.040 --> 0:30:29.719
<v Speaker 3>there is a big international aspect to it, and there

0:30:29.760 --> 0:30:32.920
<v Speaker 3>will be impact on exchange rates and there will be

0:30:33.640 --> 0:30:39.120
<v Speaker 3>well geopolitical impact. The whole origin of the massive flare

0:30:39.200 --> 0:30:42.440
<v Speaker 3>up in geopolitical tensions and the connections with economics that

0:30:42.480 --> 0:30:45.080
<v Speaker 3>we've seen this year is precisely to do with this

0:30:45.200 --> 0:30:49.200
<v Speaker 3>issue of international imbalances and the fact that America wants

0:30:49.240 --> 0:30:52.600
<v Speaker 3>effectively to extricate itself and to impose some sort of

0:30:52.760 --> 0:30:55.160
<v Speaker 3>losses on people who've lent its money. It's not quite

0:30:55.200 --> 0:30:56.800
<v Speaker 3>as simple as it might have been in the puzzle.

0:30:56.840 --> 0:30:58.840
<v Speaker 2>That's simple than it used to be. Yeah, all right,

0:30:58.920 --> 0:31:00.959
<v Speaker 2>let's move of from that to look at actually at markets,

0:31:01.040 --> 0:31:04.120
<v Speaker 2>because you just mentioned various dislocations in the US and

0:31:04.160 --> 0:31:05.960
<v Speaker 2>not really. One of the things we talk about endlessly

0:31:06.040 --> 0:31:08.080
<v Speaker 2>here is the US market, and one of the things

0:31:08.080 --> 0:31:09.760
<v Speaker 2>I've brought up with it with a guest last week

0:31:10.280 --> 0:31:13.480
<v Speaker 2>was about the decumulation of the baby boomer generation in

0:31:13.720 --> 0:31:16.959
<v Speaker 2>the US and the extent to which that will effect

0:31:17.080 --> 0:31:18.960
<v Speaker 2>flows into the market and hence the level of the

0:31:19.000 --> 0:31:21.680
<v Speaker 2>market itself. And new used as a wonderful phrase where

0:31:21.720 --> 0:31:24.560
<v Speaker 2>people say that bill markets rarely die of old age,

0:31:24.600 --> 0:31:26.040
<v Speaker 2>but this one actually might.

0:31:26.720 --> 0:31:29.320
<v Speaker 3>Yes, that's right. I write a column, my column for

0:31:30.640 --> 0:31:32.480
<v Speaker 3>am I allowed to mention the competitor.

0:31:32.640 --> 0:31:34.200
<v Speaker 2>Oh, I don't know, probably not.

0:31:34.480 --> 0:31:39.760
<v Speaker 3>Okay, I went my column this week no exactly is

0:31:39.800 --> 0:31:41.760
<v Speaker 3>about this. Because I was reflecting, I went back and

0:31:41.840 --> 0:31:43.800
<v Speaker 3>had a look. In the late nineties, there was there

0:31:43.880 --> 0:31:48.480
<v Speaker 3>was a huge panic over this. This gorely named the

0:31:48.640 --> 0:31:53.160
<v Speaker 3>market meltdown hypothesis. And this was actually driven by the

0:31:53.240 --> 0:31:56.480
<v Speaker 3>fact that, as some listeners may remember, the US stock

0:31:56.600 --> 0:31:59.000
<v Speaker 3>market was on a great role from the sort of

0:31:59.040 --> 0:32:01.600
<v Speaker 3>early eighties on, and in particular in the nineties and

0:32:01.600 --> 0:32:05.080
<v Speaker 3>into the late nineties, valuations were climbing up and up

0:32:05.120 --> 0:32:09.800
<v Speaker 3>every year. The famous Schiller cape cyclically adjusted price earnings ration.

0:32:10.160 --> 0:32:12.880
<v Speaker 3>It hit its low in nineteen eighty two seven and

0:32:12.960 --> 0:32:15.560
<v Speaker 3>it went up to forty four by the end of

0:32:15.760 --> 0:32:19.360
<v Speaker 3>nineteen ninety nine. And a lot of people connected this

0:32:19.440 --> 0:32:20.760
<v Speaker 3>and they said, well, well, hang on a minute. The

0:32:20.840 --> 0:32:23.680
<v Speaker 3>reason why this is happening is because the Baby Boom

0:32:23.840 --> 0:32:27.560
<v Speaker 3>generation is such a historical anomaly. This is true, much

0:32:27.680 --> 0:32:30.520
<v Speaker 3>larger than the generation before it and the generation Gen X,

0:32:30.560 --> 0:32:33.080
<v Speaker 3>that's our generation which came after it. And they said, well,

0:32:33.160 --> 0:32:36.240
<v Speaker 3>I mean, obviously what's going on is they've hit their

0:32:36.320 --> 0:32:40.640
<v Speaker 3>peak earnings. They're piling money into the US equity market,

0:32:40.720 --> 0:32:43.680
<v Speaker 3>and this is pussing up valuations and that's all great,

0:32:43.800 --> 0:32:46.800
<v Speaker 3>but obviously there's going to be a huge problem when

0:32:46.840 --> 0:32:50.640
<v Speaker 3>they come into their retirement and decumulation phase, because they're

0:32:50.680 --> 0:32:54.000
<v Speaker 3>going to be trying to offload all these assets onto

0:32:54.160 --> 0:32:57.160
<v Speaker 3>the much smaller generation X. And this is important. The

0:32:57.200 --> 0:33:00.600
<v Speaker 3>whole thesis relies only on the size of the generations.

0:33:00.640 --> 0:33:03.280
<v Speaker 3>People argue a lot, correctly in my view, about whether

0:33:03.360 --> 0:33:06.120
<v Speaker 3>it's really true that flows drive prices and all kind

0:33:06.120 --> 0:33:08.080
<v Speaker 3>of stuff, but this argument is quite simple. It's just

0:33:08.120 --> 0:33:10.480
<v Speaker 3>that the next generation is so much smaller, so naturally

0:33:10.560 --> 0:33:14.280
<v Speaker 3>than demand must be lower. Anyway, it rose to an

0:33:14.280 --> 0:33:17.160
<v Speaker 3>absolute height of panic. But the funny thing was, of

0:33:17.240 --> 0:33:20.760
<v Speaker 3>course in the two thousands, there wasn't any big crash,

0:33:21.200 --> 0:33:23.560
<v Speaker 3>and the whole sort of panic went away. There was

0:33:23.600 --> 0:33:27.400
<v Speaker 3>a crash, of course, from the heights of nineteen ninety nine,

0:33:27.960 --> 0:33:30.080
<v Speaker 3>but that just made everyone think, oh, well, it was

0:33:30.080 --> 0:33:31.920
<v Speaker 3>all to do with the iggression of abzuber. It's everything

0:33:31.960 --> 0:33:33.520
<v Speaker 3>to do with demographics. It was just a sort of

0:33:33.560 --> 0:33:36.200
<v Speaker 3>classic bubble. And then it all recovered and started marching

0:33:36.400 --> 0:33:39.120
<v Speaker 3>on again. And then there were lots of interesting changes,

0:33:39.280 --> 0:33:44.400
<v Speaker 3>like defined contribution pensions started to take off, and that

0:33:44.560 --> 0:33:48.440
<v Speaker 3>seemed to provide a sort of new supplemental source of inflows.

0:33:48.520 --> 0:33:51.560
<v Speaker 3>And the boomer generation themselves they turned out to live

0:33:51.640 --> 0:33:53.680
<v Speaker 3>much longer, and they were much healthier, and they didn't

0:33:53.720 --> 0:33:57.760
<v Speaker 3>actually accumulate nearly as quickly as everyone said. So the

0:33:57.800 --> 0:34:00.920
<v Speaker 3>whole sort of panic went away for a long, long,

0:34:01.160 --> 0:34:05.400
<v Speaker 3>long type. But but meren, you're bringing it back for

0:34:05.520 --> 0:34:08.520
<v Speaker 3>the purposes of my column. I went and I ferreted

0:34:08.560 --> 0:34:10.640
<v Speaker 3>away in the Z one flur of funds of the

0:34:10.760 --> 0:34:14.720
<v Speaker 3>United States Federal Reserve, and I've discovered a horrifying fact,

0:34:15.520 --> 0:34:19.719
<v Speaker 3>which is that bang on Q, it is actually true

0:34:20.080 --> 0:34:23.680
<v Speaker 3>that the US private pension system, just in the last

0:34:23.760 --> 0:34:27.200
<v Speaker 3>couple of years has gone into decumulation. It is no

0:34:27.360 --> 0:34:31.399
<v Speaker 3>longer a net by of assets. It's gone into net

0:34:31.560 --> 0:34:33.759
<v Speaker 3>selling territory. And of course it's just as true as

0:34:33.760 --> 0:34:37.680
<v Speaker 3>it ever was that gen X is indeed much much

0:34:37.719 --> 0:34:40.080
<v Speaker 3>smaller than gen Y. So if you look at the

0:34:40.120 --> 0:34:43.000
<v Speaker 3>so called old age dependency ratio or the inverse of it,

0:34:43.120 --> 0:34:45.160
<v Speaker 3>you know it was the case in nineteen ninety that

0:34:45.200 --> 0:34:48.279
<v Speaker 3>there were five and a half or six working age

0:34:48.320 --> 0:34:52.239
<v Speaker 3>people for every retire and it's now about thirty or

0:34:52.320 --> 0:34:55.799
<v Speaker 3>forty percent lower than that. So all the conditions are

0:34:55.840 --> 0:34:58.480
<v Speaker 3>actually there in place. It is in fact happening just

0:34:58.600 --> 0:35:02.799
<v Speaker 3>as was predicted. And then there's a couple of other

0:35:02.880 --> 0:35:05.680
<v Speaker 3>problems which people hadn't spotted in the nineties. One is that,

0:35:06.280 --> 0:35:10.000
<v Speaker 3>of course these international inflows, all this globalization, and the

0:35:10.040 --> 0:35:12.000
<v Speaker 3>fact that in the two thousands, when people thought this

0:35:12.160 --> 0:35:14.279
<v Speaker 3>was going to start, what actually happened was this so

0:35:14.440 --> 0:35:17.799
<v Speaker 3>called global savings galut appeared. You know, there was all

0:35:17.840 --> 0:35:20.560
<v Speaker 3>the Chinese and the Europeans when they were saving up

0:35:20.600 --> 0:35:23.000
<v Speaker 3>in the Japanese and they were piled into the American market.

0:35:23.080 --> 0:35:26.799
<v Speaker 3>So they sort of bailed out, you know, the boomers then.

0:35:27.000 --> 0:35:30.239
<v Speaker 3>But unfortunately they're all in exactly the same or even

0:35:30.320 --> 0:35:33.600
<v Speaker 3>worse demographic position now than the US, so you can't

0:35:33.600 --> 0:35:36.040
<v Speaker 3>rely on them anymore. And as we know, capital flows

0:35:36.080 --> 0:35:38.360
<v Speaker 3>are reversing from the US, they're all starting to seek

0:35:38.400 --> 0:35:41.680
<v Speaker 3>back out again, So that's a big problem. And then

0:35:42.120 --> 0:35:44.839
<v Speaker 3>the icing on the cake. The icing on the cake

0:35:44.920 --> 0:35:50.480
<v Speaker 3>is the following It is that the Boomers, this big generation,

0:35:50.640 --> 0:35:53.239
<v Speaker 3>of course, they didn't just have economic power. What it

0:35:53.520 --> 0:35:58.800
<v Speaker 3>gave them was political clout. They were for the longest

0:35:58.800 --> 0:36:03.120
<v Speaker 3>period of any generation, they were the largest voting cohort

0:36:04.400 --> 0:36:07.359
<v Speaker 3>in the US system. So they were the biggest block

0:36:07.400 --> 0:36:12.320
<v Speaker 3>of US voters and that also has just changed. About

0:36:12.640 --> 0:36:15.759
<v Speaker 3>ten years ago came the crossover point, and Maren, I'm

0:36:15.760 --> 0:36:18.120
<v Speaker 3>sorry to tell you it's not our generation that have

0:36:18.200 --> 0:36:21.320
<v Speaker 3>displaced them, because we're the small gen X. It is

0:36:21.760 --> 0:36:23.360
<v Speaker 3>the millennials and younger.

0:36:23.920 --> 0:36:24.520
<v Speaker 2>Oh god.

0:36:24.760 --> 0:36:27.840
<v Speaker 3>Since twenty sixteen, they have taken over as the biggest

0:36:27.920 --> 0:36:31.600
<v Speaker 3>and most important voting block from the boomers. So it's JD.

0:36:31.840 --> 0:36:35.960
<v Speaker 3>Vance and his cohort that are now. They are the

0:36:36.000 --> 0:36:39.240
<v Speaker 3>political center of gravity in the US. And of course

0:36:40.280 --> 0:36:43.200
<v Speaker 3>they do not have a vested interest in the types

0:36:43.239 --> 0:36:46.239
<v Speaker 3>of policies which kept this whole show on the road

0:36:46.320 --> 0:36:50.680
<v Speaker 3>for the boomers, which staved off the market meltdown hypothesis

0:36:51.120 --> 0:36:53.920
<v Speaker 3>for the extra ten or fifteen years that had happened. No,

0:36:54.080 --> 0:36:56.160
<v Speaker 3>they're not interested. That's why they're railing back all this

0:36:56.239 --> 0:37:00.319
<v Speaker 3>stuff like globalization. They don't care that the compan these

0:37:00.360 --> 0:37:02.920
<v Speaker 3>and Europeans and the Chinese no longer want to buy

0:37:02.960 --> 0:37:05.239
<v Speaker 3>the US stock market. They're actively trying to stop it.

0:37:05.320 --> 0:37:05.919
<v Speaker 3>Half the time.

0:37:06.440 --> 0:37:10.440
<v Speaker 2>So I reckon it's here, Okay, that is really interesting,

0:37:10.640 --> 0:37:13.560
<v Speaker 2>good hypothesis. I love it when things come through twenty

0:37:13.640 --> 0:37:16.160
<v Speaker 2>years after they were supposed to us was fascinating. But

0:37:16.239 --> 0:37:19.000
<v Speaker 2>it's something we must talk about, which is going back

0:37:19.040 --> 0:37:22.360
<v Speaker 2>to our millennials. It's private currencies. The way we've been

0:37:22.440 --> 0:37:25.000
<v Speaker 2>discussing money is as though it's always a power of

0:37:25.080 --> 0:37:28.200
<v Speaker 2>the state and instrument of policy, etc. But given the

0:37:28.280 --> 0:37:30.279
<v Speaker 2>way that you've described money as a system rather than

0:37:30.320 --> 0:37:34.000
<v Speaker 2>a token, it's far from the case that money should

0:37:34.600 --> 0:37:37.200
<v Speaker 2>be something that is state sponsored. And there's a huge

0:37:37.480 --> 0:37:40.160
<v Speaker 2>history of private money, is back to the Endless Siege,

0:37:40.239 --> 0:37:42.880
<v Speaker 2>moneies and built of sale. There's so much, there's so

0:37:42.960 --> 0:37:46.440
<v Speaker 2>much private money. But now we have a private money

0:37:47.040 --> 0:37:51.160
<v Speaker 2>that is beyond the scale of any previous private money

0:37:51.200 --> 0:37:54.200
<v Speaker 2>because of the way it crosses borders. Right, So previous

0:37:54.239 --> 0:37:58.080
<v Speaker 2>private money has been limited to particular societies, particular groups.

0:37:58.080 --> 0:38:01.160
<v Speaker 2>They've always been physically limited. But bitcoin and the other

0:38:01.200 --> 0:38:04.560
<v Speaker 2>cryptocurrencies are a private money that has no border. And

0:38:04.680 --> 0:38:07.200
<v Speaker 2>this is a very interesting dynamic, right, And one of

0:38:07.239 --> 0:38:10.000
<v Speaker 2>the makes that I've made for years now is to

0:38:10.080 --> 0:38:13.440
<v Speaker 2>assume that governments would not allow a private currency to

0:38:13.520 --> 0:38:16.640
<v Speaker 2>become so widely spread that they would interfere at somebody.

0:38:16.760 --> 0:38:19.319
<v Speaker 2>Hasn't happened. What do you think is going on here

0:38:19.680 --> 0:38:21.000
<v Speaker 2>and would you be a buyer of bitcoin.

0:38:21.320 --> 0:38:22.719
<v Speaker 3>Well, when you say it hasn't happened, I mean I

0:38:22.719 --> 0:38:26.200
<v Speaker 3>think your instincts were right, which is that governments are

0:38:26.440 --> 0:38:30.960
<v Speaker 3>very interested in guarding jealously their monetary sovereignty, and I

0:38:31.040 --> 0:38:35.200
<v Speaker 3>think they are very concerned and worried about the potential

0:38:35.440 --> 0:38:42.480
<v Speaker 3>for macroeconomic disruption caused by widespread use across all the

0:38:42.640 --> 0:38:47.600
<v Speaker 3>uses of money, of private currencies and cryptocurrencies. They are

0:38:47.680 --> 0:38:51.080
<v Speaker 3>quite right to be so concerned because if you look

0:38:51.320 --> 0:38:54.640
<v Speaker 3>at the history of many emerging markets, for example, these

0:38:54.680 --> 0:39:00.760
<v Speaker 3>are countries which have long experience of only limited control

0:39:01.360 --> 0:39:05.200
<v Speaker 3>grip on the franchise of money by the state. I mean,

0:39:05.239 --> 0:39:07.400
<v Speaker 3>the most obvious example is in many emerging markets, as

0:39:07.400 --> 0:39:10.319
<v Speaker 3>any listener who's ever been to one will know, over

0:39:10.320 --> 0:39:13.040
<v Speaker 3>the last thirty years, you will find that US dollars

0:39:13.120 --> 0:39:16.719
<v Speaker 3>circulate alongside the national currency. And there's a prime example. Okay,

0:39:16.800 --> 0:39:19.080
<v Speaker 3>that's another state currency in that case, but it's a

0:39:19.120 --> 0:39:21.600
<v Speaker 3>prime example of where you know, the state in question

0:39:21.719 --> 0:39:25.759
<v Speaker 3>doesn't have full control over the institution of money, and

0:39:25.800 --> 0:39:28.920
<v Speaker 3>you've got another competitor in there, and that makes managing

0:39:29.080 --> 0:39:31.880
<v Speaker 3>targeting inflation or managing the distributional content. Any of these

0:39:31.880 --> 0:39:34.480
<v Speaker 3>aspects of monetary policy we've been describing much more difficult,

0:39:34.800 --> 0:39:37.160
<v Speaker 3>because whilst you might control the issuance of your own

0:39:37.239 --> 0:39:39.440
<v Speaker 3>currency and the regulation of it, you don't control the

0:39:39.520 --> 0:39:42.520
<v Speaker 3>issuance and regulation of the US dollar. So that's why

0:39:42.840 --> 0:39:45.120
<v Speaker 3>they are worried about all of that, and their right

0:39:45.160 --> 0:39:50.160
<v Speaker 3>to be worried about it. Clearly, the novel aspect of cryptocurrencies,

0:39:50.480 --> 0:39:52.799
<v Speaker 3>exactly as you said, is not the fact that they

0:39:52.840 --> 0:39:56.200
<v Speaker 3>are private moneies. It's not the fact that these are

0:39:56.680 --> 0:40:00.319
<v Speaker 3>private monetary units operating on their own. Monetary standards define

0:40:00.320 --> 0:40:01.719
<v Speaker 3>them in lots of different ways. It can be a

0:40:01.920 --> 0:40:04.480
<v Speaker 3>very hard monetary standard like bitcoins, where you've got a

0:40:04.840 --> 0:40:06.839
<v Speaker 3>set number that can ever be issued and you're going

0:40:06.880 --> 0:40:09.640
<v Speaker 3>to assimpate towards set over time. But they're all kinds

0:40:09.640 --> 0:40:11.680
<v Speaker 3>of rather in principle of any old kind of standard

0:40:11.680 --> 0:40:15.040
<v Speaker 3>that you could use and specify for these private crypteircurrencies.

0:40:15.719 --> 0:40:19.040
<v Speaker 3>It's not that private aspect of it, which is new,

0:40:19.360 --> 0:40:21.480
<v Speaker 3>existed all throughout history, like you said. No, No, it's

0:40:21.560 --> 0:40:24.680
<v Speaker 3>the technology, of course. It's the technology of recording these

0:40:24.760 --> 0:40:27.440
<v Speaker 3>things on a digital ledger, and the fact that you've

0:40:27.440 --> 0:40:30.719
<v Speaker 3>got the Internet, which is global, which is twenty four

0:40:30.719 --> 0:40:32.520
<v Speaker 3>to seven, three hundred and sixty five days a year,

0:40:32.560 --> 0:40:36.640
<v Speaker 3>and therefore can facilitate transactions all that time. And the

0:40:36.680 --> 0:40:39.800
<v Speaker 3>fact of course that it displaces operates outside of doesn't

0:40:40.000 --> 0:40:44.080
<v Speaker 3>use the conventional banking system. So that's what's new about it.

0:40:44.200 --> 0:40:45.880
<v Speaker 3>And it's like everything else to do with the Internet.

0:40:46.000 --> 0:40:49.920
<v Speaker 3>You know, you can have a very small proportionate constituency

0:40:49.960 --> 0:40:53.040
<v Speaker 3>who are interested and want to use something, and it's

0:40:53.160 --> 0:40:57.279
<v Speaker 3>massive in absolute terms, in absolute numbers, because that's the

0:40:57.360 --> 0:41:01.040
<v Speaker 3>nature of the Internet. The key thing to say, however,

0:41:01.280 --> 0:41:07.000
<v Speaker 3>is in terms of the use of money for transactions,

0:41:07.440 --> 0:41:10.520
<v Speaker 3>to settle trade, commerce, trade in assets, and so on

0:41:10.560 --> 0:41:14.640
<v Speaker 3>and so forth. It is still the case that most

0:41:14.680 --> 0:41:18.880
<v Speaker 3>of these cryptocurrencies are of only limited use and are

0:41:18.960 --> 0:41:24.719
<v Speaker 3>rather constrained, so mostly they are used for speculative purposes.

0:41:25.160 --> 0:41:28.560
<v Speaker 3>The killer app, I think, which has been identified and

0:41:28.920 --> 0:41:32.240
<v Speaker 3>seems to me people are correct about in this area

0:41:32.719 --> 0:41:36.520
<v Speaker 3>for transactions is stable coins. That is to say, that's

0:41:36.600 --> 0:41:40.160
<v Speaker 3>just essentially a particular type of cryptocurrency for which the

0:41:40.239 --> 0:41:43.440
<v Speaker 3>standard is an existing fiat currency. So most of them

0:41:43.480 --> 0:41:45.879
<v Speaker 3>are pegged to the dollar. But there's no reason why

0:41:45.880 --> 0:41:47.560
<v Speaker 3>in principle you couldn't have one that was pegged to

0:41:47.600 --> 0:41:49.960
<v Speaker 3>the Sterling or the EU or the All that's doing

0:41:50.080 --> 0:41:55.360
<v Speaker 3>is it's marrying together that incredibly useful digital technology available

0:41:55.520 --> 0:41:57.520
<v Speaker 3>twenty four, seven, three and sixty five days a year

0:41:57.560 --> 0:42:02.000
<v Speaker 3>wherever you are in the world, two the existing national

0:42:02.320 --> 0:42:05.640
<v Speaker 3>currency units. And I think that's a very powerful marriage.

0:42:05.680 --> 0:42:07.919
<v Speaker 3>And obviously I'm not alone in thinking that everyone thinks

0:42:08.560 --> 0:42:08.960
<v Speaker 3>that it is.

0:42:09.960 --> 0:42:13.360
<v Speaker 2>But that does not interfere with the sovereignty of the

0:42:13.400 --> 0:42:14.480
<v Speaker 2>currency issue.

0:42:14.600 --> 0:42:20.120
<v Speaker 3>In principle note because it's pegged to the sovereign currency issue. However, again,

0:42:20.239 --> 0:42:22.839
<v Speaker 3>look back over the history of money and the history,

0:42:22.880 --> 0:42:26.000
<v Speaker 3>for example of the euro dollar market, which is in

0:42:26.160 --> 0:42:28.759
<v Speaker 3>many ways analog not in all ways, but in many

0:42:28.800 --> 0:42:32.000
<v Speaker 3>ways it's an analogous development. So this was developed in

0:42:32.600 --> 0:42:35.680
<v Speaker 3>the nineteen sixties in Europe and it's absolutely huge market today.

0:42:35.840 --> 0:42:41.560
<v Speaker 3>This is dollar denominated liabilities which are issued by banks

0:42:41.600 --> 0:42:44.520
<v Speaker 3>and institutions which are not under the jurisdiction of the

0:42:44.640 --> 0:42:47.920
<v Speaker 3>US federal reserves, so they are a bit like stable.

0:42:48.360 --> 0:42:51.800
<v Speaker 3>They're dollars dollar denominated instruments, but they're not real dollars

0:42:51.840 --> 0:42:54.080
<v Speaker 3>in the sense that you're deposit in the US banking

0:42:54.120 --> 0:42:56.799
<v Speaker 3>system is. But the question you're effectively asking when you say,

0:42:57.239 --> 0:43:00.800
<v Speaker 3>or the hypothesis you're putting forward, is that the existence

0:43:00.840 --> 0:43:03.560
<v Speaker 3>of the eurodollar market does not have any real blowback

0:43:03.760 --> 0:43:07.200
<v Speaker 3>onto monetary management by the FED. And yeah, that's not

0:43:07.320 --> 0:43:09.160
<v Speaker 3>quite right. I mean, it does, unfortunately have a bit

0:43:09.200 --> 0:43:13.000
<v Speaker 3>of a blowback because when when the crisis happens, usually

0:43:13.400 --> 0:43:15.879
<v Speaker 3>the central banks have to bail out half of these

0:43:15.960 --> 0:43:18.640
<v Speaker 3>shadow banking systems, and that would be the worry about

0:43:18.960 --> 0:43:21.719
<v Speaker 3>stable coins. I would have thought from the central bank side.

0:43:22.200 --> 0:43:24.640
<v Speaker 2>Okay, all right, brilliant, it doesn't sound to me like

0:43:24.760 --> 0:43:27.239
<v Speaker 2>you're a buyer of bitcoin. So let me ask you this.

0:43:27.440 --> 0:43:30.600
<v Speaker 2>It's gold, under the definitions we've been discussing today, is

0:43:30.719 --> 0:43:33.920
<v Speaker 2>not money, but it's conceivably a store of value.

0:43:35.120 --> 0:43:38.080
<v Speaker 3>Well, it's not conceivably a store of value. It's definitely

0:43:38.120 --> 0:43:38.799
<v Speaker 3>a store of value.

0:43:38.800 --> 0:43:40.680
<v Speaker 2>I mean, that's definitely a store of that.

0:43:40.719 --> 0:43:41.480
<v Speaker 3>That's quite obvious.

0:43:41.520 --> 0:43:44.560
<v Speaker 2>But it's not money, but it's no money. Should we

0:43:44.680 --> 0:43:47.120
<v Speaker 2>be buyers of gold today as we see monetary up

0:43:47.160 --> 0:43:47.920
<v Speaker 2>people around us?

0:43:48.520 --> 0:43:51.200
<v Speaker 3>Well, I think that goes back to the earlier discussion

0:43:51.719 --> 0:43:56.400
<v Speaker 3>about the scale of imbalances, the scale of inequalities, the

0:43:56.600 --> 0:44:00.920
<v Speaker 3>scale of debt in these economies, and what conceivable policy

0:44:01.400 --> 0:44:04.280
<v Speaker 3>you can see to get out of it if you believe,

0:44:04.800 --> 0:44:06.680
<v Speaker 3>and I think it's perfectly reasonable to believe on a

0:44:06.719 --> 0:44:09.279
<v Speaker 3>long term scale that the only way out of this

0:44:09.760 --> 0:44:15.120
<v Speaker 3>is the devaluation of the national monetary units like sterling dollar,

0:44:15.200 --> 0:44:19.920
<v Speaker 3>pounds on then quite obviously gold, but I mean any

0:44:20.000 --> 0:44:22.880
<v Speaker 3>real asset, but you know, goals Wilf by some convenient

0:44:22.920 --> 0:44:24.879
<v Speaker 3>ify one knows that is going to be a pretty

0:44:24.880 --> 0:44:25.200
<v Speaker 3>good bet.

0:44:25.640 --> 0:44:35.359
<v Speaker 2>Brilliant Felix. Thank you so much, Thank you, Bren. Thanks

0:44:35.400 --> 0:44:37.360
<v Speaker 2>for listening to this week's Marin Talks Money. If you

0:44:37.520 --> 0:44:39.960
<v Speaker 2>like us, share, rate, review, and subscribe wherever you listen

0:44:40.000 --> 0:44:42.600
<v Speaker 2>to podcasts, and keep sending questions and comments to Merin

0:44:42.680 --> 0:44:45.080
<v Speaker 2>Money at Bloomberg dot net. You can also follow me

0:44:45.160 --> 0:44:47.480
<v Speaker 2>in John on Twitter or ex I'm at Mariness w

0:44:47.719 --> 0:44:50.880
<v Speaker 2>and John is John Underscore Stepek. This episode was hosted

0:44:50.920 --> 0:44:53.640
<v Speaker 2>by me Maren'sumset Web. It was produced by Somersidi and

0:44:53.719 --> 0:44:57.280
<v Speaker 2>Moses and sound designed by Blake Maples and special thanks

0:44:57.320 --> 0:44:58.720
<v Speaker 2>of course to Felix Martin.