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Speaker 1: Michael, you're saying the Democrats cheat. Color me surprised, But

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Speaker 1: wait a minute, that might be racist. Everything is racist, everything,

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Speaker 1: everything is racist.

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Speaker 2: One of the things that stood out to me last

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Speaker 2: night was Trump went back to probably what got him elected,

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Speaker 2: and that was illegal immigration, and of course everything.

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Speaker 1: That comes along with that.

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Speaker 2: And it's not just you know, the the individual who's

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Speaker 2: looking for a better life here. You know, you know

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Speaker 2: how the story goes, somebody's looking for a better life,

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Speaker 2: so they come here from Guatemala or Yemen or you know,

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Speaker 2: Germany or wherever they come from, doesn't make any difference.

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Speaker 1: And then they I.

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Speaker 2: Heard Polish use this phrase, must have been yesterday or

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Speaker 2: day before about how they you know, they they hide

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Speaker 2: in the shadows, and you know, Polish wants to get

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Speaker 2: people from out from behind the shadows, and they get

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Speaker 2: fake documents, so they commit even further crimes, and then

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Speaker 2: they start, you know, they find a job somewhere, and

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Speaker 2: then they start sending all of their money back home

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Speaker 2: to their families. And they don't do anything at all.

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Speaker 2: They don't other than the crimes they've already committed. They

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Speaker 2: don't go out and commit assault and battery. They don't

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Speaker 2: go out and commit murder or rapes. They don't, you know,

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Speaker 2: slip people's throats on the public transit. They don't do

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Speaker 2: any of those things. But the problem is they just

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Speaker 2: represent one small slice of those millions who have come

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Speaker 2: here illegally. And then the public debate over immigration and

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Speaker 2: crime starts to proceed as if one empirical claim has

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Speaker 2: been decisively settled, because we're told, with both confidence and

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Speaker 2: with repetition that illegal they aliens commit crimes at lower

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Speaker 2: rates than do American citizens, and that claim is treated

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Speaker 2: just like the to your point, the term racism is

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Speaker 2: the minute you're told that illegal aliens commit crimes at

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Speaker 2: lower rates than American citizens. That is supposed to be

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Speaker 2: the equivalent of calling you a racist, and that's supposed

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Speaker 2: to end the conversation. Once uttered, it is meant to

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Speaker 2: end any sort of inquiry into his that statement even

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Speaker 2: true or not. Now, if the data show lower rates,

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Speaker 2: then immigration enforcement is unnecessary. You could even argue that

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Speaker 2: immigration enforcement would be unjust. Yet that posture assumes something

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Speaker 2: that has not been demonstrated, because it assumes that the

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Speaker 2: data measures what they.

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Speaker 1: Purport to measure.

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Speaker 2: When all crimes committed by illegal aliens are counted, including

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Speaker 2: immigration offense that very initial offense itself, crimes obscured by deportation,

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Speaker 2: or crimes suppressed by systematic under reporting. The rate of

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Speaker 2: criminality attributal to illegal aliens far exceeds out of citizens.

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Speaker 2: The apparent lower rate is not a discovery about behavior.

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Speaker 2: It is instead a byproduct of selective counting, of the

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Speaker 2: manipulation of statistics. Policy makers at all levels city councilmen,

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Speaker 2: county commissioners, state legislators, congressmen, wherever they're like. Policy makers

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Speaker 2: are trained to ask a simple question before accepting any

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Speaker 2: statistical claim. Why are you counting? What are you counting?

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Speaker 2: Think about an analogy. Suppose a hospital wants to know

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Speaker 2: whether a new medication reduces hard to tax. It counts

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Speaker 2: the number of patients currently in cardiac wards. But if

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Speaker 2: a substantial number of patients who suffer heart attacks get

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Speaker 2: immediately transferred to another hospital, another facility, a specialized hospital,

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Speaker 2: and they get removed from the hospital's census, then a

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Speaker 2: snapshot of the current cardiac ward occupancy will systematically undercount

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Speaker 2: the true incident rate of heart attacks.

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Speaker 1: So the hospital.

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Speaker 2: Reports success, but the apparent success is an artifact of removal.

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Speaker 1: It's not an actual reduction in arm.

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Speaker 2: Almost all immigration in crime literature relies on an analogous snapshot.

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Speaker 2: Almost all the widely cited studies use incarceration data from

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Speaker 2: the Census Bureau or what's called the American Community Survey,

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Speaker 2: which is a subset of the Census Bureau. They ask

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Speaker 2: who's in prison at any given moment, and then they

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Speaker 2: compare the inc incarceration rate across Native born citizens and

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Speaker 2: compared across non citizens. But incarceration is a stock measure,

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Speaker 2: snapshot in time. It's not a flow measure. It simply

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Speaker 2: tells us who is physically present in custody in incarcerated

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Speaker 2: at the time of the survey. It doesn't tell us

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Speaker 2: who committed the crimes and was then removed from the country.

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Speaker 2: And why does that matter? It matters in my calculation

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Speaker 2: because deportation is not a marginal phenomenon. In fact, it

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Speaker 2: is central to the structure deportation is. It is central

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Speaker 2: to the structure of immigration enforcement. Let's go to fiscal

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Speaker 2: year twenty twenty four ice enforcement and removal operations deported

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Speaker 2: or remove, whichever term you want to use. Two hundred

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Speaker 2: seventy one thousand, four hundred eighty four non citizens. Of those,

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Speaker 2: two hundred seventy one thousand, four hundred eighty four non citizens,

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Speaker 2: eighty eight thousand, seven hundred and sixty three had criminal histories.

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Speaker 2: Was that average that averages five point sixty three charges

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Speaker 2: or convictions either one per individual now go to the

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Speaker 2: prior year. The prior year saw sixty nine thousand, nine

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Speaker 2: hundred two criminal removals. A Government Accountability Office report examining

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Speaker 2: FY twenty eleven through twenty sixteen found that roughly ninety

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Speaker 2: five percent of criminal aliens who completed federal prison sentence

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Speaker 2: says were subsequently deported. So once they get removed, once

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Speaker 2: they get deported, they're no longer in the US population,

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Speaker 2: so they do not appear in subsequent incarceration snapshots they have.

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Speaker 2: In terms of the statistics, they have simply vanished.

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Speaker 1: Hey, Mike, your comment yesterday about not wanting to watch

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Speaker 1: the State of the Union, et cetera kind of backfired

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Speaker 1: a little bit because that State of the Union was

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Speaker 1: actually very entertaining.

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Speaker 2: Not wanting to watch it and not watching it two

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Speaker 2: and any different things I watched. I can't say the

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Speaker 2: entirety of it because we weren't quite back to the

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Speaker 2: house when the Sergeant of the arms announced that the

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Speaker 2: President was coming down the aisle, But I did get

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Speaker 2: the TV on watch the TV was already on because

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Speaker 2: the dogs are watching TV, and of course it was on.

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Speaker 2: I don't even know what channel it was on, but

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Speaker 2: every channel was carrying it. So when I walked in,

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Speaker 2: I immediately started watching it, and I watched it through to

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Speaker 2: the end. I didn't, well in the end, what's the end?

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Speaker 2: Is the end when he finishes and he closes and

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Speaker 2: the telepromptert turns off and he turns around and shakes

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Speaker 2: the Vice President in the speaker's hands, or does it

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Speaker 2: end when he finally gets up to the top and

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Speaker 2: gets out and gets in the beast and goes back

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Speaker 2: to the White House. I stopped watching the minute the

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Speaker 2: speech ended. Been there done that, I don't need to

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Speaker 2: watch the other stuff. And that's when I put my

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Speaker 2: AirPods in because I wanted to hear the Democrat response.

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Speaker 2: So I had to listen to brit Hume and a

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Speaker 2: few of the others give their analysis to tell me

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Speaker 2: what they had just heard. But then I wanted to

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Speaker 2: hear the Democrat. Oh my god, it was so bad,

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Speaker 2: so bad. And I don't mean yeah, well, I do

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Speaker 2: mean it was bad substantively. But in turn terms of

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Speaker 2: the production value, Oh my gosh, kay, can you not?

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Speaker 2: I mean, one, you Dragon Redberd can edit audio better

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Speaker 2: than they could, and that's not really saying a lot.

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Speaker 2: So you know, there's that nothing. I just I wanted

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Speaker 2: to make sure you were still asleep.

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Speaker 1: Oh, thank you, I appreciate it. Yes, yes, So go back.

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Speaker 2: Incarceration. If you're going to measure criminal stats by InCAR incarceration,

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Speaker 2: as I said, that's a stock measure. It's not a

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Speaker 2: flow measure. All it does is it tells you who

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Speaker 2: is physically present in custody at the time that you

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Speaker 2: do your survey. It doesn't tell you who committed crimes.

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Speaker 2: And then after conviction of that crime gets removed from

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Speaker 2: the country. And we went through some of the stats.

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Speaker 2: One might I think you could object that, you know,

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Speaker 2: this is just how criminal justice system works. Prison counts

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Speaker 2: who's in prison, and deportation is a separate matter, and

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Speaker 2: yet you count who gets deported. Yet that objection actually

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Speaker 2: concedes the point, because if the research question concerns criminality

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Speaker 2: within a population, because that's what we're looking at do

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Speaker 2: illegal aliens commit more crimes than US citizens, naturalized or

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Speaker 2: native born. If the research question concerns criminality within that population,

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Speaker 2: then a methodology that excludes a substantial subset of convicted

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Speaker 2: offenders because they've been deported, well, then naturally that's going

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Speaker 2: to understate their contribution to crime within that population group.

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Speaker 2: They're no longer symmetrical. Native born offenders remain within the

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Speaker 2: sampling frame after release, but release offenders who get deported

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Speaker 2: do not, and the federal sentencing structure amplifies that asymmetry.

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Speaker 2: In FY twenty twenty four, non citizens received average federal

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Speaker 2: sentences of twenty six months compared to sixty nine months

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Speaker 2: for US citizen Now, part of that disparity is reflected

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Speaker 2: in what's called Early Disposition or fast track. That's a

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Speaker 2: program that granted about almost fourteen percent of non citizen

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Speaker 2: cases an average of almost forty five percent in their

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Speaker 2: sentence reduction in exchange for a prompt guilty plea and

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Speaker 2: their acceptance at the same moment of a removal order.

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Speaker 2: In other words, that that early disposition says, look, if

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Speaker 2: you're part of your plea agreement is that you will

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Speaker 2: accept a removal order. Then we're going to reduce your

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Speaker 2: sentence and we're going to remove you much quicker. Now

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Speaker 2: in terms of say a tax batter relief shot, that's

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Speaker 2: a pretty good deal. Because it's always bugged me that

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Speaker 2: somebody gets convicted of a crime let's just say assault

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Speaker 2: in battery or burglary, and now and they're here illegally.

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Speaker 2: I really don't want to pay for their incarceration, which

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Speaker 2: includes feeding and housing and healthcare and everything else. I

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Speaker 2: want them out of the country, So I'm okay with

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Speaker 2: early disposition. Well, the Department of Justices Criminal Resource Manual

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Speaker 2: very explicitly says that stipulated deportation as a condition of

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Speaker 2: plea agreements. In other words, you agree to be deported

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Speaker 2: as part of your plea deal, including sentencing departures for

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Speaker 2: defendants who concede the portability. So, in practical terms, the

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Speaker 2: pipeline that I'm describing moves very quickly. Conviction, you get

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Speaker 2: a shortened sentence, and you get deported. So the stock

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Speaker 2: measure of incarceration rarely, if ever, captures the full trajectory

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Speaker 2: because they're getting out earlier. Now. Even scholars, if you

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Speaker 2: do a deep dive in this, you'll find that even

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Speaker 2: scholars frequently cited for the lower rate conclusion will acknowledge

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Speaker 2: that limitation. One group noted that the deportation may reduce

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Speaker 2: institutionalization incarceration because these deported illegal aliens, they're no longer

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Speaker 2: in the country, no longer institutionalized for subsequent violations. Even

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Speaker 2: the Cato Institute has conceded that those incarcerated don't represent

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Speaker 2: the total number of immigrants who can be deported under

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Speaker 2: current law, nor the complete number of convicted immigrant criminals.

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Speaker 2: An annual criminal deportation's rival or exceed the number of

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Speaker 2: incarcerated non citizens in federal prisons at any given time,

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Speaker 2: that omission becomes much more than trivial.

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Speaker 1: You're nice to your dogs. I torture my cat by

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Speaker 1: leaving the radio on. So yeah, so listen to you, guys.

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Speaker 2: She said, she tortures her cat, not not her dogs.

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Speaker 2: She tortures her cats. Correct, Okay, that's fine, that's fine. Yeah,

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Speaker 2: torture the cats all you want to, you just don't

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Speaker 2: torture the dogs. Let's think about a different kind of distortion.

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Speaker 2: We're talking about how crime stats are getting distorted. Trying

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Speaker 2: to convince you that somehow illegal aliens on a per

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Speaker 2: capita or otherwise any other means of measuring, commit fewer

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Speaker 2: crimes than do US citizens. And as I point out,

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Speaker 2: there is there's a a substantial problem when you cite

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Speaker 2: a lower rate based on incarceration, for example. But there's

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Speaker 2: a second distortion that arises from simple underreporting. Crime stats

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Speaker 2: in this country rely on two primary sources. You have

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Speaker 2: the official police reports and then you have what are

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Speaker 2: called victimization surveys. And both of those reporting mechanism presupposes

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Speaker 2: that people actually do the reporting. If the crime is

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Speaker 2: not reported, it is invisible to the data, it doesn't

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Speaker 2: get included into the data set that you're looking at.

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Speaker 2: So empirical research indicates that undocumented aliens are substantially less

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Speaker 2: likely to report crime, not that they that they were

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Speaker 2: criminals themselves, but less likely to report a crime or

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Speaker 2: victimization of a crime due to fear of the consequences

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Speaker 2: of deportation or their illegal alien status. There was a

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Speaker 2: survey done by the University of Chicago found that seventy

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Speaker 2: percent of undocumented respondents were less likely to report victimization

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Speaker 2: because of their status concerns than a probability study based

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Speaker 2: at UC SAN Diego. That study found that when local

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Speaker 2: law enforcement cooperated with ICE, respondents were sixty point eight

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Speaker 2: almost sixty one percent less likely to report witnessed crimes

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Speaker 2: and almost forty three percent less likely to report their

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Speaker 2: own victimization. Go back to twenty twenty. A study exploiting

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Speaker 2: the nineteen eighty six amnesty actions estimated baseline reporting rates

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Speaker 2: among undocted, undocumented aliens and undocumented in immigracy illegal aliens

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Speaker 2: somewhere between eleven and seventeen percent, nearly tripling to thirty

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Speaker 2: seven percent after they became naturalized or after legalization. So

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Speaker 2: the logic becomes pretty straightforward. If a population under reports crime,

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Speaker 2: then the official statistics will reflect fewer recorded offenses, even

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Speaker 2: if the underlying victimization is actually higher. Indeed, one study

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Speaker 2: using restricted national crime data and nine to one one

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Speaker 2: records found that after secure Communities implementation, in other words,

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Speaker 2: you're going to be protected, Hispanics were thirty percent less

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Speaker 2: likely to report crimes to police, and victimization increased by

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Speaker 2: sixteen percent. So reported crimes didn't change and the reporting

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Speaker 2: decline masked the increase. Go back to the the National

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Speaker 2: Crime Victimization Survey. It's often invoked as a corrective to

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Speaker 2: all of these lying statistics. The problem is it only

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Speaker 2: began collecting data on citizenship in twenty seventeen, and it

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Speaker 2: does not ask directly about undocumented status, so its immigrant

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Speaker 2: sample is smaller than the national benchmark. Research indications that

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Speaker 2: responds with ambiguous citizenship status exhibit characteristics that are consistent

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Speaker 2: with the undocumented population, and they are experiencing higher victimization.

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Speaker 2: The most fearful undocumented individuals are probably the least likely

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Speaker 2: to respond to any surveys at all, which does what

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Speaker 2: it creates selection bias.

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Speaker 1: Now we get to federal data.

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Speaker 2: In the federal data actually complicates the lower rate narrative.

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Speaker 2: Non citizens comprised thirty five percent of all individuals sentenced

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Speaker 2: in the federal system in that FY twenty twenty four

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Speaker 2: baseline that I started using. That's roughly five times their

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Speaker 2: seven percent share of the population. Make sure you understand

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Speaker 2: that non citizens comprise approximately thirty five percent of all

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Speaker 2: individuals that got sentenced in the federal criminal justice system

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Speaker 2: during FY fiscally year twenty twenty four. That number thirty

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Speaker 2: five percent is about five times their seven percent share

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Speaker 2: of the total US population. So non citizens are vastly

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Speaker 2: overrepresented in federal drug trafficking cases. In f y twenty eighteen,

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Speaker 2: non citizens accounted for forty one percent of federal powder

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Speaker 2: cocaine trafficking convictions. They accounted for twenty percent of meth

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Speaker 2: trafficking convictions. Now, as of March twenty five, just about

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Speaker 2: a year ago, almost fifteen percent of the Federal Bureau

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Speaker 2: of Prisons population consisted of non citizens. That's double their

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Speaker 2: population share. Remember, their population share of all people in

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Speaker 2: this country is about seven percent. So it's important to

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Speaker 2: note that the federal system handles only five to maybe

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Speaker 2: ten percent of all US criminal cases, and most prosecutions

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Speaker 2: we know for all crimes occurs at the state level,

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Speaker 2: and that's where citizenship data is never collected comprehensively. Do

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Speaker 2: you think any state is actively and comprehensively collecting data

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Speaker 2: about the number of illegal aliens in their state. If

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Speaker 2: you are, you're smoking on some of that crack they're selling. Nonetheless,

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Speaker 2: the FAT reveal that in certain categories, particularly immigration and

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Speaker 2: drug trafficking, non citizens are disproportionately represented. So the honest

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Speaker 2: argument doesn't claim over representation in every category. It observes

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Speaker 2: over representation where it can actually be documented. So I

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Speaker 2: looked at some Texas data because Texas data is often

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Speaker 2: cited as the gold standard and the Texas data warrant scrutiny.

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Speaker 2: Texas is one of only two states one of only

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Speaker 2: two that collects immigration status after arrest, yet status is

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Speaker 2: initially based on self reporting. Now, few illegal aliens arrested

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Speaker 2: for crimes have any incentive whatsoever to admit unlawful presence

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Speaker 2: in this country, so when the fingerprints get sent to

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Speaker 2: Homeland Security, their identification gets delayed.

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Speaker 1: It doesn't get included in the data set that.

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Speaker 2: The researchers are relying on to make their claim that

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Speaker 2: illegal aliens commit fewer crimes than citizens. The Texas Department's

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Speaker 2: Safety acknowledges that foreign nationals who entered illegally avoid the

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Speaker 2: detection by DHS but then later get arrested will not

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Speaker 2: have a DHS response regarding their status and thus will

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Speaker 2: not appear in their accounts.

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Speaker 1: Can't believe any of the stuff.

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Speaker 2: From twenty eleven through January twenty twenty six, the TDCJ

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Speaker 2: provided DPS information on more than thirty four thousand individuals

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Speaker 2: who were identified as illegal when they were incarcerated of

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Speaker 2: whom eleven thousand were not identified through a secure community

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Speaker 2: at the time of arrest, so researchers are not researchers

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Speaker 2: knowingly rely only on that intake identification undercount in order

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Speaker 2: to make the faults claim. When prison identified undocumented aliens

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Speaker 2: are added to the arrest data, the twenty fifteen homicide

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Speaker 2: conviction rate for undocumented aliens in Texas was calculated at

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Speaker 2: twenty percent higher than the state average, compared to eight

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Speaker 2: percent lower if you only use the intake data. So

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Speaker 2: the methodological choices alter the conclusions about the rate of crime.

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Speaker 2: And finally, there's a definitional point. By definition, every illegal

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Speaker 2: alien has committed at least one federal offense. What is

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Speaker 2: it unlawful entry under Title eight, section thirteen twenty five,

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Speaker 2: or it could be the second one re entry after

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Speaker 2: removal under Title eight, section thirteen twenty six, both of

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Speaker 2: which are crimes. I don't care what people tell you.

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Speaker 2: Those that's in the criminal code and those are criminal statutes,

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Speaker 2: And either one is a crime. You commit a crime

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Speaker 2: by unlawful entry, and you commit a second crime if

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Speaker 2: after you've been removed you enter again. So there are

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Speaker 2: studies claiming that lower crime rates exclude those offenses. Yet

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00:24:24,560 --> 00:24:29,200
Speaker 2: immigration offenses constituted thirty percent, almost a third of all

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Speaker 2: the more than sixty one thousand federal criminal cases in

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Speaker 2: FY twenty twenty four, So at the pre pandemic peak,

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Speaker 2: immigration prosecutions comprised approximately sixty percent of all federal district

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Speaker 2: court cases, not criminal cases. Of all cases in federal

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Speaker 2: district courts, sixty percent were immigration prosecutions. Now go to

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Speaker 2: FY twenty nineteen, one hundred and six thousand individuals were

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Speaker 2: prosecuted for illegal entry and re entry combine both of

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Speaker 2: those crimes.

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Speaker 1: So, in practice, federal.

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Speaker 2: Prosecutors often streamline the cases involving illegal aliens by securing

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Speaker 2: guilty pleae to the immigration charges, and then they dismiss

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Speaker 2: or decline to pursue the associated drug or gun counts,

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Speaker 2: particularly whether the defendants agree that, hey, we'll go ahead

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Speaker 2: and agree to an expedited removal after completion of just

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Speaker 2: maybe a short sentence or even time serve while the

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Speaker 2: case is pending. That kind of please structure simplifies adjudication,

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Speaker 2: it conserves prosecutorial resources, and it accelerates deportation. But they

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Speaker 2: also reclassified the conduct that might otherwise appear in drug

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Speaker 2: or firearm stats that would be normally in the immigration

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Speaker 2: or illegal immigration column.

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Speaker 1: So what happens downstream?

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Speaker 2: The downstream effect is that statistical displacement serious underlying criminal

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00:25:55,160 --> 00:26:01,760
Speaker 2: conduct gets absorbed into immigration case totals, gets followed by removal,

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00:26:02,240 --> 00:26:06,600
Speaker 2: reducing its visibility and conventional crime rate comparisons. So what

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00:26:06,680 --> 00:26:09,960
Speaker 2: you're seeing and what you're hearing is not the whole picture.

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Speaker 2: Nearly ninety percent of the increase in immigrant and illegal

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Speaker 2: alien prosecutions between nineteen ninety and twenty eighteen consisted of

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Speaker 2: immigration related offenses, and non citizens counted four sixty four

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Speaker 2: percent of all federal arrest in twenty eighteen. So there's

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Speaker 2: a broader lesson here, and the broader lesson is methodology.

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Speaker 2: When deportation removes convicted offenders from whatever frame you're sampling,

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Speaker 2: when plea agreements accelerate removal and remove other criminal offenses

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Speaker 2: from their records, when under reporting suppresses recorded victimization, when

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Speaker 2: state data relies on self reporting and delayed identification, and

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Speaker 2: when the largest category of federal prosecution is excluded by design,

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Speaker 2: the resulting stats can't be treated as dispositive.

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Speaker 1: Now I agree, they may.

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Speaker 2: Suggest a pattern, but it doesn't settle the question of

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Speaker 2: whether or not they commit more crimes or fewer crimes

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Speaker 2: than native born or naturalized citizens. The Texas DPS data

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Speaker 2: that's usually relied on our researchers to claim that illegal

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Speaker 2: immigrants commit eight percent fewer murders than citizens. Will you

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00:27:34,119 --> 00:27:39,080
Speaker 2: cross reference that with the Homeland Security Immigration ID data

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00:27:39,160 --> 00:27:44,840
Speaker 2: and the prison level confirmation it shows the opposite conclusion.

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00:27:45,600 --> 00:27:51,679
Speaker 2: Illegal aliens commit twenty percent more murders than citizens. So

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Speaker 2: depending on which methodology you want to use, you can

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Speaker 2: make the stats point to whatever you want to point

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Speaker 2: out to. I think, however, the methodology die just described

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Speaker 2: is the better methodology because it takes into account that, yes,

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Speaker 2: we want to expedite the removal of these people, so

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Speaker 2: they're not going to be in that incarceration column when

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Speaker 2: you go to your population count.

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Speaker 1: We want them out of here. I want them out

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Speaker 1: of here.

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Speaker 2: So public policy should not rest on some sort of

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Speaker 2: mirage created by the stats. A responsible approach would incorporate

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Speaker 2: the flow measures of arrest and convictions. You would have

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Speaker 2: to adjust for deportation, you would have to account for underreporting,

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Speaker 2: you would have to include immigration offenses in transparent ways,

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Speaker 2: so that you could make your own conclusion, you could

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Speaker 2: see what that flow is. But I don't think it's

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Speaker 2: accidental that so many prominent studies won't do that. Researchers

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Speaker 2: who continue to rely on incomplete intake data, they rely

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Speaker 2: on snapshot incarceration measures, or rely on exclusion of immigration

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00:28:58,880 --> 00:29:05,680
Speaker 2: defenses not making technical mistakes. They're advancing their policy preference

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00:29:06,440 --> 00:29:12,960
Speaker 2: because why Well, because the lower rate narrative functions as

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Speaker 2: an intellectual shield for arguments in favor of amnesty, and

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00:29:18,080 --> 00:29:21,000
Speaker 2: it favors the idea that we had to normalize the

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Speaker 2: unlawful presence of these aliens in the country amnesty. For example, Democrats,

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Speaker 2: and of course there are accomplices in academia, and of

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00:29:28,240 --> 00:29:31,120
Speaker 2: course in the cabal, have strong incentives to try to

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Speaker 2: portray illegal immigration as well. It's just socially benign, particularly

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00:29:35,240 --> 00:29:38,120
Speaker 2: when legalization we add millions of new voters that are

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00:29:38,200 --> 00:29:44,320
Speaker 2: likely to be politically dependent on the coalition Democrats that

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00:29:44,520 --> 00:29:49,400
Speaker 2: delivered their new found status as a citizen. So until

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Speaker 2: we recognize these incentives, and until the full universe of

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Speaker 2: all offenses has counted transparently, any claims, however, that illegal

394
00:30:01,200 --> 00:30:04,840
Speaker 2: aliens commit fewer crimes than citizens ought to be rejected

395
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Speaker 2: and quite frankly, in my opinion, ought to be ridiculed.

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Speaker 2: So I thought it'd just be interesting to go on

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Speaker 2: to one of the artificial intelligence sites, you know, one

398
00:30:16,120 --> 00:30:19,880
Speaker 2: of the bonds, and just ask. So I ask this

399
00:30:20,000 --> 00:30:24,240
Speaker 2: simple question, do illegal and there's so many lessons to

400
00:30:24,240 --> 00:30:28,760
Speaker 2: be learned from this one don't trust your AI? Two

401
00:30:29,240 --> 00:30:33,320
Speaker 2: how do you ask the question? And three how and

402
00:30:33,440 --> 00:30:36,960
Speaker 2: what do they cite as the sources for their conclusions?

403
00:30:37,320 --> 00:30:40,640
Speaker 2: So I ask a very simple question, do illegal aliens

404
00:30:40,640 --> 00:30:45,240
Speaker 2: in the United States commit more crimes per capita parentheses

405
00:30:45,320 --> 00:30:50,000
Speaker 2: or by any other appropriate measure close parentheses than native

406
00:30:50,080 --> 00:30:55,160
Speaker 2: born or naturalized US citizens? Now, according to this one

407
00:30:55,280 --> 00:30:58,920
Speaker 2: chap bot, they've be viewed fifteen sources. Here is the

408
00:30:59,040 --> 00:31:04,920
Speaker 2: short answer, which is obviously in opposition to everything that

409
00:31:04,960 --> 00:31:09,120
Speaker 2: I've just described to you. The short answer on the

410
00:31:09,160 --> 00:31:13,240
Speaker 2: best per capital measures we have and guess what they claim?

411
00:31:13,240 --> 00:31:18,640
Speaker 2: Those two are arrest and incarceration rates, both of which

412
00:31:18,720 --> 00:31:23,800
Speaker 2: I just demolished. Short answer on the best per capital

413
00:31:23,840 --> 00:31:29,480
Speaker 2: measures we have arrest and incarceration rates immigrants, including those

414
00:31:29,520 --> 00:31:32,280
Speaker 2: here illegally. My question what that means? Because I ask

415
00:31:32,360 --> 00:31:36,400
Speaker 2: about illegal aliens on the best per capital measures we have,

416
00:31:36,640 --> 00:31:42,160
Speaker 2: arrest and incarceration rates, Immigrants, including those here illegally, appear

417
00:31:42,840 --> 00:31:47,000
Speaker 2: less likely to be involved in crime than native born

418
00:31:47,120 --> 00:31:54,920
Speaker 2: US citizens, not more. Oh so, if you just rely

419
00:31:55,240 --> 00:31:59,479
Speaker 2: on some AI platform and just ask the general question,

420
00:32:00,480 --> 00:32:05,600
Speaker 2: they're going to give you the politically correct answer. Now

421
00:32:05,640 --> 00:32:10,600
Speaker 2: I looked up what they cited. They cited five different sources.

422
00:32:11,680 --> 00:32:17,240
Speaker 2: The first and primary source the Migration Policy Institute, that

423
00:32:17,400 --> 00:32:18,480
Speaker 2: is a left.

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00:32:18,280 --> 00:32:21,360
Speaker 1: Linging pro illegal alien.

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00:32:21,880 --> 00:32:24,640
Speaker 2: Think tank that of course is going to do all

426
00:32:24,680 --> 00:32:27,640
Speaker 2: sorts of research and initiatives and publications and everything else

427
00:32:27,880 --> 00:32:31,720
Speaker 2: to support the idea that all these illegal aliens that's

428
00:32:31,760 --> 00:32:34,720
Speaker 2: a benign problem in this country. Don't worry about it.

429
00:32:35,640 --> 00:32:37,840
Speaker 2: Then they went on to tell me what could actually

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00:32:37,880 --> 00:32:41,720
Speaker 2: be measured, and at least they admitted that crime rates

431
00:32:41,720 --> 00:32:46,200
Speaker 2: by legal status can't be directly read off the FBI

432
00:32:46,360 --> 00:32:50,760
Speaker 2: uniform crime reporting tables because they don't reliably track whether

433
00:32:50,800 --> 00:32:55,920
Speaker 2: offenders are native born, naturalized, or undocumented. But then they

434
00:32:55,920 --> 00:33:03,480
Speaker 2: inserted this quick little forward phrase, researchers therefore use proxies.

435
00:33:04,520 --> 00:33:07,760
Speaker 2: So the next time you hear that illegal aliens commit

436
00:33:08,440 --> 00:33:13,800
Speaker 2: fewer crimes than native born Americans, question the data, because

437
00:33:13,840 --> 00:33:17,200
Speaker 2: at least coming out of Texas, it appears it's just

438
00:33:17,280 --> 00:33:23,520
Speaker 2: the opposite. Murder rates twenty percent higher among illegal aliens

439
00:33:23,800 --> 00:33:27,920
Speaker 2: than above native born or naturalized citizens,