WEBVTT - From a schoolyard brawl to murder: Why do innocent people confess?

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<v Speaker 1>Kiota.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Chelsea Daniels and this is the Front Page, a

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<v Speaker 2>daily podcast presented by the New Zealand Herald. Police interviewing

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<v Speaker 2>techniques have been a controversial topic here and around the globe.

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<v Speaker 2>There have been countless high profile cases where someone has

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<v Speaker 2>been convicted but later exonerated and their interrogations questioned. In

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<v Speaker 2>New Zealand, Tana Pora was wrongfully convicted of murder and

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<v Speaker 2>rape largely based on a confession given during a lengthy

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<v Speaker 2>police interview, and more recently, Harry Matchett had his manslaughter

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<v Speaker 2>conviction quashed after a so called false confession. He spent

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<v Speaker 2>three years behind bars and is now seeking six hundred

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<v Speaker 2>thousand dollars in compensation. So why do people confess to

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<v Speaker 2>things they didn't do? Today on the Front Page, forensic

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<v Speaker 2>psychologist Rosie Mittweet joins us to discuss the psychology behind

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<v Speaker 2>police interviews. So tell me why might someone confess to

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<v Speaker 2>a crime that they actually didn't commit.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, first of all, let's think about what a confession is.

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<v Speaker 3>A confession in a police context and the criminal context

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<v Speaker 3>is when somebody basically admits to the crime. But you

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<v Speaker 3>can get different types of confessions. You can get a

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<v Speaker 3>full confession. You've accused me of X, and I've admitted it,

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<v Speaker 3>and I've got and tell you why and all the

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<v Speaker 3>details that you want. But then you can also get

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<v Speaker 3>tentative confessions. So I'm not telling you that I did it.

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<v Speaker 3>I'm not necessarily saying I didn't do it, but I

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<v Speaker 3>give some information that supports that I did it. So

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<v Speaker 3>I might say something like, well, if you say so,

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<v Speaker 3>then I did or I probably did it. So we've

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<v Speaker 3>got to be careful of that. A full confession or

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<v Speaker 3>a full admission versus a tentative one.

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<v Speaker 2>And in both of those cases, I mean, we have

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<v Speaker 2>seen instances where people have you know, done a full

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<v Speaker 2>confession or a partial confession, or have said probably, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>I may have been there, I probably did that, but

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<v Speaker 2>in fact, years later, things like DNA has you know,

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<v Speaker 2>found out that that is completely not the case. Why

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<v Speaker 2>would someone say, yes, I did it.

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<v Speaker 3>I think that probably in most cases in life, if

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<v Speaker 3>you think outside of the coult room context, I think

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<v Speaker 3>most of us have probably confessed to something that we

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<v Speaker 3>didn't do right. And a good example of that is

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<v Speaker 3>maybe back in the school days, when one of your

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<v Speaker 3>mates is getting into trouble for something and you just

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<v Speaker 3>take the fall for them, or you might protect a

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<v Speaker 3>sibling against your angry parents. Question then becomes like if

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<v Speaker 3>if you think, well, at one time, I did take

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<v Speaker 3>the blame for something where I knew I didn't do it,

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<v Speaker 3>or I apologized for something and I knew I wasn't

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<v Speaker 3>responsible for what I did, but I apologize. So if

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<v Speaker 3>you like that might be an attentative admission of sorts.

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<v Speaker 3>You can just sit back now and downplay that and think, oh, yeah,

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<v Speaker 3>it's something that I did, it was a long time ago,

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<v Speaker 3>and you just cast over it. But if you actually

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<v Speaker 3>stop in pouts and reflect on why did you do that?

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<v Speaker 1>Right?

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<v Speaker 3>Why did you take the blame for something that you

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<v Speaker 3>didn't do. Most typically, if you were to stop and think, well, yeah,

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<v Speaker 3>back at school, I took the fall for my maid,

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<v Speaker 3>Well you might say, well, I did it out of

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<v Speaker 3>loyalty to them than my friend, and I didn't want

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<v Speaker 3>them to get into trouble, whereas the consequences for me

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<v Speaker 3>were less were far less severe. Things like that can

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<v Speaker 3>be quite powerful drivers for why somebody might make an

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<v Speaker 3>admission to something that they didn't do. So there's basically

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<v Speaker 3>mechanisms that we think are why people make false confessions.

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<v Speaker 3>That's one of them that I've already spoken about, a

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<v Speaker 3>voluntary confession, voluntary admission, so you literally volunteer the admission.

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<v Speaker 3>But the other one is confessions can be or retracted.

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<v Speaker 3>Confessions can come about when people say that they were

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<v Speaker 3>placed under pressure and they received inducements.

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<v Speaker 2>So that's the coercive confession or something.

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<v Speaker 3>Exactly exactly coercive. And now we used to think that

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<v Speaker 3>false or false admissions or unreliable admissions would only come

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<v Speaker 3>about by harsh interventions, harsh interviewing styles, so literally beating somebody,

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<v Speaker 3>assaulting them, depriving the depriving them of food, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>for days, electric shock treatment, all sorts of deprivation, and.

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<v Speaker 1>That level of coercion.

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<v Speaker 3>Has high incidents of people agreeing to whatever's put to

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<v Speaker 3>them because they just can't take it anymore.

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<v Speaker 1>And the belief is so they go.

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<v Speaker 3>Into it, denying the offending that as the pressure builds

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<v Speaker 3>and is sustained, they give up and they admit to

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<v Speaker 3>whatever's been put in front of them under the belief

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<v Speaker 3>that that pressure or that coercion will stop having done that.

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<v Speaker 3>And we used to think that it would be brutality

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<v Speaker 3>that would essentially make people confess in that context. What

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<v Speaker 3>we now know, and we've known for a while now

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<v Speaker 3>through research and experience, is that it could be far

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<v Speaker 3>more subtle than that inducement being offered, a bribe being offered.

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<v Speaker 3>If you confess, this interview can stop and or you

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<v Speaker 3>can get to go home and be with your family.

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<v Speaker 3>Inducements like that can make people admit to all sorts

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<v Speaker 3>of things that later they retract.

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<v Speaker 2>When it comes to I suppose police interviews, where does

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<v Speaker 2>the blind blur I guess when it comes to being

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<v Speaker 2>approachable and cordial versus being a bit too matey, when

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<v Speaker 2>does it blur into coerciveness?

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<v Speaker 3>So to speak, Well, you use the word mate It

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<v Speaker 3>should never be matey police interviews.

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<v Speaker 1>Never matey.

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<v Speaker 3>If the police have reason to believe that somebody is

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<v Speaker 3>a suspect for a crime, and that's the reason that

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<v Speaker 3>they're questioning you, it ought to never be matey. That

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<v Speaker 3>the police have their own processes and so they ought

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<v Speaker 3>to be in uniform. Your bill of rights need to

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<v Speaker 3>be read to you. You need to be very clear

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<v Speaker 3>on that, and part of that is you don't need

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<v Speaker 3>to make a statement, and that's important that you can

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<v Speaker 3>speak to your lawyer without delay, that you understand these

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<v Speaker 3>conditions that the police approach should never be matey. It

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<v Speaker 3>needs to be the lines need to be well to

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<v Speaker 3>find that you are there because you are a suspect

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<v Speaker 3>for X offense, So my view being mate being chummy

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<v Speaker 3>that can create problems of reliability.

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<v Speaker 1>Further down the track, how long.

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<v Speaker 2>Do you think is too long when it comes to

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<v Speaker 2>a police interrogation or propose we're calling them police interviews now.

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<v Speaker 3>I mean, look, I read police interviews most weeks of

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<v Speaker 3>my career, not for this purpose, not necessarily because there's

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<v Speaker 3>questions about the reliability of confessions, but just to read

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<v Speaker 3>the evidential interviews that an offender or complainant has made.

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<v Speaker 3>And I have to say that overwhelmingly I see excellent

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<v Speaker 3>police processes in their questioning, and they take great care

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<v Speaker 3>around instructing the suspect around their rights. So what we

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<v Speaker 3>call the Bora rights there the museum full of rights,

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<v Speaker 3>and they have regular breaks. And I don't think an

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<v Speaker 3>interview should go on for hours. It shouldn't go one

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<v Speaker 3>if it's obvious that the suspect is fatigued. But often

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<v Speaker 3>there's obviously an asymmetry of power. If you're in a

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<v Speaker 3>police interview and you could ask somebody, you know, how

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<v Speaker 3>are you Are you going okay?

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<v Speaker 1>You're happy to continue?

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<v Speaker 3>And the person might say yes, yes, I'm happy to continue,

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<v Speaker 3>but that they are doing that, they're saying that to

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<v Speaker 3>try and please the interviewer. I think it's a good

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<v Speaker 3>process for the police to insist on breaks and say, look,

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<v Speaker 3>we'll stop now and offer the person you know, a

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<v Speaker 3>drink or coffee or smoke if they do and just

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<v Speaker 3>have a break. And in my experience, the police are

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<v Speaker 3>quite good at doing that and institutes reasonable breaks. But

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<v Speaker 3>I don't think an interview should go one for hours.

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<v Speaker 3>I don't think it should go on late into the night.

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<v Speaker 3>Definitely shouldn't have gone overnight. Fatigue and the like can

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<v Speaker 3>be an impediment to a good interview.

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<v Speaker 1>Go ahead.

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<v Speaker 4>It's four declamatory sentences followed by a question for a

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<v Speaker 4>total of fifty seven words. Okay, it's look. It obviously

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<v Speaker 4>starts with you the right to remain silent. I know

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<v Speaker 4>you've heard them beforn, and then I think it sounds

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<v Speaker 4>something like, yeah, well the thing, yeah, oh right, do

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<v Speaker 4>you have the right to remain an attorney?

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<v Speaker 1>Did you say that you have the right to be

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<v Speaker 1>an attorney. You do have the right to be an

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<v Speaker 1>attorney if you want to do so.

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<v Speaker 2>You mentioned something. What rights do you have when you

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<v Speaker 2>are being interviewed or interrogated by police? So you have

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<v Speaker 2>the right to remain silent? Is that just not in

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<v Speaker 2>the movies?

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<v Speaker 3>It's definitely not in the movies. So you don't need

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<v Speaker 3>to make a statement. And you can start to make

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<v Speaker 3>a statement and then decide that you want to stop

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<v Speaker 3>making that statement, and that is okay. You can ask

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<v Speaker 3>to speak to a lawyer at any time and without delay,

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<v Speaker 3>and in private. If you're a child, if you are

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<v Speaker 3>sixteen or under, you can have a support person in

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<v Speaker 3>there with you of your choosing. Doesn't need to be

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<v Speaker 3>your parents to be somebody of your choosing.

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<v Speaker 2>When it comes to false confessions, what do you think

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<v Speaker 2>are some really good examples It could be from overseas

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<v Speaker 2>or even here in New Zealand, about how things have

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<v Speaker 2>gone wrong and how they've been fixed.

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<v Speaker 3>Before I even talk about toilples, I'll tell you how

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<v Speaker 3>how I got into the area. But you have to

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<v Speaker 3>remember a couple of things I prefer to call in

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<v Speaker 3>my working practice, I refer to them as retracted confessions,

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<v Speaker 3>not false confessions, because just because a confession is retracted,

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<v Speaker 3>it doesn't mean it's false. And ultimately, you know that

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<v Speaker 3>the court is the decision maker, and it's for the

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<v Speaker 3>courts to decide whether somebody's statement is unreliable not and

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<v Speaker 3>ultimately whether it is false or not if it goes

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<v Speaker 3>that far. That's not the role of an expert in

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<v Speaker 3>somebody such as myself. What I do is I give

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<v Speaker 3>an opinion on it. Then I give an opinion on

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<v Speaker 3>a balance of probabilities. The other thing is that when

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<v Speaker 3>I give an opinion one way another and whether I'm

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<v Speaker 3>saying it is in my opinion reliable or unreliable, the

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<v Speaker 3>opposite side, so whether I'm instructed by the crime or

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<v Speaker 3>the defense, the other side will have the opportunity to

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<v Speaker 3>get their own expert to review my work and give

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<v Speaker 3>their own opinion. And that can even happen as many

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<v Speaker 3>as two, three, four or five experts, you know, in

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<v Speaker 3>a case. So that's I think really important for people

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<v Speaker 3>to understand. It's not that you get one expert and

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<v Speaker 3>they decide. We give an opinion and that's open to

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<v Speaker 3>scrutiny and cross examination. Like it's always the court that

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<v Speaker 3>will make the decisions on that. But look that there's

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<v Speaker 3>been a lot of high profile cases nationally and internationally.

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<v Speaker 3>Probably the highest profile one here in New Zealand is

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<v Speaker 3>the Taina Poorer case where he made various statements that.

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<v Speaker 1>Were found unreliable.

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<v Speaker 3>In the UK, I was always interested in cases from

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<v Speaker 3>the seventies. You've got the Guildford Four, the Birmingham Six,

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<v Speaker 3>and these were very high profile cases at the time

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<v Speaker 3>where these individuals were accused of IRA bombings and they

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<v Speaker 3>had very dubious police interviewing, the elicited admissions that were

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<v Speaker 3>then retracted that these people were found guilties and years

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<v Speaker 3>in jail. I think the Birmingham six sixteen years in

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<v Speaker 3>prison always maintained the innocence and then eventually those convictions

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<v Speaker 3>were overturned. But the way I got into this in

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<v Speaker 3>New Zealand was very early on in my career. I

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<v Speaker 3>had a routine assessment looking at the issue of fitness

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<v Speaker 3>to stand trial and this person had been accused of

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<v Speaker 3>child sexual offending. But what was really interesting was he

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<v Speaker 3>turned up to the police station on his own accord

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<v Speaker 3>and he made these disclosures and the police of course

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<v Speaker 3>did what they had to do. And part of their

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<v Speaker 3>investigation is they went to speak to the complainant and

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<v Speaker 3>the complainant said that not only had this never happened,

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<v Speaker 3>she didn't even know who the accused was, had never

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<v Speaker 3>come across him, and of course they checked all of

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<v Speaker 3>that out, that they felt that because he'd made this admission,

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<v Speaker 3>that they had to charge him. And it was early

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<v Speaker 3>in my career, you know, and the circumstances of this

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<v Speaker 3>whole thing concerned me, and I remember speaking to the

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<v Speaker 3>law and said, look, in terms of his fitness to

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<v Speaker 3>stand trial, there are no issues there. He's a bit

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<v Speaker 3>to stand trial, but I'm concerned about the reliability of

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<v Speaker 3>this admission. And that lawyer, who's very good, got his

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<v Speaker 3>own independent expert to look into this issue. And what

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<v Speaker 3>it was found was, you know, this person had boadline

0:15:19.760 --> 0:15:22.920
<v Speaker 3>intellectual functioning, so from memory, I don't think he had

0:15:22.960 --> 0:15:25.640
<v Speaker 3>intellectual disability, that he wasn't far from it. So he

0:15:25.680 --> 0:15:30.880
<v Speaker 3>had cognitive limitations. And basically he was living with some

0:15:31.000 --> 0:15:37.120
<v Speaker 3>friends and they I think there'd been some issues on

0:15:37.160 --> 0:15:41.120
<v Speaker 3>their side in terms of their own offending histories, and

0:15:41.680 --> 0:15:44.600
<v Speaker 3>they had said to him he'd mentioned a girl or

0:15:44.640 --> 0:15:47.800
<v Speaker 3>somebody that he'd seen, and they basically said to him

0:15:48.240 --> 0:15:51.000
<v Speaker 3>that they put the accusations to him and said that

0:15:51.040 --> 0:15:53.400
<v Speaker 3>the right thing for him to do would be for

0:15:53.480 --> 0:15:56.320
<v Speaker 3>him to go and make this admission, and he did

0:15:56.360 --> 0:16:00.840
<v Speaker 3>that to please them, to be part of the friendship circle.

0:16:01.240 --> 0:16:03.520
<v Speaker 3>And it was that case, as I say, very early

0:16:03.560 --> 0:16:05.440
<v Speaker 3>on in my career that got me interested in this

0:16:05.600 --> 0:16:08.280
<v Speaker 3>and that was why I started reading, you know, quite

0:16:08.280 --> 0:16:13.600
<v Speaker 3>extensively about it, and it sort of became an interest

0:16:13.640 --> 0:16:16.680
<v Speaker 3>theory of mine and have been unvoult in furious cases.

0:16:16.400 --> 0:16:20.240
<v Speaker 1>Over the years. Than that. Thanks for joining us, most welcome.

0:16:22.960 --> 0:16:26.200
<v Speaker 2>That's it for this episode of The Front Page. You

0:16:26.240 --> 0:16:30.120
<v Speaker 2>can read more about today's stories and extensive news coverage

0:16:30.160 --> 0:16:34.240
<v Speaker 2>at enzdherld dot co dot nz. The Front Page is

0:16:34.320 --> 0:16:37.720
<v Speaker 2>produced by Jane Ye and Richard Martin, who is also

0:16:37.920 --> 0:16:42.400
<v Speaker 2>our editor. I'm Chelsea Daniels. Subscribe to the Front Page

0:16:42.440 --> 0:16:46.040
<v Speaker 2>on iHeartRadio or wherever you get your podcasts, and tune

0:16:46.080 --> 0:16:49.120
<v Speaker 2>in tomorrow for another look behind the headlines.