WEBVTT - Sean Kelly on the right’s identity crisis

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Daniel James and you're listening to seven AM. The

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<v Speaker 1>Liberal Party is locked in a very public power struggle.

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<v Speaker 1>The coalition has broken apart, and one nation is on

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<v Speaker 1>the rise. What's emerging isn't just a shift in support.

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<v Speaker 1>It's something deeper, a realignment of the conservative side of politics,

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<v Speaker 1>with broader ramifications for Australian politics that we're only beginning

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<v Speaker 1>to understand. Today. Political columnist and former Labor advisor Sean

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<v Speaker 1>Kelly on what's breaking inside conservative politics, what it means

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<v Speaker 1>for the government and what comes next. It's Saturday, January

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<v Speaker 1>thirty one. Sean always good to see. This week, Andrew

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<v Speaker 1>Hasty and Angus Taylor meant in a leafy album suburb

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about who might challenge for the leadership.

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<v Speaker 2>Andrew Hasty and Angus Taylor have met face to face,

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<v Speaker 2>flanked by senior members of Susan Lee's front bench. Our

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<v Speaker 2>political reporter Ruben Spargo is live with me in the

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<v Speaker 2>studio and the meeting occurs just hours before a memorial

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<v Speaker 2>for former MP Katie Allen, ye Angus Taylor and Andrew.

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<v Speaker 1>Yesterday, Andrew Hasty announced he wouldn't challenge because he doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>have enough support for now. So what does it say

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<v Speaker 1>about where the Liberal Party is at that these two

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<v Speaker 1>were the two men putting their hands up.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, I mean, firstly, it suggests what we've known for

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<v Speaker 3>a long time, which is that Susan Lee was never

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<v Speaker 3>going to be given a real chance to lead the party,

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<v Speaker 3>despite the fact that she stood up to the Nationals,

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<v Speaker 3>which is what all Liberals in fact have been saying

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<v Speaker 3>is exactly what she should have done. So despite the

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<v Speaker 3>fact she did apparently the right thing, in the eyes

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<v Speaker 3>of the Liberals, she's still under a men's pressure. And

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<v Speaker 3>really this has been the case ever since she took

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<v Speaker 3>the job. There was a sense in large parts of

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<v Speaker 3>the party that this was never going to be a

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<v Speaker 3>long term proposition. That's a difficult spot for the Liberals

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<v Speaker 3>because of course she is a female leader. There is

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<v Speaker 3>a sense that the party has a problem with women

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<v Speaker 3>and this is certainly not going to help them with that.

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<v Speaker 3>The other thing that is worth noting about the contest

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<v Speaker 3>between Angus Taylor and Andrew Hasty is that there's a

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<v Speaker 3>little bit of a kind of symbolic split there, and

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<v Speaker 3>the divide is between an older version of the Liberal

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<v Speaker 3>Party kind of John Howard version of the Liberal Party,

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<v Speaker 3>and I should say this, I think is Angus Taylor's

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<v Speaker 3>to some extent self serving framing of the contest, but

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<v Speaker 3>nonetheless there is some truth to it. It's that kind

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<v Speaker 3>of older style of Liberal with a conservative economic approach.

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<v Speaker 4>Deficits are up, spending is up, taxes are up. But

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<v Speaker 4>the one thing that he is down and collapsed is

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<v Speaker 4>Australian standard of living that's fallen more than ever before

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<v Speaker 4>any history, more than any of our.

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<v Speaker 3>Andrew Hasty representing the new direction of the Liberal Party

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<v Speaker 3>position further to the right, very conservative, very conservative on

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<v Speaker 3>social issues, really a kind of cultural war liberal.

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<v Speaker 5>We have a problem with radical Islamic theology. And I

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<v Speaker 5>think one of the areas that we really need to

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<v Speaker 5>look at is immigration. And numbers are one thing, but

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<v Speaker 5>I think who we bring into our country is really important.

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<v Speaker 3>But also, as some other people have pointed out, I

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<v Speaker 3>think there is a much more significant rift opening up

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<v Speaker 3>over exactly the party's relationship to its history and the

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<v Speaker 3>party's relationship to economics and the current economic model which

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<v Speaker 3>has really governed Australia for the last few decades.

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<v Speaker 1>We'll keep it on that one of the un folds,

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<v Speaker 1>but let's talk about the Nationals. They're about to have

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<v Speaker 1>a spill themselves, with one backbencher challenging for the leadership

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<v Speaker 1>because he says they face political oblivion if they don't

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<v Speaker 1>get back together with the Liberal Party. Is he writer,

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<v Speaker 1>the national is basically done if that doesn't happen.

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<v Speaker 3>Yes, certainly, that's what we're seeing in the polling. In fact,

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<v Speaker 3>according to Newspoll, one Nation is polling ahead of the

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<v Speaker 3>entire coalition, not just the Nationals. But that certainly means

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<v Speaker 3>they're likely to be very competitive with the Nationals in

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<v Speaker 3>some seats if an election were held right now. So

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<v Speaker 3>the Nationals see themselves in this contest with one Nation,

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<v Speaker 3>and that is driving a lot of their attempts to

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<v Speaker 3>differentiate themselves from the Liberals. Arguably it's driven this split

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<v Speaker 3>within the coalition. But the problem for the Nationals, while

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<v Speaker 3>trying to differentiate themselves from one Nation, or rather trying

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<v Speaker 3>to differentiate themselves from the Liberals and compete with one Nation,

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<v Speaker 3>they're forgotten that their largest advantage over one Nation is

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<v Speaker 3>that they have been a party of government in the coalition.

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<v Speaker 3>They could deliver change, they could deliver funding to their electorates.

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<v Speaker 3>If they're not in a coalition, that advantage vanishes, and

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<v Speaker 3>suddenly they simply compete with one nation on how well

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<v Speaker 3>they appeal to voters on their issues. And the difficulty

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<v Speaker 3>for the Nationals here is that so much of politics

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<v Speaker 3>has become about grievance, so much of politics has become

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<v Speaker 3>about polarization and identity and indicating that you're on one

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<v Speaker 3>team or another, and in that contest, to go further

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<v Speaker 3>to the right, to indicate that you are an absolutist

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<v Speaker 3>in certain ultra conservative ways. One nation can always do

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<v Speaker 3>better than the nationals, or certainly it has historically, and

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<v Speaker 3>so it's hard to see exactly what the Nationals can

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<v Speaker 3>gain in the long term from this split.

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<v Speaker 1>Long the term, Sean, what does the rupture on the

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<v Speaker 1>right of politics in this country mean for our politics

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<v Speaker 1>more broadly from left to right? How does this reshape

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<v Speaker 1>the political landscape in this country?

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<v Speaker 3>Well, I mean probably the dominant effect is that it

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<v Speaker 3>has every chance of meaning that just isn't a viable

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<v Speaker 3>opposition in the near future. Now I'm not saying that's

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<v Speaker 3>necessarily the case. Anything can change in politics, but the

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<v Speaker 3>current environment, and it's been this case for a while,

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<v Speaker 3>really is that the Liberal Party, the Coalition is not

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<v Speaker 3>providing a strong opposition. That means there isn't a lot

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<v Speaker 3>of pressure on labor, and that means that Anthony Albaneasi

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<v Speaker 3>is much closer to his professed goal of making labor

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<v Speaker 3>the natural party of government.

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<v Speaker 6>What we're seeing is real indulgence from what used to

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<v Speaker 6>be called the coalition, but from people who simply don't

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<v Speaker 6>like each other. And if you can't govern yourselves, I

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<v Speaker 6>don't see how you can be an alternative government of

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<v Speaker 6>the country.

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<v Speaker 3>Is that a good thing? Lots of people, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>lots of labor people would of course say yes. Part

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<v Speaker 3>of the answer to whether that is a good thing

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<v Speaker 3>comes in whether you think the Labor Party is doing enough.

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<v Speaker 3>And I think there is always an argument that a

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<v Speaker 3>country benefits when you have a strong government and a

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<v Speaker 3>strong opposition. That actually, whatever your political beliefs, you need

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<v Speaker 3>an opposition which is taking it up to the government

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<v Speaker 3>in certain ways, which is holding the government accountable certain ways,

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<v Speaker 3>and we certainly don't have that at the moment. I

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<v Speaker 3>think that is an issue for the country overall.

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<v Speaker 1>Coming up. Has one nation's popularity peaked sean one nation

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<v Speaker 1>is reaping the benefits of this shift right now, So

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<v Speaker 1>why is that? What are the conditions that allow one

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<v Speaker 1>nation to thrive as they are at the moment.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, well, one of them arguably is coalition chaos, but

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<v Speaker 3>there are also real structural forces which drive support for

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<v Speaker 3>one nation. David mar wrote a quarterly essay about Paul

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<v Speaker 3>in House in One Nation ten years ago, and he

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<v Speaker 3>identified a few causes. Nostalgia was one, concerned for law

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<v Speaker 3>and order was another. But there were two really big ones,

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<v Speaker 3>and they're not very surprising. One is being anti immigration.

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<v Speaker 3>Some of that can be antipathy towards migrants, some of

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<v Speaker 3>it might be racism. Some of it is racism, yeah.

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<v Speaker 3>And then the other is distrust of government. And what

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<v Speaker 3>we've seen over recent years is rises in both of

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<v Speaker 3>those things. We know, distrust of government, distrust of institutions

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<v Speaker 3>has been on a rising trend line for quite some time,

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<v Speaker 3>you know, some variations, but that's been the overall direction

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<v Speaker 3>of travel. Migration. Meanwhile, and this is interesting and I

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<v Speaker 3>think quite disturbing. Ten years ago, one third of Australian

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<v Speaker 3>said that migration was too high. It is now over

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<v Speaker 3>half of us who say migration numbers are too high.

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<v Speaker 3>Now you could say that some of that is particularly

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<v Speaker 3>of this moment, and that is because migration numbers were

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<v Speaker 3>particularly high after COVID. But it meant that retric on

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<v Speaker 3>the Coalition side really amped up about migration and of

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<v Speaker 3>course within one nation as well, and it meant that

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<v Speaker 3>labor as well. We're talking about bringing down migration numbers. Now,

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<v Speaker 3>the truth is we do rely on migration in this country.

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<v Speaker 3>We rely on skilled migration in this country. We know

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<v Speaker 3>that we have a number of skilled shortages and we

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<v Speaker 3>are going to continue to rely on skilled migration for

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<v Speaker 3>a very long time to come. But you do have

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<v Speaker 3>the parties, the major parties united really in talking about

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<v Speaker 3>a general aim of bringing migration down since those years,

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<v Speaker 3>and of course that tends to amplify that message out

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<v Speaker 3>to voters as well. That is tied to another issue.

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<v Speaker 3>It is tied to the economy and very specifically to housing,

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<v Speaker 3>and you can see really strong efforts by Andrew Hasty

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<v Speaker 3>in particular to link these issues with quite dramatic rhetoric.

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<v Speaker 5>Now Labour talk about how housing supply crisis, but this

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<v Speaker 5>is a housing demand crisis driven by unsustainable immigration. It's

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<v Speaker 5>that simple, and Deputy Speaker, we must act that overseas

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<v Speaker 5>migration must come down. Our first allegiance is to all

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<v Speaker 5>Australian citizens and making sure they have a roof over

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<v Speaker 5>their heads.

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<v Speaker 3>There was an Instagram post where he was absolutely talking

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<v Speaker 3>about housing and immigration levels the Coalitions.

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<v Speaker 2>Andrew Hasty says high immigration is starting to make Australians

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<v Speaker 2>feel like strangers in their own home.

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<v Speaker 3>Which echoed a famous speech from sixty years ago a

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<v Speaker 3>British politician in our Powell termed the rivers of Blood speech.

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<v Speaker 3>I think calling back to rehetrick like that is as

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<v Speaker 3>a fairly strong thing to do, and we don't know

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<v Speaker 3>yet whether that's the peak of the rhetrick we're going

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<v Speaker 3>to hear, or whether it's just the first move and

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<v Speaker 3>it's going to become much more extreme from there.

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<v Speaker 1>It's often said that compulsory voting protects Australia from Trump

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<v Speaker 1>style politics. Do you think that holds true? Look, I have.

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<v Speaker 3>Become more and more suspicious of this argument. I think

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<v Speaker 3>it makes sense when we simply look at Australia right now,

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<v Speaker 3>we say, well, Australia hasn't quite gone down the path

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<v Speaker 3>of Donald Trump and authoritarian far right governments. Yet, therefore,

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<v Speaker 3>what is different about Australia. We say, well, compulsory voting

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<v Speaker 3>is different, as strong Australian electoral commission is different, Therefore

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<v Speaker 3>those things must be the difference. But that's really correlation,

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<v Speaker 3>not necessarily causation. And when you turn the question around

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<v Speaker 3>and you say, well, do we think Donald Trump or

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<v Speaker 3>somebody like him would not have risen in America if

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<v Speaker 3>America had compulsory voting, if America had a better American

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<v Speaker 3>electoral commission, Well, I don't think that's the case. I

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<v Speaker 3>don't think that those elements would have stopped the rise

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<v Speaker 3>of Donald Trump. I think what we're really seeing is

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<v Speaker 3>a strong reaction in America to a broken system to

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<v Speaker 3>assist on which inequality has been allowed to run absolutely rampant.

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<v Speaker 3>And in Australia we become too complacent when we think

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<v Speaker 3>compulsory voting is going to save us all from a

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<v Speaker 3>similar fate. Labor Front bencher Andrew Lee has warned that

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<v Speaker 3>within a generation we will hit American levels of inequality,

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<v Speaker 3>and so I just can't see that if we hit

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<v Speaker 3>those levels of inequality, we won't see a similar reaction here.

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<v Speaker 3>And we should take that very seriously, especially when one

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<v Speaker 3>nation are already polling. It's not an election, but still

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<v Speaker 3>it's significant. Are already polling not in one poll, but

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<v Speaker 3>in a number of polls now at incredibly high levels.

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<v Speaker 3>That is saying something to us, at the very least

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<v Speaker 3>about the distrust of our major parties. And we should

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<v Speaker 3>remember as well that while we've been focusing on the

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<v Speaker 3>coalition of this discussion, public support for the two major

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<v Speaker 3>parties combined has been falling for years and years and

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<v Speaker 3>years now. That indicates that people think there is a

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<v Speaker 3>problem in the way that we are being governed. And

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<v Speaker 3>that suggests to me that any party that is in

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<v Speaker 3>government needs to think very seriously about addressing the economic

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<v Speaker 3>issues in this country. Yes, they can take short term

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<v Speaker 3>measures of attempting to bring immigration down, an attempt to

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<v Speaker 3>meet voters' concerns in those ways to some extent, but

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<v Speaker 3>that that is a band aid that ultimately issues like

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<v Speaker 3>housing are going to have to be addressed in a

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<v Speaker 3>very substantive way.

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<v Speaker 1>Sean, I'm an absolutionist when it comes to the quality

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<v Speaker 1>of your contribution to the show. Thank you so much

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<v Speaker 1>for your time. Thanks Daniel. Now before you go, I

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<v Speaker 1>wanted to let you know about an extra episode we've

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<v Speaker 1>released today. It's an essay I've written about the homemade

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<v Speaker 1>bomb that was straaten into a crowded protesters at the

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<v Speaker 1>Invasion day Ralliant Perth. It's about while we've heard so

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<v Speaker 1>little coverage on this, when there's been no shortage lately

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<v Speaker 1>of talk in this country about hate, where it resides,

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<v Speaker 1>and how it should be named and who should be

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<v Speaker 1>disciplined for it. But when Ooriginal people are targeted with

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<v Speaker 1>an explosive device in a public square, the response barely registers.

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<v Speaker 1>Lives are not valued on the same scale. I hope

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<v Speaker 1>you'll take the time to listen to it. Seven Am

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<v Speaker 1>is a daily show from Solstice Media. It's made by

0:14:26.120 --> 0:14:31.680
<v Speaker 1>Atticus Bastow, Ari R. Richards, Christine Gate, Crystal Color, Nicole Johnston,

0:14:32.160 --> 0:14:38.840
<v Speaker 1>Sarah mcvee, Travis Evans, Zoonveno and me Daniel James. Our

0:14:38.920 --> 0:14:41.360
<v Speaker 1>theme music is by Ned Beckley and Josh Hogan of

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<v Speaker 1>Envelope Portio. This has been seven Am. Thanks for listening.