WEBVTT - Trump's ‘peace’ plan for Gaza

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Ruby Jones and you're listening to seven am. At

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<v Speaker 1>a press conference at the White House, Donald Trump and

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<v Speaker 1>Benjamin Etna, who unveiled a twenty point proposal they say

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<v Speaker 1>could end the war in Gaza immediately after nearly two

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<v Speaker 1>years of bombardment and growing international pressure. At its core,

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<v Speaker 1>the proposal states mus must release all hostages, disarm, and

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<v Speaker 1>have no role in Gaza's future, while Israel would not

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<v Speaker 1>commit to a full withdrawal, keeping the right to re

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<v Speaker 1>enter Gaza and establishing a security footprint within the Strip.

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<v Speaker 1>The plan also includes creating a so called Board of Peace,

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<v Speaker 1>chaired by Donald Trump himself to oversee the transition, but

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<v Speaker 1>it leaves many questions unanswered, including how Gaza would be

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<v Speaker 1>governed and whether Palestinian statehood is even on the cards today.

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<v Speaker 1>Senior diplomatic correspondent for Half Post Akbasha hid Ahmed on

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<v Speaker 1>how this plan outsources Gaza's future and gives leverage to Israel.

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<v Speaker 1>It's Wednesday, October one. So this is a big, big day,

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<v Speaker 1>a beautiful day, potentially one of the great days ever

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<v Speaker 1>in civilization. So Donald Trump and Benjamin ya who have

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<v Speaker 1>just announced what they are calling a peace plan for Gaza.

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<v Speaker 1>Can you just start by telling me what they've said.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, it's a striking plan. Essentially, Na Nyahu and Trump

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<v Speaker 2>unveiled a proposal that said Hamas would have to within

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<v Speaker 2>Sandy two hours, agree to a series of stats to disarm,

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<v Speaker 2>release hostages, accept the release of falsten In prisoners in exchange,

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<v Speaker 2>and it would have to give up on a lot

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<v Speaker 2>of its quartermands for previous agreements.

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<v Speaker 3>To end the war, Hamas will be disarmed, Gaza will

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<v Speaker 3>be demilitarized, Israel will retain security responsibility, including a security

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<v Speaker 3>perimeter for the foreseeable future. And lastly, Gaza will have

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<v Speaker 3>a peaceful civilian administration that is rut neither by Hamas

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<v Speaker 3>nor by the Palestinian authority.

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<v Speaker 2>It that tracks suddle the most extreme demands that we've

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<v Speaker 2>seen earlier in the Trump administration. So, for instance, it

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<v Speaker 2>doesn't say that Palestinians have to move en mass out

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<v Speaker 2>of Gaza. It says that they can choose to say

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<v Speaker 2>there if they want to. But in a lot of ways,

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<v Speaker 2>it's a plan that's quite tilted Sillian savor as well.

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<v Speaker 2>In the US. So, for instance, this new agreement that

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<v Speaker 2>Trump and a Nia who have put out would say,

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<v Speaker 2>we're not going to talk about a full Israeli withdrawal

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<v Speaker 2>from Gaza as part of a compromise in the war.

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<v Speaker 1>I have a feeling that we're going to have a

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<v Speaker 1>positive answer. But if not, as you know, maybe you'd

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<v Speaker 1>have mar fall back in to do what you would

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<v Speaker 1>have to do.

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<v Speaker 2>It's also an agreement that Trump and Nttnil, who are

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<v Speaker 2>both linked to immense threats, saying by going to go

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<v Speaker 2>through with further bombardment, which is really hard for Balactinians

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<v Speaker 2>to kind of understand just from a point of view

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<v Speaker 2>if that's been intense bombardment.

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<v Speaker 1>So what is in the proposal that who would actually

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<v Speaker 1>take control of Gaza.

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<v Speaker 2>So the idea of the control of Gaza in this

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<v Speaker 2>kind of true speriod is an international stabilization force overseen

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<v Speaker 2>by a board run by President Trump, but with involvement

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<v Speaker 2>from Arab states, from Tony Blair, the architect, of course

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<v Speaker 2>of British involvement in the Iraq War, a disastrous US

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<v Speaker 2>foreign policy move in two thousand and three that many

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<v Speaker 2>people in the region still think about frequently. So these

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<v Speaker 2>kind of figures would be involved.

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<v Speaker 1>The leaders of the Arab world and Israel and everybody

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<v Speaker 1>involved asked me to do this, so it would be

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<v Speaker 1>headed by a gentleman known as President Donald J.

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<v Speaker 4>Trump of the UN.

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<v Speaker 2>It really quite resembles the international security force that's been

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<v Speaker 2>put in place to run the aid operation of Gaza,

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<v Speaker 2>and that's been hugely controversial and really not quite successful.

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<v Speaker 2>More than one hundred and seventy non governmental organizations operating

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<v Speaker 2>in Gaza have called for the immediate end of the

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<v Speaker 2>US and Israeli backdaid distribution scheme. And I just invite

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<v Speaker 2>folks to consider that. You know, President Biden himself and

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<v Speaker 2>many US officials have said repeatedly that a big part

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<v Speaker 2>of why October seven itself happened is because of this

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<v Speaker 2>kind of rush to treat Israel Palestigne as an issue

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<v Speaker 2>without a Palestinian voice, as an issue that the Arab power,

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<v Speaker 2>Saudi Arabia, Israel, the US could just deal with.

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<v Speaker 4>Right.

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<v Speaker 1>So, there is a lot in this proposal that might

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<v Speaker 1>make it difficult for not just Hamas, but for Palestinians

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<v Speaker 1>in general to accept, particularly Donald Trump's role in having

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<v Speaker 1>direct oversight. So how do you think that will land?

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<v Speaker 4>Look?

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<v Speaker 2>The pedestal people are not unaware of Donald Trump's past

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<v Speaker 2>record and statements around their rights stas determination.

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<v Speaker 3>Right.

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<v Speaker 2>This is someone who in his first presidency gave Israel

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<v Speaker 2>huge amounts of power, access, recognition and never gotten before.

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<v Speaker 2>So there's not a lot of trust thet right if

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<v Speaker 2>you have Donald Trump at the at the head. And

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<v Speaker 2>of course in this presidency he's talked about a riviera

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<v Speaker 2>in Gaza, the Gaza Strip as a sort of seafront

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<v Speaker 2>water development, which is a chilling way ruby to really

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<v Speaker 2>talk about a war zone and probably the most devastated

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<v Speaker 2>war zone of the twenty first century.

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<v Speaker 4>Be cute.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't want to be a wise guy, but the

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<v Speaker 1>riviera of the Middle East, this could be something that

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<v Speaker 1>could be so bad, This could be so magnificent.

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<v Speaker 2>That said, there's a real kind of reliance on Arab

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<v Speaker 2>states and Arab powers to be the key forces here

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<v Speaker 2>to united our memirates. And they have the money, don't

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<v Speaker 2>necessarily have the manpower, I think that's the real question, right,

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<v Speaker 2>And will they necessarily put their own forces in there?

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<v Speaker 2>Or when they're talking about Palatinians security forces, who will

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<v Speaker 2>they hire? Will they be welcomed by the local population.

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<v Speaker 2>These are all kind of really really tough questions, especially

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<v Speaker 2>when You're talking about a population of two point two

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<v Speaker 2>million people who have felt so beleeded and so abandoned

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<v Speaker 2>by the world. So the plan talks about Hamas Hammas

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<v Speaker 2>leaders and fighters disarming and committing to having no future

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<v Speaker 2>role in the governments of Gaza. It talks about Israel's

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<v Speaker 2>freedom of action and this idea that Israel will forever

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<v Speaker 2>be able to go in and out whenever it wants

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<v Speaker 2>to have a military operation. But it gives really the

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<v Speaker 2>tiniest lip service towards any future for the Palestinians in

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<v Speaker 2>terms of their own self determination. And that's the real

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<v Speaker 2>sticking point at the Hawks.

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<v Speaker 1>Review, coming up the threats underpinning.

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<v Speaker 3>The plan, I think we should understand that we're giving

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<v Speaker 3>everybody a chance to have this done peacefully, something that

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<v Speaker 3>will achieve all our war objectives without any further bloodshed.

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<v Speaker 3>But if Hamas rejects your plan, mister President, or if

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<v Speaker 3>they supposedly accept it and then basically do everything to

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<v Speaker 3>counter it, then Israel will finish the job by itself.

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<v Speaker 3>This can be done the easy way, or it can

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<v Speaker 3>be done the hard way.

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<v Speaker 1>Will be done Akba Trump and Ntya who have said

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<v Speaker 1>that if Hamas does not sign on to this plan,

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<v Speaker 1>then the bombardment will continue. So what kind of pace

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<v Speaker 1>plan is it under those conditions.

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<v Speaker 2>It's interesting because I think talking to people in the

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<v Speaker 2>Trump administration, there is a real appetite and a desire

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<v Speaker 2>to see a resolution, right, But it's weirdly constricting with this,

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<v Speaker 2>with the sense of we can offer pressure on or

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<v Speaker 2>question Israel in any way.

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<v Speaker 1>Right.

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<v Speaker 2>So you haven't seen the Trump administration, any officials or

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<v Speaker 2>President Trump talked about limiting military support to Israel, And

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<v Speaker 2>so as long as you as military funding and aid

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<v Speaker 2>and weaponry continue to flow, I don't really see how

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<v Speaker 2>there's a real possibility of pressure, right, which has been

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<v Speaker 2>the kind of missing factor. Of course, Hamas has been

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<v Speaker 2>brutal towards hostages, began the war, through its brutal up

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<v Speaker 2>to over sudden attack. But but two years and now

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<v Speaker 2>and the US is kind of the determining factor Latin.

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<v Speaker 2>The Trump administration has kind of hoped that rhetoric will

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<v Speaker 2>make them different than the Biden administration, and they're realizing

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<v Speaker 2>now ten months in that's not enough.

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<v Speaker 1>I just wanted to talk a bit about the promise

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<v Speaker 1>for aid because that's one of the other things that

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<v Speaker 1>is mentioned in this plan that should it go ahead,

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<v Speaker 1>there will be full aid immediately sent to Gaza. But

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<v Speaker 1>is that really an admission that you know aid is

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<v Speaker 1>being withheld right now?

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<v Speaker 2>Well, I think you've hit a nail on the head Ruby,

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<v Speaker 2>because every time that AID is kind of put forward

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<v Speaker 2>as a plus point or a concession in a piece seal,

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<v Speaker 2>that's essentially saying that aid, which is a requirement for

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<v Speaker 2>any civilian agia conventions, that's essentially saying it's been used

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<v Speaker 2>as bargainship. People in Gaza are so desperate and the

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<v Speaker 2>you know eight groups will tell you us, local medical

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<v Speaker 2>workers will tell you this, there's a desire to just

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<v Speaker 2>say whatever it takes, get supplies in.

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<v Speaker 3>Right.

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<v Speaker 2>But what we've seen, especially from the model that the

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<v Speaker 2>trumplementistation has implemented, which is really backing since me the

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<v Speaker 2>glassa humanitarian foundation, we've seen thousands of Palestinians killed while

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<v Speaker 2>trying to reach aid. We've seen that A provisions have

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<v Speaker 2>not been the actual nutritious provision, right. It hasn't been

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<v Speaker 2>high protein, high fiber, that kind of thing that actually

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<v Speaker 2>helps people feel nourished. So when you're talking about a

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<v Speaker 2>at this point, if there's not a guarantee of neutral,

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<v Speaker 2>internationally distributed age that is fairly shared. I think even

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<v Speaker 2>that is it's kind of a stretch to put faith in.

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<v Speaker 1>And can we talk a little more about self determination

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<v Speaker 1>in Palestinian statehood, because it was, you know, just a

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<v Speaker 1>couple of weeks ago that Benjamin Netnyahu said that they

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<v Speaker 1>would be no Palestinian state and he still continues to

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<v Speaker 1>say that. He's also laying out plans to expand settlements

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<v Speaker 1>in the West Bank. And while he was announcing this

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<v Speaker 1>plan this week, Trump called Palestinian recognition foolish. However, the

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<v Speaker 1>plan does mention the idea of working towards Palestinian statehoods.

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<v Speaker 1>So I suppose, in the context of what's being said

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<v Speaker 1>and what's being written down, is it at all credible

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<v Speaker 1>to think that that is actually something that could come

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<v Speaker 1>out of this plan.

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<v Speaker 2>That's kind of trially as to this the quick long

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<v Speaker 2>term is historically the US has of course said to

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<v Speaker 2>say solution, we support it, moves towards it have been

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<v Speaker 2>really tough for the US to take, and we haven't

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<v Speaker 2>seen kind of Palastinian autotomy be implemented medium term, especially

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<v Speaker 2>in the last kind of Tenuyeres net Nahoo. He has

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<v Speaker 2>made denying Palestinian statehood his ultimate promise two days really right,

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<v Speaker 2>and so this has become this of defining Mo as

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<v Speaker 2>an Israeli politician and as we have to remember, the

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<v Speaker 2>longest serving prime minister in Israeli history. And then just

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<v Speaker 2>in the short term, they talk about the Palastinian Authority,

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<v Speaker 2>which is internationally backed, eventually being able to take over

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<v Speaker 2>if it takes certain particular reforms. What we've seen is

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<v Speaker 2>that the Palestinian Authority a has through its own kind

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<v Speaker 2>of sclerotic and unrepresentative leadership, not reformed, and b even

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<v Speaker 2>to degrees to which it has changed and reformed, has

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<v Speaker 2>not kind of met the standards that international partners of

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<v Speaker 2>want to see. Some Palaestinians see that as as kind

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<v Speaker 2>of a sense of it'll never be enough. You know,

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<v Speaker 2>we can give you everything you ask for, and you

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<v Speaker 2>really just don't want to give us any autonomy Under

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<v Speaker 2>this plan, there's a real sense of let's just kick

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<v Speaker 2>the sound road a little further right. And really part

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<v Speaker 2>of the plan is is hinging on Ntniahu changing his

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<v Speaker 2>political moo and moving towards a more moderate, less far

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<v Speaker 2>right government, which he has not shown indication to do

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<v Speaker 2>over the last five to ten.

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<v Speaker 1>Years, and Israel has given him Ust seventy two hours

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<v Speaker 1>to agree or not to this plan. So if they don't,

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<v Speaker 1>what do you think we're likely to see happen?

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<v Speaker 2>I mean, I think we're already seeing just an unreal

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<v Speaker 2>decimation of Gaza city. We're seeing continued US backed Israeli bombardment.

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<v Speaker 2>It's hard to know, right, I mean, sort of when

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<v Speaker 2>we just closed un Week one year ago. At un Week,

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<v Speaker 2>the Israeli government assassinated Hassee Masrilla, leader of the his

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<v Speaker 2>Biloa militia and Lebanon, which no one really expected. So

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<v Speaker 2>otherwise I think we're just see an expansion of these

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<v Speaker 2>really offensive that's continued, and of course it is really

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<v Speaker 2>really controversial within Israeli society, beyond being a of course,

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<v Speaker 2>hugely punishing for Parasitians who's left through two years of war.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm both thank you so much for your time.

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<v Speaker 4>Hi, it's Ruby.

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<v Speaker 1>We have a second episode of seven Am in your

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<v Speaker 1>feed today. Doctor Rachel Coglan is an Australian palliative care

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<v Speaker 1>doctor who spent time in hospitals and healthcare facilities in Gaza. Recently,

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<v Speaker 1>she got a lengthy voice message from a friend and

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<v Speaker 1>colleague there about why, after caring for people through two

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<v Speaker 1>years of war, he reluctantly made the decision to finally

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<v Speaker 1>flee Gaza City. It's called What's Left of Gaza's Hospitals,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's in your feed now