WEBVTT - Collapse or coexistence: Avoiding Israel and Palestine's bleakest futures

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<v Speaker 1>Hi. I'm Ruby Jones, and you're listening to seven.

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<v Speaker 2>AM as cease fire negotiations with Hamas stall Israeli Prime

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<v Speaker 2>Minister Benjamin Netnia, who was expected to hold a security.

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<v Speaker 1>Cabinet meeting to finalize a new plan for Gaza. Netnya,

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<v Speaker 1>who has been calling for a full military takeover of Gaza,

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<v Speaker 1>that that plan is highlighting a rift in Israel's government.

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<v Speaker 1>The security meeting has been postponed. Military officials are warning

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<v Speaker 1>it would be dangerous and costly and risk further isolating

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<v Speaker 1>Israel on the international stage. This all comes as the

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<v Speaker 1>International Court of Justice is still weighing South Africa's genocide

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<v Speaker 1>case against Israel. According to the Health ministry in Gaza,

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<v Speaker 1>the death toll has now surpassed sixty one thousand people today.

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<v Speaker 1>Israeli American scholar and professor of Holocaust and genocide studies

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<v Speaker 1>Omer Batov on what constitutes a genocide and why only

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<v Speaker 1>a new paradigm can save Palestinians and Israelis alike. It's Thursday,

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<v Speaker 1>August seventh. Omer I thought we could start with the ICJ,

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<v Speaker 1>the International Court of Justice. It's currently considering the question

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<v Speaker 1>of whether or not Israel is committing genocide against the

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<v Speaker 1>Palestinian people. So, as a scholar of genocide, can you

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<v Speaker 1>tell me exactly what that means?

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<v Speaker 3>So, the ICJ is considering genocide as it is defined

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<v Speaker 3>in the Genocide Convention of nineteen forty eight, and that's

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<v Speaker 3>the only definition of genocide that actually matters in this

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<v Speaker 3>case and in any case of international law. And that

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<v Speaker 3>definician says that genocide are acts committed with the intent

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<v Speaker 3>to destroy a particular group, and that can be an

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<v Speaker 3>ethic group, a racial group, a religious or a national

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<v Speaker 3>group in whole or in part as such. So what

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<v Speaker 3>that means is that in order to find that genocide

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<v Speaker 3>is happening, you have to show two things. You have

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<v Speaker 3>to show that there's a clear intent to destroy a group,

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<v Speaker 3>and secondly, that this intent is being implemented to the

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<v Speaker 3>extent that people who are subjected to genocide are not

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<v Speaker 3>subjected to it as individuals, but as members of the group,

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<v Speaker 3>because the goal is not to kill all the people,

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<v Speaker 3>or name other people, or harm all the people, but

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<v Speaker 3>rather for that group to be destroyed as such.

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<v Speaker 1>And so do you think that Israel's actions now meet

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<v Speaker 1>that definition?

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<v Speaker 3>Well, I think Asrael's actions have met that definition, at

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<v Speaker 3>least as far as I could tell by May of

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<v Speaker 3>twenty twenty four, and the way I saw it because

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<v Speaker 3>I about it's already in November twenty three and I

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<v Speaker 3>wrote an op ed in the New York Times, and

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<v Speaker 3>at the time I argued that it appeared that Israel

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<v Speaker 3>was engaged in war crime and crimes against humanity, and

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<v Speaker 3>that there had been general side of statements by leaders

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<v Speaker 3>of Israel in the immediate aftermath of October seventh.

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<v Speaker 4>We are putting a complete siege on Gaza, no electricity

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<v Speaker 4>in Muzzlim, no food, no water, no gas. It's all

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<v Speaker 4>closed with fighting animals, and are acting accordingly.

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<v Speaker 3>But these could have been interpreted as simply people were

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<v Speaker 3>very really outraged by what happened on October seventh, and

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<v Speaker 3>so you could expect, especially in the political climate and Israel,

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<v Speaker 3>for people to make very strong statements. They appear to

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<v Speaker 3>have a general size of content, and they could also

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<v Speaker 3>have been seen as insight went to soldiers. So in

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<v Speaker 3>that piece at the time I said that this could

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<v Speaker 3>develop into genocide, that my intent was to warn to

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<v Speaker 3>stop things before it happens. By May of the following

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<v Speaker 3>year of twenty twenty four, is very defense for US

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<v Speaker 3>as the IDEA decided to move into Rufa, which is

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<v Speaker 3>the southernmost city of the Gaza Strip, in which about

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<v Speaker 3>half of the population of Gaza was concentrated a million people.

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<v Speaker 5>Israel says it plans to proceed with its planned military

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<v Speaker 5>operations in the southern city of Rafa, that despite two

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<v Speaker 5>separate International Court rulings this week condemning Israel's actions as

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<v Speaker 5>well as the attacks by Hamas.

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<v Speaker 3>And at that point, because the IDEA wanted to move

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<v Speaker 3>into Rufa, it moves all those people, a million people

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<v Speaker 3>to another area along the beach so west of there,

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<v Speaker 3>to the Mawasi area, and then went to Rafa and

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<v Speaker 3>destroyed it. And BIOLOGUSI was the standard. And at that

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<v Speaker 3>point I started examining the following. What is the relationship

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<v Speaker 3>between the statements that were made by these politicians and

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<v Speaker 3>generals immediately after the massacre and the official war goals,

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<v Speaker 3>and the official war goals were to destroy Hamas and

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<v Speaker 3>to release the hostages.

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<v Speaker 6>I've set three war goals. The first is to release

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<v Speaker 6>the hostages, the second is to destroy Hamas, and the

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<v Speaker 6>third is to ensure that Gaza does not pose a

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<v Speaker 6>threat to Israel in the future.

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<v Speaker 3>And it appeared to me by then that the ideas

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<v Speaker 3>was not then and is not now actually engaged in

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<v Speaker 3>an attempt to destroy Hamas and release the hostages, but

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<v Speaker 3>rather to systematically destroy Gaza so as to make it

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<v Speaker 3>entirely and inhabitable for its population, and to the extent

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<v Speaker 3>that it's possible to remove it from the Gaza strip altogether.

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<v Speaker 1>And as well as the country was founded in the

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<v Speaker 1>aftermath of the Holocaust for which the of genocide was created,

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<v Speaker 1>so many people in Israel think that it's impossible that

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<v Speaker 1>the country could ever commit a genocide or be found

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<v Speaker 1>guilty of doing that. So what would a finding like this,

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<v Speaker 1>What would it do to the country, What would it

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<v Speaker 1>mean for Israel and for its government?

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<v Speaker 3>So you know, this is the sort of the paradox

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<v Speaker 3>and the outrage of the whole thing. For many people,

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<v Speaker 3>I think, and for me too, the fact that Israel

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<v Speaker 3>is now engaged in what appears to be a generocide

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<v Speaker 3>or action is an outrage. It's a scandal because it

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<v Speaker 3>does fly in the face of everything that you would

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<v Speaker 3>have wanted to believe in. We have a kind of

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<v Speaker 3>belief that people learn from genocide and the lesson that

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<v Speaker 3>you would draw from having been a victim of one

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<v Speaker 3>is to do everything you can to avoid that from

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<v Speaker 3>happening right or from participating in one. And in fact

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<v Speaker 3>that Israel. For many years, the Holocaust became something else.

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<v Speaker 3>It became a warning of imminent danger, not only something

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<v Speaker 3>to remember and commemorate and research, but also a clear

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<v Speaker 3>and imminent danger that behind every threat to Israel, whether

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<v Speaker 3>real or perceived, whether major or minor, behind the corner

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<v Speaker 3>Auschwitz was lurking. And that created a state of mind

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<v Speaker 3>where the Holocaust is actually a license to violence against others,

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<v Speaker 3>rather than something that would prevent you from ever contemplating

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<v Speaker 3>carrying a genocide out like.

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<v Speaker 1>This, after the break the two very different futures ahead

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<v Speaker 1>for Israel and Palestine, let's talk a little about what

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<v Speaker 1>might come next. For Israel. It's still experiencing significant support

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<v Speaker 1>from powerful allies. So while that is the case, what

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<v Speaker 1>does the future of the country look like?

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, it's hard to say. You know, I'm a story

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<v Speaker 3>and I look back, but I think the future is bleak.

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<v Speaker 3>I can think of two scenarios. Basically, one is likelier

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<v Speaker 3>than the other. The first is that this at some

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<v Speaker 3>point will end it's actually not a war at all

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<v Speaker 3>what is happening in Gaza now because there's no organized

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<v Speaker 3>resistance to what the idea of is doing. It's just

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<v Speaker 3>a campaign of demolition and ethnic cleansing. But this may

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<v Speaker 3>end at some point. But if Israel is unable to

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<v Speaker 3>come to terms with this, if the international community just

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<v Speaker 3>sits back, what this has done to Israeli society itself,

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<v Speaker 3>quite apart from destroying Palestinian society, is that Israel is

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<v Speaker 3>becoming increase seemly violent within its own borders. It will become,

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<v Speaker 3>I think, a fore blown apartheid state. It's become increasingly authoritarian.

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<v Speaker 3>There's a great deal of police violence, not only against

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<v Speaker 3>Palestinians but also against protesters, against people who oppose the government,

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<v Speaker 3>and I think it will become a pariah state. It

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<v Speaker 3>won't be able to survive as such for very long.

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<v Speaker 3>It will implode. What will happen then is hard to say.

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<v Speaker 3>So that's the dire scenario. There is another scenario, which

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<v Speaker 3>is that Israel will be forced because there's no internal

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<v Speaker 3>dynamic in Israel now to force this change, but that

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<v Speaker 3>Israel will be forced by pressures from outside, from its

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<v Speaker 3>own allies. For its own good, to change the political paradigm,

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<v Speaker 3>not out of anti Israeli, sentimental anti Semitism or any

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<v Speaker 3>of that, but rather to save it from its own demons,

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<v Speaker 3>to change the political paradigm, and to seek out a

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<v Speaker 3>waigh for seven million Palestinians and seven million Jews who

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<v Speaker 3>live in that area to share that space, rather than

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<v Speaker 3>to try using bombs to resolve this dispute between them.

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<v Speaker 1>Can you tell me a bit more about what that

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<v Speaker 1>pressure could look like? As you've said, you're historians, so

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<v Speaker 1>what moments in history can we draw from in thinking

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<v Speaker 1>about this.

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<v Speaker 3>You cannot expect the country that's carried out genocide against

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<v Speaker 3>another group too simply after some years to say, Okay,

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<v Speaker 3>we're really sorry about it and we won't do it again.

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<v Speaker 3>There has to be much more of a process. One

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<v Speaker 3>of course, is the example of South Africa. And South

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<v Speaker 3>Africa is important here because South Africa, no one, I

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<v Speaker 3>mean most people anticipated that apartheid would collapse into a bloodbath,

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<v Speaker 3>and that's not what happened. So I would not want

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<v Speaker 3>to idealize South Africa now. It's not an ideal place.

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<v Speaker 3>But the way that apart the Aparthe regime fell was

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<v Speaker 3>a combination of several factors. Two of the most important

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<v Speaker 3>were first, huge pressure on South Africa and second that

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<v Speaker 3>there were people there who could take up this leadership

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<v Speaker 3>and lead their own nation to a distant future. And

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<v Speaker 3>that too is crucial. There's a moment in which you

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<v Speaker 3>need those people and you need to support them, you

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<v Speaker 3>need to stand behind them. And in the case of

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<v Speaker 3>South Africa, the international community played a huge role. And again,

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<v Speaker 3>I mean, if you think about what happened in nineteen

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<v Speaker 3>forty five in Europe, the Allies could have come into Europe,

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<v Speaker 3>into Germany and destroyed it because it thoughts out such

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<v Speaker 3>a terrible war. There could have been a politics of

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<v Speaker 3>retribution and destruction and mass arrest and even genocide, and

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<v Speaker 3>they could have done that. And instead the institute the

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<v Speaker 3>Marshall Plan and rebuilt Germany. And that's why you became

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<v Speaker 3>what it is today. And so you can see that

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<v Speaker 3>vision and generosity and understanding that you cannot go back

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<v Speaker 3>to the past, that you must build something new actually

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<v Speaker 3>can work. It's not just some kind of you know,

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<v Speaker 3>liberal pipe dream. It has actually worked in the past,

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<v Speaker 3>and it could work in the Middle East as well.

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<v Speaker 3>Most people, most is rarely Jews and most Pedestinians don't

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<v Speaker 3>want to live in this kind of reality that they're

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<v Speaker 3>living in now. They don't love it. They would like

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<v Speaker 3>to see a different future, but nobody is offering it

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<v Speaker 3>to them.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, for something like that to work, you need outside pressure,

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<v Speaker 1>but you also need people within those countries to be

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<v Speaker 1>willing to push for that kind of change. So how

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<v Speaker 1>do you see that happening? Given the state of the

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<v Speaker 1>relationship between Israel and Palestine.

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<v Speaker 3>There is a group of Pedestinians and Jews, Israeli Jews

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<v Speaker 3>who have been thinking now for several years, since started

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<v Speaker 3>before October seventh, of a different way of rethinking this.

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<v Speaker 3>Because so many politicians always say, well, we'll support the

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<v Speaker 3>two state solution, it's a kind of fig leaf to saying, well,

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<v Speaker 3>we'd like to see something, and the two state solution

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<v Speaker 3>as it is now seen is not going to happen.

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<v Speaker 3>This group is thinking about the creation of a consideration

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<v Speaker 3>between Israel and Palestine, two sovereign states that would be

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<v Speaker 3>in consideration with each other. They would have open borders,

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<v Speaker 3>and they would make a distinction between citizenship and residents,

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<v Speaker 3>so that people could be citizens of one state and

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<v Speaker 3>live in the other, but they would vote and be

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<v Speaker 3>politically active in the state of their nationality. There is

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<v Speaker 3>a lot of creative thinking behind that, and I think

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<v Speaker 3>that countries like Australia, like Norway, like Germany can actually

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<v Speaker 3>help the people who are trying to put together these plans,

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<v Speaker 3>who are trying to advertise them to the rest of

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<v Speaker 3>the world, together with pressure on Israel itself. I'm trying

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<v Speaker 3>to be hopeful. Of course, this is not something that

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<v Speaker 3>would happen tomorrow, but if they were international assistants, combined

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<v Speaker 3>with real pressure on its role, with economic pressure, so

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<v Speaker 3>that people would know that if they continue on this path,

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<v Speaker 3>they will become increasingly isolated, I think something at least

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<v Speaker 3>we can see that not as the opportunity that Israeli

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<v Speaker 3>policymakers saw October seventh as, which was the opportunity to

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<v Speaker 3>destroy Pedestinian existence in Gaza, but rather as an opportunity

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<v Speaker 3>to change entirely the relationship between Jews and Pedestinians in

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<v Speaker 3>that region.

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<v Speaker 1>Oma, thank you for your time, Thank you very much.

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<v Speaker 1>Also in the news today, US President Donald Trump indicated

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<v Speaker 1>he would not interfere with possible Israeli plans to occupy

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<v Speaker 1>the entirety of the Gaza Strip. Asked about reports of

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<v Speaker 1>a potential military takeover of Gaza, Donald Trump stated it

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<v Speaker 1>was pretty much up to Israel, saying his administration's focus

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<v Speaker 1>was on increasing food access to Palestinians. And An indigenous

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<v Speaker 1>group has launched an appeal to prevent the construction of

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<v Speaker 1>a stadium that would be used for the twenty thirty

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<v Speaker 1>two Olympics in Brisbane. It follows the Queensland government fast

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<v Speaker 1>tracking legislation to override fifteen environmental and Heritage Acts in

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<v Speaker 1>order to build the stadium. The Yugara Mrganjin Aboriginal Corporation

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<v Speaker 1>lodged a protection application with the federal government, saying the

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<v Speaker 1>site contains stories, ancient trees and possible ancestral remains and

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<v Speaker 1>Ruby Jones. This is seven am. Thanks for listening.

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<v Speaker 2>A blow of money